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Lutsi speakers and rememberers in the late 20th and early 21st centuries
Get PDFThis article describes the language of the last speakers of Lutsi as well as their family background and the sources of their language knowledge, in order to show the paths by which Lutsi language knowledge – even if only of a fragmentary sort – has survived up to the present day. The language knowledge of these last speakers is described using observations taken from the field notes and memories of other researchers as well as from my own encounters with them. This information is placed in a historical and regional context by providing a detailed overview of the historical extent of the Lutsi community, theories about Lutsi origins and how this connects with the memory of Lutsi families and observed language variation within the Lutsi speech area, changes in Lutsi speaker numbers and language use, and the history of Lutsi documentation and the observations of the researchers who documented them.
Kokkuvõte. Uldis Balodis: Lutsi keele kõnelejad ja mäletajad 20. ja 21. sajandi vahetusel. Lutsi keelt räägiti mitu sajandit Kagu-Lätis Ludza linna ümbritsevates valdades ja külades. Lutsi keel ja kultuur said tähtsaks osaks nii Latgali kui ka kogu Läti kultuuriajaloost. Lutsi keel on ühendanud Eestit ja Lätit ning saanud nende ühise pärandi sümboliks. Selle artikli esimeses osas kirjeldatakse lutsi keele uurijate (Oskar Kallas, Heikki Ojansuu, Paulopriit Voolaine, August Sang) mälestusi ja tähelepanekuid ajast, kui seda keelt veel räägiti igapäevaselt. Artikli teises osas antakse ülevaate Põlda valla Jaani küla Nikonovide perekonnast, kes olid viimaseid lutsi keele oskajaid. Samuti vaadeldakse viimaseid lutsi keelepärandi kandjaid tänapäeval – nn mäletajaid –, käsitledes nii nende elulugusid kui ka teadmisi lutsi keelest.
Kokkovyteq Lutsi kielehn. Uldis Balodis: Lutsi kiele kynelejaq ni mälehäjäq 20. ni 21. sā-āstaga vaihtusel. Mitu sā-āstakka kyneldi lutsi kīlt Ludzi ümbre valdohn ni küllihn. Lutsi kīļ um nī Lätkalihn ku kaq kȳ Lätihn kultūri aolū tähtsä oza. Lutsi kīļ um kaq tähtsä köüdüs Läti ni Ēstimā vaihel ni noide ütidze perändüze tunnismärķ. Sjōl kirotuzel um katș ossa. Edimädzehn ozahn ma selledä lutsi kiele ūŗjide (Oskar Kallas, Heikki Ojansuu, Paulopriit Voolaine, August Sang) mälehüizi ni tähelepandmizi aost, ku tūd kīlt vīl egä päiv kyneldi. Tȳz̦ ehn ozahn tī ülekaehuze Pylda valla Jāni külä Nikonovi perrest, kohn elliq perämädze lutsi kiele myistjaq. Ma ka kynele perämädzist Lutsi inemizist tǟmbädzel pǟväl – nm mälehäjidest –, kiä viļ tīdväq veidüq lutsi kīlt, ni kaq noide elolūst ni kiele tīdmizest
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Yuki Grammar
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Non-modal phonation associated with stød vowels in Livonian
Get PDFLivonian is unique among the Finnic languages in possessing a two-way tonal contrast in primary stressed syllables. Observed already in the earliest linguistic descriptions of Livonian, this two-way contrast between stressed syllables with stød (also called broken tone) and plain tone closely resembles the tonal system of Latvian with which Livonian has been in close long-term contact. This paper describes a pilot study, which used six measurements of spectral tilt (h1-h2, h1-F1, h1-F2, h1+h2/2-F1, h1-F3, F2-F3) to determine whether Livonian stød was associated with any non-modal phonation, specifically creaky voice. Spectral tilt is the degree to which intensity decreases as frequency increases (Gordon and Ladefoged 2001). Earlier researchers (e.g., Vihman 1971) have noted that stød vowels tend to be laryngealised, therefore, creaky voice is a likely candidate for non-modal phonation associated with stød. The method in this study is based on that used by Esposito (2004) in her similar study of Santa Ana del Valle Zapotec. The study used data from archival recordings of Pētõr Damberg, a speaker of the East Dialect of Courland Livonian from the village of Sīkrõg, and focused on measurement of CVV syllables containing either [ǭ] or [ō] (IPA: [o̞ː] and [oː]).Kokkuvõte. Uldis Balodis: Mittemodaalne fonatsioon liivi keele katketooniga sõnade vokaalides. Liivi keel on läänemeresoome keelte seas mõneti ainulaadses olukorras, kuna sõnade pearõhulistes silpides ilmneb tonaalne vastandus. Juba varasemad liivi keele kirjeldused on näidanud, et selles vastanduvad katketoon ehk stød ja püsitoon. Toonisüsteemi poolest on liivi keel sarnane läti keelega, millega liivi keel on olnud pikaajalises kontaktis. Käesolevas artiklis uuritakse, kas liivi stød on seotud mittemodaalse fonatsiooniga, eriti nn käriseva häälega (creaky voice). Selle kindlaks tegemiseks mõõdeti spektrikallet (spectral tilt) kuuest punktist (h1-h2, h1-F1, h1-F2, h1+h2/2-F1, h1-F3, F2-F3). Spektrikalle on aste või punkt, kuhu intensiivsus võib sageduse suurenedes tõusta (Gordon and Ladefoged 2001). Käesolevas uurimuses kasutatud meetod põhineb samal meetodil, mida kasutas Esposito (2004) oma uurimuses Santa Ana del Valle Zapotec kohta. Ainestik on pärit idaliivi keelejuhilt Pētõr Dambergilt (Kuramaalt Sīkrõgi külast). Analüüsitud materjal sisaldas