199,717 research outputs found
The Resilience of Authoritarian Rule in Syria under Hafez and Bashar Al-Asad
No full textThis paper seeks an explanation for the resilience of the Syrian authoritarian regime under Hafez and Bashar Al-Asad. It will be argued that this resilience is to a relevant extent caused by the fact that the regime’s “material” as well as “ideational” forms of power share a common element, if not an underlying principle. This generates their compatibility and congruency and thus produces a convergence of forces which manifests in the regime’s ability to exceed the mere sum of its individual forms of power. It will be demonstrated that this common principle can be conceptualized as a “tacit pact” between unequal parties, with the weaker party under constant threat of exclusion and/or coercion in the event of noncompliance. It will be argued that inherent in the pact is a high level of ambiguity; this, paradoxically, renders it more effective but at the same time also more instable as a tool of domination.authoritarianism, power of command, disciplinary power, hegemony, Middle East
Ijtihad dalam Pandangan Muhammad Asad
No full textThis article explains that an finding the truth of law, besides using textual method of al-Qur’an and Sunnah, Asad hence rational method (ijtihādī). Asad also a firm hold the contextual method According to his interpretation, Islam is intellectual movement, because Islam have peeped out the definitive idea and clear agenda. Asad really trusts in the mind as method to look for the truth. He expresses that even to choose the religion, people have to be guided by their mind, and with that mind people will be able to know how far the religion can fulfill the human being requirement, physical or spiritual
Sang penyebar berita proklamasi RI : perjuangan m. shahab dan arabian press board tahun 2017
No full textTidak banyak yang mengetahui bagaimana berita proklamasi kemerdekaan RI dapat tersebar ke seluruh dunia,terutama Timur Tengah.Pemberitaannya berhasil menuai dukungan besar dari Palestina,Mesir dan beberapa negara Arab lainnya atas kedaulatan negara RI. Semuanya bermula dari upaya yang dilakukan oleh M.Asad Shahab dan Arabian Press Board (APB) yang telah didirikannya. Berbekal pengalaman yang mumpuni,bakat kepimpinan dan semangat perjuang yang diwarisinya dari sang Ayah,M,Asad Shahab mendirikan APB untuk mendukung dan mengisi kemerdekaan negeri tercinta ini.Meski dalam perjalanannya banyak ujian menghadang.namun langkahnya tidak surut sedikit pun.Bahkan ketika dia harus meninggalkan Indonesia,kontribusinya terhadap negeri ini masih tercurah melalui berbagai karyanya,baik artikel maupun buku-buku. Buku ini hadir bukan sekadar menghadirkan fragmen sejarah Indonesia yang terlupakan,melainkan untuk menghidupkan kembali semangat perjuangan sosok M. Asad Shahab sehingga generasi bangsa yang hidup saat ini dapat mengambil banyak hikmah dan pelajaran.xxii, 363 hlm, 23 x 14,8 c
Sang penyebar berita proklamasi RI : perjuangan m. shahab dan arabian press board tahun 2017
No full textTidak banyak yang mengetahui bagaimana berita proklamasi kemerdekaan RI dapat tersebar ke seluruh dunia,terutama Timur Tengah.Pemberitaannya berhasil menuai dukungan besar dari Palestina,Mesir dan beberapa negara Arab lainnya atas kedaulatan negara RI. Semuanya bermula dari upaya yang dilakukan oleh M.Asad Shahab dan Arabian Press Board (APB) yang telah didirikannya. Berbekal pengalaman yang mumpuni,bakat kepimpinan dan semangat perjuang yang diwarisinya dari sang Ayah,M,Asad Shahab mendirikan APB untuk mendukung dan mengisi kemerdekaan negeri tercinta ini.Meski dalam perjalanannya banyak ujian menghadang.namun langkahnya tidak surut sedikit pun.Bahkan ketika dia harus meninggalkan Indonesia,kontribusinya terhadap negeri ini masih tercurah melalui berbagai karyanya,baik artikel maupun buku-buku. Buku ini hadir bukan sekadar menghadirkan fragmen sejarah Indonesia yang terlupakan,melainkan untuk menghidupkan kembali semangat perjuangan sosok M. Asad Shahab sehingga generasi bangsa yang hidup saat ini dapat mengambil banyak hikmah dan pelajaran.xxii, 363 hlm, 23 x 14,8 c
