1,720,965 research outputs found
Stratégies de développement dans le système mondial : le processus de développement en Côte d'Ivoire pendant 1971-88 et l'impact de l'ajustement structurel.
No full textAbstract Not Available
Quinze ans de réformes en Chine : impact sur les perspectives d'émergence de la démocratie.
No full textThe reforms implemented in China from 1978 to 1995 have had a profound impact at many levels of Chinese society. What about the impact of those reforms on the prospects for democracy? This study specifically examines the impact of reforms on ten factors that can facilitate or obstruct the emergence of democracy in a country. On the one hand, the reforms in China have generated rapid economic growth and brought about improvements in social and economic development. The opening to the outside world has made China more sensitive to external influence. Reforms have plunged the regime into a crisis of legitimacy. These are three factors facilitating the emergence of democracy. On the other hand, reforms have somewhat loosened the State's otherwise tight control over society; the nucleus of a civil society has emerged; the political culture is a little more acquainted with democratic ideas and values, but a capable democratic leadership has yet to arise. The political institutions typical of a Leninist state have remained. The army's influence over politics has not been significantly altered, and certain regional and ethnic-based tensions persist. These factors continue to obstruct the emergence of democracy or, in some cases, may be considered neutral. The study concludes that the reforms implemented from 1978 to 1995 have improved the prospects for the emergence of democracy in China, although, all in all, the perspectives remain weak over the short to medium-term
Stratégies de développement dans le système mondial : le processus de développement en Côte d'Ivoire pendant 1971-88 et l'impact de l'ajustement structurel.
No full textAbstract Not Available
Le discours sur la mondialisation face à la démocratie : une analyse idéologique.
No full textCette recherche aborde la problématique du discours sur la mondialisation par rapport à la démocratie. Nous cherchons à savoir quelle est la nature de ce discours? (e.g., idéologique, philosophique, scientifique). Le discours sur la mondialisation est divisé entre deux camps: les pro-mondialisateurs et les anti-mondialisateurs. Les deux discours prétendent qu'ils favorisent la démocratie, or cette dernière ne peut soutenir deux discours opposés. Nous faisons une analyse de deux textes, chacun représentatif d'un camp, pour résoudre le paradoxe et pour identifier la nature et le contenu des deux discours en opposition
Assessing the impact of regime autonomy on Islamist resurgence.
No full textWhy has Islamism become the dominant form of opposition in most Muslim countries since the 1970s? Western literature addressing this resurgence typically focuses on domestic socio-economic and political problems while barely acknowledging the role of international factors, e.g., military defeats and political dependence. Yet, the Islamist discourse is found to reverse the priorities: seemingly oblivious to domestic crises, it emphasizes first and foremost the need to achieve autonomy from the hegemonic West so as to restore a sense of dignity. This study goes beyond the established list of plausible--and often complementary--explanations, to evaluate the relative weight of that one actor emphasized by the Islamists themselves, hence its working hypothesis: the higher a regime's political autonomy from the West, the higher its ability to co-opt Islamist forces of opposition. On the basis of responses to questionnaires sent to Middle-East experts world-wide, we assessed the change in the ability of 16 Arab regimes in question to co-opt Islamist forces between 1989/90 and 1991/92. We then classified the regimes in question as either autonomous or non-autonomous from the West, according to their stated policies during the Gulf war/crisis in 1990/91. Comparing the two groups, we failed to discern two clearly distinct patterns of regime ability to co-opt Islamist forces ... unless we drop three countries from our sample. The latter validation of our hypothesis is not only weal but should also be tempered by the collateral finding that the data we obtained on the dependent variable manifested unquestionable symptoms of low reliability. (Abstract shortened by UMI.
Assessing the impact of regime autonomy on Islamist resurgence.
