76 research outputs found
Historical Writing During the Reign of Shah ‘Abbas: Ideology, Imitation, and Legitimacy in Safavid Chronicles. Salt Lake City, University of Utah Press, 2000, xiii + 197 p., tables, appendices, index.
No full textHistorical Writing During the Reign of Shah ‘Abbas by Sholeh Quinn is the first book-length treatment of the complex and multifaceted subject of Safavid historiography. The author points out that an analysis and comparison of Safavid court chronicles would shed valuable light on the various manifestations of Safavid dynastic ideology. Of course the Safavids rank as one of the more malleable ruling families in terms of self-legitimation, cloaking themselves with a variety of genealogies, titul..
Historical Writing During the Reign of Shah ‘Abbas: Ideology, Imitation, and Legitimacy in Safavid Chronicles. Salt Lake City, University of Utah Press, 2000, xiii + 197 p., tables, appendices, index.
No full textHistorical Writing During the Reign of Shah ‘Abbas by Sholeh Quinn is the first book-length treatment of the complex and multifaceted subject of Safavid historiography. The author points out that an analysis and comparison of Safavid court chronicles would shed valuable light on the various manifestations of Safavid dynastic ideology. Of course the Safavids rank as one of the more malleable ruling families in terms of self-legitimation, cloaking themselves with a variety of genealogies, titul..
Muhammad Taqi al-Majlisi and Safavid Shi‘Ism: Akhbarism and Anti-sunni Polemic During the Reigns of Shah ‘Abbas the Great and Shah Safi
No full textThis is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Taylor & Francis via the DOI in this record.The rise of the Akhbari school in the Safavid period has been portrayed as a challenge to both the clerical power of the ʿulamaʾ and sometimes even as in opposition to the Safavid state. As a counter example to these characterisations of Akhbarism, one might consider the example Muhammad Taqi al-Majlisi (d.1070/1659), known as “The First Majlisi”, and father of the famous Safavid scholar Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi (“The Second Majlisi”, d.1110/1699 or 1111/1700). He had close relations with the Safavid court, dedicating a work to Shah Abbas II, and generally accepting royal patronage when it was offered. His system of legal interpretation and the analysis of hadith in particular, is thoroughly Akhbari. In this article I analyse Taqi al-Majlisi’s ideas as found in the introductory sections to his Lawamiʿ-i Sahibqirani, a Persian language commentary on an early collection of Twelver Shiʿi reports from the Imams. As an appendix, I translate one section which demonstrates not only his thoroughly Akhbari methodology, but also his originality within the Akhbari school. He should, I argue, be particularly remembered for promoting the authority of the ʿulamaʾ from an Akhbari perspective, and here he links the rejection of ijtihad (a hallmark of the Akhbari school) to the Shiʿi rejection of the selection of Abu Bakr as caliph. In doing this, he establishes and exploits a link between the support of ijtihad (that is, the Usuli position), the heresy of Sunnism and the betrayal of fundamental Shi‘i beliefs
Correction to: Tourism adaptability amid the climate change and air pollution in BRICS: a method of moments quantile regression approach (Environmental Science and Pollution Research, (2022), 29, 57, (86744-86758), 10.1007/s11356-022-21725-6)
No full textThe correct affiliation 1 of Muhammad Ibrahim Shah is shown in this paper. Data availability Data are available upon request from the corresponding author. © Springer-Verlag GmbH Germany, part of Springer Nature 2023
Espiritualidade política no governo de Khomeini: o sistema político do Irã após a revolução de 1979
No full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2014.O propósito desta dissertação é a compreensão da dinâmica do sistema político do Irã nos dias de hoje, pensado e construído no decorrer das décadas de 1970 e 1980. A partir de uma série de confrontos com a monarquia que ocasionaram diversos momentos de tensão no país e enfraqueceram o papel do Xá, o sistema político iraniano e todo o modelo de organização social passa a ser questionado e repensado. Muitas foram as personalidades de destaque nesse processo, entre elas Khomeini, que, com seu discurso carismático, conseguiu reunir em torno de si diferentes grupos e classes sociais do Irã, fortalecendo seu projeto de Governo Islâmico ao resgatar a essência do Islã. Por essa razão, Khomeini e suas principais obras serviram de fonte de pesquisa para a construção deste estudo. Muitos também foram os intelectuais, pesquisadores e cientistas que acompanharam os acontecimentos iranianos à época, entre eles Michel Foucault, que viajou ao país e escreveu sobre o testemunho da ideia de espiritualidade política no Irã. Foucault é um dos autores utilizados neste trabalho, com o intuito, principalmente, de sugerir um novo caminho de interpretação do acontecimento iraniano. Foi importante, da