CVV esisilbiga sõnu, kus esinesid pikad vokaalid [ǭ] või [ō] (IPA: [o̞ː] ja [oː]). Varasemad uurimused (nt Vihman 1971) on näidanud, et stødiga vokaalid kalduvad olema larüngaliseeritud, mistõttu võib stødi puhul kärisevat häält seostada mittemodaalse fonatsiooniga, seda osutavad ka selle artikli tulemused.Märksõnad: toon, stød, katketoon, fonatsioon, spektrikalle, kärisev hääl, liivi keelKubbõvõttõks. Uldis Balodis: Līvõ kīel īžkillijizt äbmodāli fonātsij katkāndõksõks sõņši. Līvõ kēļ um īžki vāldamiersūomõ kīeld siegās, sīest ku sīe ežmis zilbsõ võib vȱlda kakš tūoņõ (katkāndõks agā murdtõd tūoņ ja tazzi/ nūziji tūoņ). Siedā kūlizt jõvā ežmizt līvõ kīel tuņšlijizt. Līvõ kīel ja lețkīel tūoņõd sistēmõd ātõ väggi ītizt, sīest ku nänt rõkāndijizt ātõ kōgiņ jellõnd īdtuoiz kūoral. Sīes tuņšlimizõs um kȭlbatõd kūd spektõr vändit (engliš kīels spectral tilt) aigõ (h1-h2, h1-F1, h1-F2, h1+h2/2-F1, h1-F3, F2-F3). Sīen um sēļțamõst, või līvõ kīel katkāndõks um mingi eņtšvīți fonātsij tīp. Spektõr vändit um āiga, mis nägțõb, kui pǟgiņ kildzit sadāb, až sagdit nūzõb (Gordon ja Ladefoged 2001). Jedmilizt tuņšlimizt (ngț. Vihman 1971) ātõ nägțõnd, ku katkāndõksõks īžkillijizt jūs um lieudtõb laringalizātsij, ja keržiji ēļ sugūb äbmodālizõst fonātsijst. Sīe tuņšlimiz pierāst kȭlbatõd metod um seļļi īž nemē Esposito (2004) kȭlbatiz Santa Ana del Valle zapotek kīel tunšlimiz pierāst. Tuņšlimiz materjalõks ātõ Kurāmō idālīvõ murd rõkāndijiz Pētõr Damberg tekstõd (Damberg vȯļ Sīkrõg kilāst). Analīz pierāst sait võttõd sõnād CVV ežmiz zilbõks, missõs āt pitkād īžkillijizt [ǭ] agā [ō] (IPA: [o̞ː] ja [oː])
Expeditions among the Lutsi Estonians and the design of Language Learning Materials
Get PDFThe Lutsi Estonians (Lutsis) are a historically South Estonian-speaking minority that has inhabited a network of more than 50 villages in the historical rural parishes of Pilda, Nirza, Brigi, and Mērdzene surrounding the city of Ludza, in the Latgale region of eastern Latvia, for at least three to four centuries. Between 2013 and 2016, I received funding from the Kone Foundation to document the present state of the Lutsis and to write a Lutsi language primer for Latvian speakers. The first part of this paper gives an overview of previous work on Lutsi followed by a description of the present state of the population of Lutsi descendants as I found it during the period of my Kone-funded research. The second part of this paper describes the Lutsi language primer, beginner’s grammar reference, and dictionary, which were the other main products of this research and discusses plans for their future use. The first extensive documentation of the Lutsis, their culture, and language was undertaken by researcher Oskar Kallas in 1893. Relatively substantial subsequent documentation of Lutsi was carried out over subsequent decades as the Lutsi population continued to be assimilated primarily into the Latvian speakers of their home region. The last fluent speaker died in 2006 and the last known passive partial speaker died in 2014. Presently, some fragmentary knowledge of Lutsi survives among descendants; however, the Lutsi Estonians today have shifted entirely to using Latvian, and less frequently also Russian, as their primary language
Introductory survey of the South Estonian language islands
Get PDFThe South Estonian language islands – Leivu, Lutsi, Kraasna – are three historically South Estonian-speaking exclaves located not only beyond the borders of Estonia, but also geographically separated from the main body of South Estonian speakers for at least several centuries. Two of these communities – Leivu and Lutsi – were located in present-day Latvia. The third community – Kraasna – was located near the northernmost Lutsi communities – only about 35 kilometres distant across the present-day Latvian border in Russia. This article acts as an introduction to the studies in this volume by describing the history and current state of the communities at its focus. It gives an overview of the location of the language island communities, their origins, linguistic status, and self-identity as well as provides a survey of their research history dating from its beginnings in the late 19th century to the present.
Kokkuvõte. Uldis Balodis, Karl Pajusalu: Sissejuhatav ülevaade lõunaeesti keelesaartest. Lõunaeesti keelesaared – Leivu, Lutsi, Kraasna – on kolm ajaloolist lõunaeestikeelset enklaavi, mis ei jää üksnes väljapoole Eesti piire, vaid mis on olnud Lõuna-Eesti põhialast eraldatud vähemalt mitu sajandit. Kaks nendest keelesaartest – Leivu ja Lutsi – asuvad tänapäeva Lätis. Kolmas keelesaar – Kraasna – paiknes teisel pool Läti piiri Venemaal, jäädes põhjapoolsest Lutsi asualast ainult u 35 kilomeetri kaugusele. Artikkel tutvustab sissejuhatavalt selle erinumbri artiklite teemasid, kirjeldades lõunaeesti keelesaarte ajalugu ja praegust olukorda. Esitatakse ülevaade keelesaarte asendist ja päritolust, keelelisest staatusest, kõnelejate identiteedist ning ka uurimisloost 19. sajandist tänaseni
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Get PDFThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
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