No full textWhy has Islamism become the dominant form of opposition in most Muslim countries since the 1970s? Western literature addressing this resurgence typically focuses on domestic socio-economic and political problems while barely acknowledging the role of international factors, e.g., military defeats and political dependence. Yet, the Islamist discourse is found to reverse the priorities: seemingly oblivious to domestic crises, it emphasizes first and foremost the need to achieve autonomy from the hegemonic West so as to restore a sense of dignity. This study goes beyond the established list of plausible--and often complementary--explanations, to evaluate the relative weight of that one actor emphasized by the Islamists themselves, hence its working hypothesis: the higher a regime's political autonomy from the West, the higher its ability to co-opt Islamist forces of opposition. On the basis of responses to questionnaires sent to Middle-East experts world-wide, we assessed the change in the ability of 16 Arab regimes in question to co-opt Islamist forces between 1989/90 and 1991/92. We then classified the regimes in question as either autonomous or non-autonomous from the West, according to their stated policies during the Gulf war/crisis in 1990/91. Comparing the two groups, we failed to discern two clearly distinct patterns of regime ability to co-opt Islamist forces ... unless we drop three countries from our sample. The latter validation of our hypothesis is not only weal but should also be tempered by the collateral finding that the data we obtained on the dependent variable manifested unquestionable symptoms of low reliability. (Abstract shortened by UMI.
Quinze ans de réformes en Chine : impact sur les perspectives d'émergence de la démocratie.
No full textThe reforms implemented in China from 1978 to 1995 have had a profound impact at many levels of Chinese society. What about the impact of those reforms on the prospects for democracy? This study specifically examines the impact of reforms on ten factors that can facilitate or obstruct the emergence of democracy in a country. On the one hand, the reforms in China have generated rapid economic growth and brought about improvements in social and economic development. The opening to the outside world has made China more sensitive to external influence. Reforms have plunged the regime into a crisis of legitimacy. These are three factors facilitating the emergence of democracy. On the other hand, reforms have somewhat loosened the State's otherwise tight control over society; the nucleus of a civil society has emerged; the political culture is a little more acquainted with democratic ideas and values, but a capable democratic leadership has yet to arise. The political institutions typical of a Leninist state have remained. The army's influence over politics has not been significantly altered, and certain regional and ethnic-based tensions persist. These factors continue to obstruct the emergence of democracy or, in some cases, may be considered neutral. The study concludes that the reforms implemented from 1978 to 1995 have improved the prospects for the emergence of democracy in China, although, all in all, the perspectives remain weak over the short to medium-term
Distributive Justice, Narcissism, and the Future of the Welfare State: A Tribute to Mario Jacoby (1925–2011)
Full text linkThis article combines disparate ideas from political philosophy, depth psychology, and political economy to understand better the current backlash against globalization. More specifically, this backlash includes attempts to restore the welfare state, to increase social equality, and to resist the negative influence of narcissism. After presenting these three sets of ideas, the conclusion offers a prognosis about the future of welfare state. In the conclusion, the author quotes Mario Jacoby, a Jungian analyst, whose writings bring together these three sets of ideas. In each of the three domains of inquiry there is a pair of alternatives. Equity and equality are alternative principles in the philosophy of distributive justice. Conditional love and unconditional love are alternative modes of mothering in the psychology of narcissism. The neo-liberal state and the welfare state are alternative perspectives on political economy. The author aligns the first member of each of the three pairs of alternatives; likewise with the second member. What new insight does this alignment yield about current controversies over globalization? What psychological issues arise in the choice between a welfare state and a neo-liberal state? The modern state, in psychological terms, conjures up the image of a mother figure. But, in the imagery of the modern state, what kind of mother fig. is this, a nurturing (positive) mother or a devouring (negative) mother? The public policies of the welfare state, emphasizing the principle of equality, correspond to the behavior of a nurturing mother. The neo-liberal state, on the other hand, by implementing public policies consistent with the principle of equity, corresponds to a devouring mother. The essay concludes with some comments on the future of the welfare state
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Full text linkThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
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