mesma forma, o contato com obras de autores islâmicos, como Ali Gheissari, Vali Nasr, Benazir Bhutto, Sayyd Abdul A'la Al-Maudidi, dentre outros. Esses autores foram fundamentais para manter esse trabalho dentro do seu principal propósito, quer seja, apresentar uma versão em nada etnocêntrica do movimento revolucionário iraniano e dos seus desdobramentos. Após a Revolução Iraniana de 1979, serão esses fatores - o papel de Khomeini, o resgate do Islã em sua essência tradicional e política e o conceito de espiritualidade política - que nos farão compreender o surgimento da República Islâmica e do novo sistema político iraniano. Perceber as especificidades da sociedade muçulmana que se desdobram num novo modo de ser, de vivenciar, é fundamental para compreender as dinâmicas e tensões de muitos países muçulmanos e suas relações com o Ocidente.Abstract : The purpose of this dissertation is to understand the dynamics of today's Iranian political system, designed and built during the 1970s and 1980s. From a series of confrontations with the monarchy, which caused several moments of tension in the country and weakened the role of the Shah, the Iranian political system and the entire model of social organization began to be questioned and rethought. Many were the prominent personalities in this process, including Khomeini, who, with his charismatic speech, managed to gather around him different groups and social classes in Iran, strengthening his project of Islamic government by rescuing the essence of Islam. Therefore, Khomeini and his major works were used as source of research for the construction of this study. In addition, many were the intellectuals, researchers and scientists who followed the events in Iran at the time, among them Michel Foucault, who traveled the country and wrote, in excited manner, about the testimony of the idea of political spirituality in Iran. Foucault is one of the authors used in this work, aiming mainly to suggest a new way of interpreting the Iranian event. Equally important was the contact with Islamic authors such as Ali Gheissari, Vali Nasr, Benazir Bhutto, Sayyid Abdul A'la Al - Maudidi , among others. These authors were critical to keep this work within its main purpose: to present a non-ethnocentric version of Iranian revolutionary movement and its outcomes. After the 1979 Iranian Revolution, these factors - the role of Khomeini, the rescue of traditional and political Islam and concept of political spirituality -were and are fundamental to make us understand the emergence of the Islamic Republic and the Iranian new political system. Understand the specifics of Muslim society that unfold in a new way of being, of experiencing, is essential for understanding the dynamics and tensions of many Muslim countries and their relations with the West
Negar Habibi. « ‘Ali Qoli Jebadar et l’enregisrement du réel dans les peintures dites farangi sazi »
No full textThis article is a mainly iconographic study of five paintings that were signed by or attributed to ‘Ali Qoli Jebadar. This so-called farangi sazi- artist was active at the Safavid court of Shah ‘Abbas II (r. 1642-1666) and Shah Soleyman (r. 1666-1694). With this study the author wants to demonstrate that ‘Ali Qoli Jebadar observed and “registered” the reality of daily life at the Safavid court, rather than depicting an ideal, timeless world. She does this by confronting certain subjects, obje..
A historiographical study and annotated translation of volume 2 of the Afzal al-Tavarikh by Fazil Khuzani al-Isfahani
No full textThis thesis is based on the second volume of Afzal al-Tavarikh, the 17th
century Safavid court chronicle. It consists of a historiographical study of this source
and an annotated translation of the section concerning the early years of Shah
Tahmasp's reign (1524-1529). The author Fazl b. Zayn al-'Abiom b. Rub Allah alKhuzanl
al-I~fahanl was writing his history in 1617-1639 during the reigns of Shah
'Abbas I (r. 1587-1629) and Shah Safi (r. 1629-1642) and devoted the second
volume entirely to the reign of Shah Tahmasp (r. 1524-1576).
Chapter one of the thesis deals with the author, his life and career as a
provincial Vazir during the reign of Shah 'Abbas, and his emigration to India. It
identifies the formative influences which shaped the author's distinctive view of
history. One of Fazli's strengths as a historian is his use of histories that are no longer
extant. The sources have therefore been examined in order to assess the influence of
these "lost histories" on his presentation of Shah Tahmasp's early reign.
A/tal al-Taviifikh contains transcriptions of more official documents than are found
in any other Safavid court chronicle. The first chapter therefore underlines the
importance of this source as a depository of chancery documents.
The historiographical evaluation of Aftal proposes that this history is essentially a
product of the reign of Shah <Abbas. It should be viewed as part of Shah 'Abbas'
propaganda campaign, which aimed at strengthening the Safavid Shah's claim to
legitimacy.