Peran M. Asad Shahab dalam menyebarkan berita kemerdekaan Indonesia ke Timur Tengah tahun 1945-1947
No full textPers mempunyai pengaruh yang sangat besar bagi perjuangan Indonesia untuk menyebarkan berita kemerdekaan Indonesia ke ranah nasional maupun internasional. Setelah 15 hari kemerdekaan Indonesia, M. Asad Shahab mendirikan kantor berita Arabian Press Board yaitu media yang digunakannya untuk menyebarkan berita kemerdekaan Indonesia ke Timur Tengah. Perjuangan bangsa Indonesia untuk melepaskan diri dari penjajahan dan mempertahankan kemerdekaannya dari Belanda telah mendapat perhatian dunia internasional berkat pemberitaan APB yang terus menerus, khususnya di Timur Tengah. Penelitian ini memiliki tujuan untuk mengungkapkan peran M. Asad Shahab dalam menyebarkan berita kemerdekaan Indonesia ke Timur Tengah, media apa yang ia gunakan, dan bagaimana respon dari Timur Tengah setelah mendengar berita kemerdekaan Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah, yang terdiri dari empat langkah yaitu: Heuristik, Kritik, Interpretasi, dan Historiografi. Historiografi menjadi tahap akhir dari metode penelitian sejarah, kemampuan peneliti dalam memahami teori dan metode yang digunakan aan berdampak pada akhir penulisan. Karena itu penulis bekerja keras hingga menghasilkan sebuah karya ilmiah. Hasil dari penelitian skripsi ini menjelaskan bahwa peran M. Asad Shahab dalam menyebarkan berita kemerdekaan Indonesia ke Timur Tengah membawa dampak yang sangat besar yaitu mendapat dukungan dan pengakuan dari Timur Tengah. Pengakuan kemerdekaan Indonesia pada tahun 1947 oleh Mesir dan negara-negara Arab lainnya setelahnya merupakan titik balik dan kemenangan terbesar dalam perjuangan negara mempertahankan kemerdekaan melawan propaganda dan penipuan Belanda untuk terus menegakkan kembali fondasi penindasan kolonial di wilayah Indonesia
Legitimacy and Hafez al-Asad
No full textIt has, been taken for granted that Hafez al-Asad relies exclusively upon an iron fist to perpetuate the survival of his regime. Close scrutiny of Asad's presidency, however, betrays the inadequacy of this explanation. In fact, Syria's conflict with Israel is the primary legitimizing agent for Asad's minority-Alawi regime, and it is because of this conflict that Asad's regime has endured. Consequently, the absence of a militant confrontation with Israel poses risks which the present Syrian leadership has been unwilling to assume. Furthermore, this condition acts as a restraint upon certain types of foreign policy activities and initiatives which Asad might otherwise elect to pursue. The reality of Israel's legitimizing function has specific relevance to U.S. foreign policy vis-a-vis both Syria and Israel, particularly regarding the peace process.Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.Lieutenant, United States Navyhttp://archive.org/details/legitimacyndhafe109452394
Adapting authoritarianism: institutions and co-optation in Egypt and Syria
No full textThis PhD thesis compares Egypt and Syria’s authoritarian political systems. While the tendency in social science political research treats Egypt and Syria as similarly authoritarian, this research emphasizes differences between the two systems with special reference to institutions and co-optation. Rather than reducibly understanding Egypt and Syria as sharing similar histories, institutional arrangements, or ascribing to the oft-repeated convention that “Syria is Egypt but 10 years behind,” this thesis focuses on how events and individual histories shaped each states current institutional strengthens and weaknesses. Specifically, it explains the how varying institutional politicization or de-politicization affects each state’s capabilities for co-opting elite and non-elite individuals.
