212 research outputs found
Transformations Groups of the Andersson-Perlman Cone
No full text. An Andersson-Perlman cone is a certain subcone\Omega\Gamma K) of the symmetric cone\Omega of a Euclidean Jordan algebra. We exhibit a subgroup of the automorphism group of\Omega which operates transitively on \Omega\Gamma K) and show that \Omega\Gamma K) is a simply-connected submanifold of\Omega . 1. Introduction. Andersson-Perlman cones in the setting of Euclidean Jordan algebras (henceforth abbreviated as AP cones) were introduced by H. Massam and the author in [MN] as a generalization of certain cones defined by the statisticians S. A. Andersson and M. D. Perlman for real symmetric matrices [AP]. All mathematical results in [AP] were generalized in [MN] to the setting of Euclidean Jordan algebras, except the existence of transitive transformation groups which play a predominant role in the development in [AP]. In fact, the paper [MN] stresses a different, perhaps more direct approach to the description of Andersson-Perlman cones by employing Peirce decompositions and Frobeniu..
Massive Cellular Angiofibroma of the Vulva
No full textCellular angiofibromas of the vulva are uncommon, and usually small and circumscribed. A massive cellular angiofibroma extending into the pelvis is described.Peer reviewe
Report on the International Public Management Network Research Conference in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
No full textThe paper reports on the 2004 Conference of the International Public Management Network "Third Generation Reform in Brazil and Other Nations: Achieving Governmental, Social and Economic Realignment" . The author, a rapporteur at that Conference, offers his view about the critical elements presented by the different speakers, and recaps some suggestions aimed at ensuring a higher success of reform of whatever generation
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The General and Her Soldiers: How Phyllis Schlafly and Eagle Forum Mobilized the Conservative Movement
No full text“The General and Her Soldiers: How Phyllis Schlafly and Eagle Forum Mobilized the Conservative Movement” argues that beginning in the 1960s, Phyllis Schlafly and her Eagle Forum organized a political network to erect new institutions in order to promote a conservative takeover of the Republican Party. While Schlafly and Eagle Forum are widely known for their conservative anti-feminist mobilization to block the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), Eagles were experienced activists working to consolidate conservative political power, before and after the Amendment’s defeat. By participating in movement efforts to build a powerful alternative news media, and designing activist strategy trainings, Schlafly and Eagle Forum forged alliances between grassroots activists, business leaders, and politicians. In the end, their efforts exerted a profound influence on Republican Party politics and policy in the United States. Through archival and ethnographic research, I demonstrate that Schlafly created a distinct model of conservative women’s activism that I call weaponized housewifery. This style of activism was based in the racialized logics of white womanhood and allowed Eagle Forum to function as professionally trained political activists. Schlafly and her Eagles utilized the image of the housewife as a uniform, and as a tactical weapon to deploy on the media, state legislatures, and Congress. Weaponized housewifery combined surveillance, coercion, and gendered performativity to shape politics on interpersonal, national, and international scales. Schlafly and her Eagles applied this activism style broadly within the conservative movement before, during, and after their anti-feminist bid to block the Equal Rights Amendment. Schlafly occupied a liminal space within the movement. She was neither a member of the grassroots or the movement elite, but she inhabited both spaces simultaneously. Eagle Forum functioned in the same way. Together, Schlafly and Eagle Forum created frameworks of institutional support that continue to shape the conservative movement
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“A Caring Disease”: Nursing and Patient Advocacy on the United States’ First AIDS Ward, 1983-1995
No full textThis dissertation examines the radical activism performed by the nurses who constructed and ran the United States’ first AIDS ward: San Francisco General Hospital Ward 5B. By examining these healthcare pioneers’ emotional, political, and intellectual labor—and the tensions and contradictions that characterized their work—A Caring Disease re-conceptualizes AIDS advocacy in the 1980s: what it was, and who performed it. It uses the ward’s official records, oral histories, professional publications, media coverage, and legal documents to demonstrate that the nursing staff’s radical practices (and the queer, feminist politics informing them) shaped AIDS care and activism at both a local and national level. Existing literature on the history of AIDS privileges the direct-action advocacy of ACT UP, and in so doing places the start of the People with AIDS (PWA) movement in 1987. In asserting the larger importance of feminized, affective, and paid labor in the politics of the epidemic, A Caring Disease reperiodizes and diversifies the movement
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Genealogies of the Stud: Homosocial Hunger in Blaxploitation Film and Pornography