Chapter two is a critical evaluation of A/tal al-Tavirfikh. This chapter
examines some of the historiographical issues which were raised in chapter one, in
greater depth. Three case studies have been presented in order to draw attention to
the author's tendency to suppress inconvenient truths and to determine the
ideological basis which underpins the author's historical interpretation. It also
outlines how Fazli's ideological bias determined the structure of his narrative and his
literary style.
Chapter three consists of the partial translation of the text followed by a
commentary. The translation deals with the narrative of the first six years of Shah
Tahmasp's minority to the year 936/1529. Although the inter-tribal factionalism of
the Qizilbash tribes continued to dominate the court politics, 936/1529 signified the
first occasion when the young Shah Tahmasp succeeded in asserting greater personal
political authority at court. This was made possible by the prestige he derived from
his victory at the battle of Jam in 935/1528 against the Uzbeks. This allowed him to
invite the Ustajlii uymaq back to court from exile in Gilan and thus destablise the
hegemony hitherto exercised by their Qizilbash rivals- the Tekkeliis. This
consideration has determined the logical break in the narrative and the translation.
The commentary consists of further historiographical notes, prosopography, and
notes on geography
"Szachinszach" Ryszarda Kapuścińskiego : paradoksy społecznego odbioru
No full textThe article author discusses the Polish and international reception of Shah of Shahs, analyses the differences between Polish and English versions and compares its reception with that of The Emperor, published a few years earlier. The article aims at presenting different models of reading, from approving (Helena Zaworska, Salman Rushdie, Zoltan Biró, Hooman Majd) to highly critical (Abbas Milani). The article author argues with Milani, compares his accusations with Kapuściński’s text and refers to various publications on the history of Iran. In response to Milani’s criticism, she also discusses the conceptions of Annales school of historiosophy that inspired Kapuścinski’s own image of history
« Gendered Patronage: Women and Benevolence during the Early Safavid Empire », in : D. Fairchild Ruggles, ed., Women, Patronage, and Self-Representation in Islamic Societies. Albany, SUNY Press, 2000, pp. 123-153.
No full textThis excellent article changes the focus of the author’s earlier study of the Safavid shrine in Ardabil (cf. Abs. Ir. 23, c.r. n° 160), to the religious sites of Qom in the period prior to the reign of Shah ‘Abbas I. The author acknowledges that Central Asian Turko-Mongol notions were important in giving Safavid elite women their relatively high status, but argues that the Islamic and especially the Shi‘i component with its specific rules on inheritance and divorce should not be discounted as..
Representations of migrant and nation in selected works of Rohinton Mistry and Salman Rushdie
No full textThis thesis explores the representations of, and the relationship between. the migrant and the nation in selected works of the Bombay-born novelists Rohinton Mistry and Salman Rushdie. I explore each writer's engagement with contemporary debates surrounding the material, political, social and imaginative consequences of the crisis in secularism in India during the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s, and consider how this engagement is informed by their
migrant positions beyond India's borders. A primary concern is the way in which Mistry's and Rushdie's representations of the nation, and of migrant and diasporic subjects, intersects with the representation of Bombay in their work.
This thesis is divided into five chapters. The first two chapters concentrate on Mistry's fiction, the remaining three on Rushdie's work. Published between 1988 and 2002, the central novels examined are situated within debates regarding the founding principles of the Indian nation, and notions of Indianness, the rise of communalism in general and Hindu nationalism in particular, and the renaming of Bombay as Mumbai. My readings foreground the necessity of a
close understanding of the historical and political transformations taking place within Bombay and India during the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s, but also during the 1950s and 1960s. I argue that Mistry's and Rushdie's work is informed by a deepening anxiety over these socio-political transformations, and over how reconfigurations of Indianness increasingly position minority communities, and migrant and diasporic subjects, outside of definitions of national identity.
This anxiety extends into the negotiation of their own migrant positions. My reading of the differing representations of the migrant in Mistry's and Rushdie's work engages with ideas of accountability, political responsibility, and with notions of cosmopolitanism. In doing so, I question familiar assumptions regarding the migrant condition as one of predominantly empowering political agency. I argue that, while both authors emphasise the importance of the migrant sustaining a critical engagement with India's politics, they also foreground the anxious difficulties of doing so. This difficulty informs Mistry's and Rushdie's divergent negotiation of their own position as migrant writers, and I examine how their fiction is marked by an anxiety over the adequacy of writing as a mode of political engagement with the crisis in secularism and the parochialisation of Bombay, and as a means of negotiating the politics of migrancy
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