596 research outputs found
Uno scettico humiano? Bruno Celano e il pluralismo dei valori
Analisi del value pluralism di Bruno Celano
Blue State. Leoni e l'anarco-capitalismo populista
Reinterpretazione di Bruno Leoni come precursore dell'anarco-capitalismo
El Engrupe en La Cápsula del Rock Local
La Cápsula del Rock Local fue un microprograma de FM Universidad - 107.5, destinado a novedades, adelantos e historias del rock de la región con las voces de sus protagonistas. Salía al aire, cada entrega, varias veces por semana, desde el 2011 hasta 2013. Idea, realización y conducción: Juan Barberis.
En la Cápsula 006 se presenta el disco Mundo loco de la banda El Engrupe caracterizada por un especial modo de mixturar ritmos del Río de la Plata como el tango y el candombe, e integrada por Horacio Quiroga en voz y guitarra, Bruno Pianzola en bandoneón, Sebastián Cavilla en bajo y voz, y Julia Raffo en violín y violoncelo. Los temas que se escuchan con "Mundo loco" y La Nueva York".Idea, realización y conducción: Juan Barberis
Locución: Federico Aimetta
Edición: Diego CarreraRadio Universidad Nacional de La Plat
Sette domande a Bruno Celano, in “Materiali per una storia della cultura giuridica”, 2005, 1, pp. 185-190;
Ferrajoli, or neo-constitutionalism not taken seriously
Esta última contribucción de Ferrajoli al debate sobre el (neo)constitucionalismo requiere cinco críticas: primero, el enfoque deductivista coherentemente adoptado por el autor desde Teoría assiomatizzata del diritto hasta Principia iuris deja muy poco espacio para la interpretación y la argumentación en el razonamiento jurídico; segundo, el propio problema de la relación entre derecho y moral no está verdaderamente discutido por él; tercero, cuarto y quinto, el mismo enfoque deductivista fuerza a Ferrajoli a reducir los principios a reglas, a ignorar el papel democrático que podría cumplir una ponderación actuada por el legislador y no por el juez, y a resolver de una discutible manera monista el problema pluralista del conflicto entre derechos.This Ferrajoli’s last contribution to debate on (neo)constitutionalism deserves five criticism: first, deductivist approach coherently adopted by the author from Teoria assiomatizzata del diritto to Principia iuris leaves too little a stance for interpretation and argumentation in legal reasoning; second, the very problem of law-morals relations is not discussed but eluded by him, fourth and fifth, the same deductivist approach must constrain Ferrajoli to reduce principles to rules, to ignore the democratic role that could be carried out by a legislative and no-judicial balancing, and to provide a dubious monist answer to the pluralist question of conflict among rights
Brexit, Trump e governo giallo-verde. Tre esempi di populismo digitale
We talk about populism, in particular in the digital sense that I believe the scholars should privilege, starting from three events: Brexit, Trump administration, Yellow-green government in Italy. This paper shows how in all three cases the internet was decisive. In the Brexit case, a typical example of digital populist opposition, the profiling and micro-targeting techniques were decisive for Leave to win the referendum. In the Trump case, a typical example of populist government, the occupation of the media through the use of Twitter was even more decisive than Russiagate and Cambridge Analytica. Finally, in
the case of the Italian Yellow-green government, Facebook’s callous use was decisive for the rise of the Salvini’s League and the fall of Five Stars Movement.
In the face of all this, the Author believes that Western elites have three obligatory paths: at the very least, to use the Internet better than their opponents; as a maximum, to tackle the major socio-economic problems that fuel populist resentment; as an intermediate yet most urgent solution, the Internet must be regulated
Diritto e morale: la discussione odierna
Four philosophies of law are compared and discussed in this paper: natural law, legal positivism, legal realism, ans neo-constitutionalism. Each of them is defined upon its answers to three questions: one regards objectivity or subjectivity of ethical (i.e. moral, political, legal) value judgements, another one refers to legal interpretation, and the main one to the relationships between law and morality. Natural Law is thus characterised by (i) ethical objectivism, (ii) interpretive formalism, and (iii) the idea that law and morality are necessarily connected. Positivism stands for (i) ethical subjectivism, (iii) mixed theory of legal interpretation, and (iii) the separability thesis. Legal realism – which is, to some extent, a mere radicalisation of positivistic views – is chacterised by (i) ethical subjectivism, (ii) interpretive scepticism, and (iii) the separation thesis. Neo-constitutionalism holds (i) ethical objectivism, (ii) interpretive formalism, and (iii) the view that law and morality are anyhow connected in a constitutional state (thus making the debate between natural law and positivism outdated). Each of the four philosophies of law is then articulated into its respective theoretical, methodological and ideological aspects. This is how the author points to certain similarities between the opposite standpoints, and to some plurality of views inside of every one of them. He stresses furthermore the challenges for particular views on law and morality with the final analysis of three interpretations of the separability thesis – given by inclusive, exclusive and normative positivists. The paper is published here in Italian original and in Slovenian translation
Idola securitatis: una postilla a La violenza e il sacro
Drawing on René Girard’s anthropology of sacrifice, and on a book of the present author, the essay propose a three-fold analysis of securitarian politics. Even a rough analysis of the alleged balances between liberty and security, indeed, shows they results are neither suitable nor necessary nor proportionate in order to increase national, public and even individual security. If one wants to explain such results, therefore, a third level of analysis must be adopted, in addition to the explicit motivation of rulers (to promote security) and their hidden goals (gain support and power, take advantage of the security business). Terrorism and security politics, just like the Witch Hunt and Nazi Holocaust, cannot be fully explained if one does not approach them from the anthropological perspective of (human) sacrifice
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