1,725,626 research outputs found
Introduzione: Gramsci e le Relazioni internazionali
No full textCapitolo introduttivo alla curatela, suddiviso in quattro sezioni:
- Gramsci, le Relazioni internazionali e la Storia
- Il recupero del pensiero gramsciano negli studi di International Political Economy (Ipe)
-Ipe neogramsciana, rapporto interno-esterno e ruolo dei paesi in via di sviluppo
-Idee, potere e mutamento: i limiti dell'ortodossia coxiana e l'invito alla 'cross-fertilization' Dalla Prefazione al libro (G. Schirru): 'L'ampia e documentata introduzione di Mario Del Pero ed Eugenia Baroncelli, assieme ai riferimenti bibliografici contenuti nei singoli saggi, possono offrire al lettore gli strumenti per approfondire singoli aspetti della letteratura scientifica, o settori di analisi che sono rimasti maggiormente in ombra nelle nostre scelte.
Flavio Baroncelli, Mi manda Platone, edited by Annalisa Siri and Emilio Mazza (Genoa: il melangolo, 2009)
No full textA review of Flavio Baroncelli, Mi manda Platone, edited by Annalisa Siri and Emilio Mazza (Genoa: il melangolo, 2009
Il commercio tra Stati Uniti ed Unione Europea: la norma delle democrazie commercianti e le sue eccezioni
No full textAlle soglie del nuovo millennio, la relazione economica tra Stati Uniti ed Unione Europea è la prima al mondo per livello di integrazione, e quella a maggior peso relativo sul complesso dei rapporti economici globali. L’ascesa della Cina ha tuttavia modificato le geometrie di potere entro il sistema economico globale, impattando anche sugli scambi interalleati. Cionondimeno, e anche scontando il calo seguito alla pandemia da Covid-19, il commercio USA-UE rappresentava nel 2020 il maggior flusso di interscambi in beni sul totale degli scambi USA con il resto del mondo, un dato attribuibile alla preferenza – duratura nel tempo – per l’apertura. La tariffa media aggregata sugli scambi UE-USA è infatti oggi inferiore al 3%, mentre le loro dispute commerciali impattano sul 2% circa degli scambi (Baroncelli 2021). L’egemonia statunitense negli anni del boom economico, e le necessità politiche del bipolarismo nuclearizzato, hanno permesso all’America di adottare infatti una postura di leader liberale illuminato, promotore del libero scambio per intrinseche ragioni di convenienza strategica (Baroncelli 2003). Motivazioni realiste (interessi di sicurezza) si sono accompagnate a motivazioni liberali (comunanza di idee ed interessi economici) nella costruzione del più ampio sistema di scambi attualmente in essere. Alla ‘norma dell’apertura tra alleati’ e a quella delle ‘democrazie commercianti’, si sono tuttavia alternati periodi di restrizione, o esplicita chiusura da entrambe le parti. Questo capitolo esamina le più rilevanti tra le eccezioni statunitensi alla norma dell’apertura tra alleati transatlantici, mettendole a confronto e rintracciandone sinteticamente le cause. La prospettiva statunitense qui adottata è funzionale all’analisi delle traiettorie passate e delle opportunità future disponibili alla maggiore potenza globale e indiscusso leader tra le liberal-democrazie a industrializzazione matura. Pur non mancando riferimenti ad eventi pre-1991, il capitolo si concentra principalmente sulle le relazioni commerciali USA-UE dalla Presidenza di G.W. Bush alla Amministrazione Biden, evidenziando continuità e discontinuità della politica commerciale statunitense nei confronti dell’Europa.At the beginning of the new millennium, the US-EU trade relationship tops world rankings: it is the most integrated and ranks first in terms of relative weight on total world economic exchanges. China’s ascendancy has modified the distribution of economic power in the global economic system though, exerting an impact on inter-allied trade as well. Nonetheless, and even discounting the decline which followed the Covid 19 pandemic shock, in 2020 the US-EU trade still topped the list of bilateral trade shares on world totals. The datum can be tracked to an enduring preference for openness. The average aggregate tariff on EU-US trade is currently less than 3% (Baroncelli 2021). The US hegemony during the years of the economic boom, and the needs of nuclear diplomacy under bipolarity, have enabled the US to behave as an enlightened liberal leader, supporter of free trade for its own strategic needs (Baroncelli 2003). Realist considerations (security interests) have been coupled with liberal aspirations (ideational and economic convergence) towards the building of the widest and best integrated system of economic exchanges to date. The norms of ‘inter-allied openness’ and that of ‘trading democracies’ have however been interspersed with periods of restriction or outright closure from both sides. This chapter explores, compares and seeks to explain the occurrences of US deviation from the transatlantic norm of inter-allied openness. The choice of the US point of view serves the purpose of analyzing past trajectories and future opportunities available to the major global power and liberal leader of industrialized countries with mature democratic regimes. While reference is made also to pre-1991 events, the chapter focuses primarily on US-EU trade relations between the presidencies of G.W. Bush to the Biden Administration, to track persistence and change in the US trade policy towards Europe
Italian Political Science Review
No full textEditors: Fabio Franchino, Università degli Studi di Milano, Italy; Amie Kreppel, University of Florida, USA (2020)
Founding Editor: Giovanni Sartori
Managing Editor: Camilla Mariotto, Università degli Studi di Milano, Italy
Editorial Board: Eugenia Baroncelli, Università di Bologna, Italy; Giovanni Carbone, Università degli Studi di Milano, Italy; Marco Clementi, Università di Pavia, Italy; Lorenzo De Sio, LUISS Guido Carli, Italy; Francesca Longo, Università degli Studi di Catania, Italy; Fortunato Musella, Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II, Italy; David Natali, Università di Bologna, Italy
Dal 2019: Editors Martin Bull, University of Salford, UK.