No full textThis is a work of theory that seeks to conceptualize relations between black and white men through four Blaxploitation films released in the early 1970s in the United States (Africanus Sexualis: Black is Beautiful, Sweet Sweetback’s Badaaassss Song, Shaft, and Lialeh). While Film scholars and cultural critics have tended to read Blaxploitation films as vehicles for celebrating unabashed sexism, homophobia, and patriarchal domination of women, I develop an alternative reading of Blaxploitation films focused on relationships between male characters grounded in feminist and queer theory. I explore how reading for the constructions of manhood and blackness through the heroic male figure of the “stud” nuance anti-sexist and anti-homophobic critiques. To accomplish this reading, I develop a theoretical lens based on what I call “homosocial hunger,” a relationship through which black males desired to be seen ‘as men’ in commercial film products (financed primarily by white men), and for whites males to reap profits through the black male box office by financing successful films featuring manly, stud heroes. I focus on shot compositions, jokes, double-entendres, and plot points to show how homosocial hunger is acknowledged and disrupts stable gender binaries between ‘men’ and ‘women’ in each film
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(Neo) liberal Re-writings of Black Radical Memory in Television Documentary: 1989-1995
No full textThis dissertation examines the operations and impact of racial liberalism on popular memory texts of Black liberation history of the 1960s and 1970s. Specifically, I investigate the ways liberal racial discoursces from the late-1980s to mid-1990s depoliticize the most radical elements of the Black Freedom Struggle and refashion this history to fit within liberal narratives of American progress and exceptionalism. The central ideological sites analyzed in this dissertation are broadcast television documentaries that aired from the years 1987 to 1995. The first chapter analyzes the Black Freedom Struggle more broadly as it is portrayed in the PBS television series Eyes on the Prize: America’s Civil Rights Years. Then, in chapters two and three, I look more specifically at portrayals of Malcolm X and the Black Panther Party. In all three chapters, I carefully track the ways liberal frameworks operate through close analysis of narrative structure, editing, sound, and cinematography, while attending to the specific historical and material conditions that require this liberal re-writing. I illustrate how these cultural sources imagine using the past to put forward a kind of antiracist politic in their present, but I also expose how liberal forms of antiracism actually enable and conceal the continued and worsening racial violence and inequity that are systemic to US global capitalism
La théorie de Selig Perlman : une étude critique
No full textL'auteur analyse du point de vue méthodologique et du point de vue substantif la thèse exposée par Selig Perlman dans« A Theory of the Labor Movement ». Il en examine la consistance intrinsèque, l’utilité et les faiblesses. Il conclut que la théorie de Perlman est fondamentalement une apologie anti-marxiste dirigée principalement contre des propositions de Lénine. Une telle approche apporte une conception incomplète et normative du phénomène syndical. C'est pourquoi la thèse de Perlman demeure au niveau de généralisations dont l’utilité est limitée. En effet, considérant la base de la solidarité, les buts, les méthodes et les comportements syndicaux, elle ne fournit qu'une explication partielle, parfois subjective, des diverses composantes de faction syndicale.In this article, the author provides a systematic and detailed analysis of the theory of Selig Perlman, and submits it to a critical evaluation, both in terms of methodology and substance. The following is a brief outline of Perlman's approach.In his methodology, Perlman relies on three analytical elements: 1) three factors: the Power of subsistence of the capitalist system, the degree of influence of intellectuals upon organized labor, the level of maturity of the working class;2) three characteristics: the strength of the institution of private ownership, the degree of class consciousness among labor, the inadequacy of political tools;3) the psychology of manual labor.The essence of Perlman's theory may be outlined in the following manner. At the basis of labor solidarity is « the consciousness of scarcity of opportunity ». This explains why the role of trade unions is to control job opportunities; « job control » is based on « job interests ». For this purpose economic action, through collective agreements and strikes, appears to be the most effective approach. Political action may play, at best, a supplementary role. This approach is bound to lead to equality in industrial relations and to democratization in the economic structure; this may be attained without going through class warfare and without introducing a socialist or a communist system.A critical analysis of Perlman's theory brings out a number of points of methodological character:a) Essentially, the theory is an anti-Marxist apology of the stability of the capitalist system, mainly directed against the position of Lenin. At the basis of the divergence between Perlman and Lenin is the different evaluation of the role of the « intelligentsia ».b) Despite Perlman's claim to the contrary, he provides only a partial definition of trade unionism. This definition presents a scheme for a specific functional model; only through extension by means of a normative projection it becomes a general model for a true trade unionism.c) The analytical variables are not independent one from another, and because of this their interrelation cannot be significant. The three factors are defined, in part, each one by means of the others. The three characteristics are a descriptive elaboration of the three factors within the American context. Psychological categories are implicit in the definition