Beginning with a theoretical framework that considers the limited utility of democratization and transition theoretical approaches, the work underscores the persistence and durability of authoritarianism. Chapter two details the politicized institutional divergence between Egypt and Syria that began in the 1970s. Chapter three and four examines how institutional politicization or de-politicization affects elite and non-elite individual co-optation in Egypt and Syria. Chapter five discusses the study’s general conclusions and theoretical implications.
This thesis’s argument is that Egypt and Syria co-opt elites and non-elites differently because of the varying degrees of institutional politicization in each governance system. Rather than view one country as more politically developed than the other, this work argues that Syria’s political institutions are more politicized than their Egyptian counterparts. Syria’s political arena is, thus, described as politicized-patrimonialism. Syria’s politicized-patrimonial arena produces uneven co-optation of elites and non-elites as they are diffused through competing institutions. Conversely, the Egyptian political arena remains highly personalized as weak institutions and individuals are manipulated and molded according to the president’s ruling clique. This is referred to as personalized-patrimonialism. As a consequence, Egypt’s political establishment demonstrates more flexibility in ad hoc altering and adapting its arena depending on the emergence of crises.
This study’s theoretical implications suggest that, contrary to modernization and democratization theory’s adage that institutions lead to a political development, politicized institutions within a patrimonial order actually hinder regime adaptation because consensus is harder to achieve and maintain. It is within this context that Egypt’s de-politicized institutional framework advantages its top political elite. In this reading of Egyptian and Syrian politics, Egypt’s personalized political arena is more adaptable than Syria’s. These conclusions do not indicate that political reform is a process underway in either state
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Unrest in Syria and U.S. Sanctions Against the Asad Regime
No full textThis report analyzes the current unrest in Syria and the U.S. response to the Syrian government's crackdown against demonstrators. It also provides background information on U.S. sanctions against the Asad regime and its supporters
ASAD: Adaptive Seasonality Anomaly Detection Algorithm under Intricate KPI Profiles
No full textAnomaly detection is the foundation of intelligent operation and maintenance (O&M), and detection objects are evaluated by key performance indicators (KPIs). For almost all computer O&M systems, KPIs are usually the machine-level operating data. Moreover, these high-frequency KPIs show a non-Gaussian distribution and are hard to model, i.e., they are intricate KPI profiles. However, existing anomaly detection techniques are incapable of adapting to intricate KPI profiles. In order to enhance the performance under intricate KPI profiles, this study presents a seasonal adaptive KPI anomaly detection algorithm ASAD (Adaptive Seasonality Anomaly Detection). We also propose a new eBeats clustering algorithm and calendar-based correlation method to further reduce the detection time and error. Through experimental tests, our ASAD algorithm has the best overall performance compared to other KPI anomaly detection methods
Rasionalitas sebagai basis Tafsir Tekstual : Kajian atas Pemikiran Muhammad Asad
No full textMelalui analisis kritis dan kajian fenomenologis, penulis dapat jelas melihat konsep Asad tentang penafsiran Al-Qur’an. Diakui bahwa dalam mengidentifikasi prinsip-prinsip Islam tentang negara dan pemerintahan, Asad semata-mata mendasarkan diri pada petunjuk tekstual yang jelas (nash, jamak: nushush) dari al-Qur’an dan Sunnah yang menjadi pedoman Islam yang hakiki dan langgeng (syari’ah). Dengan pendirian ini, ia tidak begitu mengindahkan fiqh; dan bahwa segala sesuatu dan berbagai aktivitas yang cakupannya lebih besar yang tidak diberikan hukumnya oleh Sang Pemberi Hukum (Tuhan dan Nabi-Nya) –baik berbentuk perintah ataupun larangan secara tekstual—harus dianggap boleh (mubah) dalam pandangan syari’ah, dan karena itu memerlukan ijtihad (penalaran independen)
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