Filippo Tronconi, University of Bologna, ItalyISSN: 0048-8402 (Print), 2057-4908 (Online)
Established in 1971 by Giovanni Sartori, Italian Political Science Review is acknowledged as the flagship publication of the Italian political science community, contributing greatly to its growth and development. Over four decades on from its launch, IPSR/RISP continues to publish high quality and original peer reviewed research by leading political scientists and the best young scholars, from Italy and around the world.
IPSR/RISP embraces all approaches to political science research, without restriction to any particular theory, method or topic. Whether theoretical or empirical, articles should seek to engage with current debates and disciplinary developments. Contributions are welcome from all subfields, including Italian politics, European politics, comparative politics, political behaviour, political theory, political economy, political methodology, public administration, public policy and international relations.
Publishing three fully English-language issues per year, IPSR/RISP employs a strict double-blind peer-review process
Conflict and regional integration between Pakistan and India. An inquiry into the economic gains and the “peace dividend” from SAFTA
No full textSince partition in 1947, when they both gained their independence from Great Britain, India and Pakistan have become sovereign states along opposite sides of a militarized border. In this book Eugenia Baroncelli traces the evolving connection between inter-state violence and trade in Pakistan-India relations. Based on a gravity model of international trade, the book discusses the impact of war on bilateral trade from 1948 to 2000. Ongoing militarized disputes have significantly reduced Pakistan-India trade, leading to a fourfold decrease in expected flows in war years. Trade diplomacy through regional preferences has however engendered some optimism on the future relations between the two countries, as indicated by the trade gains that can be expected from the implementation of SAFTA (South Asian Free Trade Area). Nonetheless, trade gains from preferences are more contained compared to trade gains from shifting to a peaceful environment. Moreover, trade gains appear endogenous to security relations, so that their realization is conditional upon reduced tension in high level diplomacy between the two countries. While the potential of trade dividend from peace is great, so are the challenges that still stand in the way of Pakistan and India’s peace building through commercial diplomacy
The World Bank in the post-crisis landscape: Stasis and change after the post-Washington Consensus
No full textSince the second half of the 2000s, the post- Washington Consensus world
has witnessed a round of crises of systemic proportions (food, fuel, fi nancial),
which have prompted the World Bank (WB) to undertake reforms at multiple
levels (governance, policies/ programmes, organizational). In some cases, these
changes have been the continuation of ongoing processes. In other, they have
responded to, and have been subsequently influenced by, the challenges posed
by those exogenous shocks.
While positive results have been achieved in some areas, critics have argued
that the World Bank has lost grip on Global Economic Governance (GEG)
(Gilbert et al 1999 ; Kapur 2015). Based on a theoretically informed review of
grey literature, this chapter provides a structured framework to discuss these
contentions. The chapter builds on previous and ongoing research on WB’s
reforms (Baroncelli 2011, 2013, 2018) conceptualizing policy and institutional
changes in light of the 2008– 2010 International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development’s voice and participation reform, arguing that stasis in
the Bank’s constituent politics (i.e. the absence of a major redistribution in
shareholding rights) was instrumental to preserving the role of traditional
donors while at the same time increasing the power of some Emerging Market
Economies (EMEs) without touching the delicate Board equilibrium between
developing and developed countries. The article also discusses post- 2008
changes in lending, policy and programme practices of the whole World Bank
Group (WBG), arguing that these have occurred along multiple mechanisms,
with the organization’s learning from past experiences, and adapting with
remarkable speed to evolutions in the external environment
IPE and the study of global crises: making sense of complexity in dire times
No full textTo map relevant themes, problems and approaches to the study of system-wide economic turning points, this chapter adopts a backwards timeline, first discussing how the main political actors have responded to the crisis of 2007-2008. Attention is particularly placed on actors, sectors, behaviour and policies (who, what), across governance levels (where, domestic-supra-international), causal mechanism (why) and time (when). The focus is then moved to outcomes and, particularly, logics that have informed political responses at the international level. Elaborating on the link between the (relative degree of) global coordination and post-crisis systemic persistence, the chapter critically reviews the main IPE, CPE and economic academic contributions on the topic, raising the issue of crisis’ endogeneity, on both epistemological and policy grounds. Building on the conceptualization of crises as endogenous variables, the analysis is then moved back in time to the micro- and macro-foundational paths that those literatures have elaborated upon to explain the origins of the 2007-08 crisis and its subsequent developments, during the Great recession. Connecting political causes and responses, the chapter deepens the focus on short and long run priors, first, and political actions-outcomes, then, in two selected cases in US policy (the anti-cyclical response of the US administrations in several macroeconomic and financial policies, respectively, between 2008 and 2013) . The two short probes are used to shed light on the relative goodness of ‘boom-bust’ models advanced in economic, IPE and CPE literatures to study responses to global crises. Discussing the post-crisis missing run against the US dollar, a notable case of non-response to the recent global shock, the analysis further problematizes the exceptionality narrative. Country and region-specific factors (Eurozone weakness, strategic and security priorities of major Emerging Market Economies- hereinafter EMEs), as well as system-wide dynamics (network and node properties of US, European and EMEs financial markets) have concurred to explain the enduring centrality of the US dollar, strengthening the case for methodological pluralism and inter-disciplinary approaches to the study of global crises. To conclude, the chapter indicates where cross-fertilization may bring further progress in the study of coordinated responses to the 2008 crisis
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