of the third factor.d) The depreciatory concept of the « intelligentsia » reflects a subjective and biased approach to the problem of leadership in trade unionism. According to Perlman's definition, leaders who rose from the ranks of labor represent the concept of a « stable and responsible » trade unionism; in contrast, intellectuals, that is, « educated non-manualists », who enter the labor world introduce with them radicalism and revolutionary program of action, or advocate political action within trade unionism, in terms of Perlman's definition.With regard to the substance of Perlman's theory, this writer suggests the following points for consideration:a) The psychological approach ( « the consciousness of scarcity of opportunities »), despite some inconsistencies in definition and despite the fact that it may be regarded as typical for a particular group only, provides room for some useful generalizations; yet these generalizations are of limited character and cannot lead to theoretical conclusions. They reflect one element in workers' motivation to join the union and to support its activities. This element, in itself, cannot explain the process of labor organization, nor the occupational and territorial differentiation in the degree of unionization. Moreover, its origin is in the assumption of a state of chronic underemployment — a condition which is least favorable to labor solidarity.b) The concept of « job control » is related exclusively to occupational goals.c) Perlman sees in the joint system of control the most advantageous alternative; in his view, the autonomous system of control has no advantages, and control by external factors has an entirely secondary significance. By emphasizing collective negotiations he grossly underrestimates the importance of various forms of mutual assistance. Also, Perlman was not able, unfortunately, to provide a clear distinction between political activities of non-occupational character (revolutionary and other) and the utilization of political levers as a supplementary tool in realization of occupational and semi-occupational goals.d) The idealistic concept of « parity » in industrial relations cannot be ignored. Its eventual realization will call for a framework different from that provided by Perlman; under modem conditions the solution for existing problems often cannot be found on local level and has to rely on the dynamic intervention of a new interested party — the state
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Facing Victimization: Memory, Identity and Representation in Post-Conflict Tumaco
No full textWhen President Juan Manuel Santos announced the start of the peace process between his government and the FARC guerrillas, he emphasized that the process would focus on fulfilling the rights of the victims of the conflict. The legal notion of a victim in Colombia was defined by the harm caused by the actions perpetrated by guerrillas, paramilitaries, drug traffickers, or the State. The conflict created a vast archive that recorded the truth of the victims. The accumulation of stories created an aesthetic of victimization that found in women and children its main subjectivity. The end of the conflict raised the emergence of a new national identity and, with it, a new way of telling the history of Colombia. This dissertation summarizes five years of fieldwork, first with the community of Granizal, in the town of Bello in northern Colombia, and then with the community of Tumaco, in the south of the country, near the border with Ecuador. Both communities were once labeled as victim communities, but by appealing to their collective memory and their cultural and social practices, they managed to preserve the multiple dimensions of their communities, not just that of their victimization, and in the process, were able to confront the national narrative of the post-agreement, which required the permanent performativity of their victimization. To ensure the preservation of the communities’ achievements without delegitimizing the State's narrative, this investigation employed a set of investigative tactics such as contemporary artistic practices, Indigenous critical theory, controversy mapping, and forensic aesthetics, to develop a broad-spectrum reading and interpretation capacity that would allow for reconciling the discrepancies in the enunciation of the problem of memory and the narrative of the Colombian armed conflict, seen from the official account and seen from the community's collective memory
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Criminal Womanhood: Colorado Women in-and-out of Courts, 1873-1933
No full textThis dissertation explores the intersections of criminality, gender, and whiteness in turn-of-the century Colorado through analysis of four criminal cases. The cases in this study, though very different from each other, reveal the ways in which women attempted to navigate their troubled circumstances and sought to improve their lives - despite potential legal consequences. Though some of them are admittedly guilty of the crimes that they committed and others proclaim innocence, their trials reveal how women understood their positionality within the Colorado legal system and, at times, attempted to exploit it. Additionally, these cases demonstrate how political forces - ranging from politicians and journalists to physicians and judges - attempted to capitalize on the trials and appropriate them for their respective political causes. As the feminist staying goes, “The personal is political.” In these trials, the political is deeply personal and has lasting ramifications for women around the state of Colorado, not just the women who were put on trial
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