1,721,061 research outputs found

    Quickly Assuaging Public Fear: How the Well-Intended Adam Walsh Act Led to Unintended Consequences

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    The past several decades have witnessed an increase in sexual violence against children. This epidemic has created a national fear, which Congress has tried to calm by quickly passing sex-offender registration and notification laws. Most recently, Congress passed the most encompassing sex-offender registration law to date by enacting the Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act of 2006 (Adam Walsh Act or Adam\u27s Law). This Note argues that by hastily appeasing the public\u27s desire of retribution and understanding, Congress passed legislation that harms those~ it ai~ to protect~hildren. The Adam Walsh Act subjects juveniles to the same sanctipns and restrictions as adults for similar crimes. However, juveniles who commit such crimes do so with very different motivations than do adult sex-offenders. Therefore, this legislation, which aims to protect American youth, harms them as well

    The Adam Walsh Act: Juveniles and Sex Offender Registration and Notification

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    Increased public concerns of juvenile sex offenders fueled the passage of the Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act in 2006. The media coverage of these adolescents and public perception were influential in the enactment of this policy. Public fear is aroused by isolated incidents of deviance or crime. Media accounts highlight extreme cases, instead of more common incidents of sexual assaults (Harris & Lurigio, 2010). The fear culminates in the forming of groups of experts and concerned citizens that demand reform. Legislators cite media and views of their constituents as their primary sources of information about sex offenses and offenders (Sample & Kadleck, 2008). The justifications for the enactment of the Adam Walsh Act were based on public perceptions, not facts

    The Adam Walsh Act: Un-Civil Commitment

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    Recently, the Supreme Court granted certiorari on question of whether or not enactment of the Commitment Provision of the Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act of 2006 Was within Congress\u27s authority. This note will show that Congress lacked the authority to enact the Commitment Provision under either its enumerated or incontestable federal powers. The discussion will begin with and overview of the relevant Supreme Court precedents bearing on a constitutional determination of this kind. This note will show that proper reading of these precedents demonstrates that the clause upon which the federal government most often defends its power to regulate this subject, the Commerce Clause, is wholly inapplicable to an act like the Commitment Provision-legislation aimed at criminal law enforcement where States historically have been sovereign. Next will be and evaluation of the current split between the Fourth and Eighth Circuits, which will show that only the Fourth Circuit performed an analysis of the relevant Supreme Court law and found the Commitment Provision unconstitutional under those precedents. The Eighth Circuit, on the other hand, relied only on its own, distinguishable precedents. Thus the only Circuit court to have analyzed the constitutionality of the Commitment Provision under Supreme Court precedent has found it to be unconstitutional. Finally, this note will show that the Commitment Provision does not satisfy the due process rationales for which the Supreme Court has found state-authorized civil commitment constitutional. The structure of the Commitment Provision neither comports with the classic rationale for lower proof burdens in state civil commitment schemes, nor does it provide for a probable cause hearing within a reasonable amount of time and the general practice is to keep prisoners locked for months beyond their release dates

    The Adam Walsh Act: Un-Civil Commitment

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    Recently, the Supreme Court granted certiorari on question of whether or not enactment of the Commitment Provision of the Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act of 2006 Was within Congress\u27s authority. This note will show that Congress lacked the authority to enact the Commitment Provision under either its enumerated or incontestable federal powers. The discussion will begin with and overview of the relevant Supreme Court precedents bearing on a constitutional determination of this kind. This note will show that proper reading of these precedents demonstrates that the clause upon which the federal government most often defends its power to regulate this subject, the Commerce Clause, is wholly inapplicable to an act like the Commitment Provision-legislation aimed at criminal law enforcement where States historically have been sovereign. Next will be and evaluation of the current split between the Fourth and Eighth Circuits, which will show that only the Fourth Circuit performed an analysis of the relevant Supreme Court law and found the Commitment Provision unconstitutional under those precedents. The Eighth Circuit, on the other hand, relied only on its own, distinguishable precedents. Thus the only Circuit court to have analyzed the constitutionality of the Commitment Provision under Supreme Court precedent has found it to be unconstitutional. Finally, this note will show that the Commitment Provision does not satisfy the due process rationales for which the Supreme Court has found state-authorized civil commitment constitutional. The structure of the Commitment Provision neither comports with the classic rationale for lower proof burdens in state civil commitment schemes, nor does it provide for a probable cause hearing within a reasonable amount of time and the general practice is to keep prisoners locked for months beyond their release dates

    The Loss of Innocence in America's Childhood: The Adam Walsh Murder and the Media's Impact on the Culture and Legislation

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    After the kidnapping and murder of his son Adam in 1981, John Walsh dedicated his life to advocating for missing children. He became the forerunner of a movement to change the laws of the country so that no parent or child would have to suffer through the same events his family endured. The media frenzy surrounding the case, as well as John Walsh’s efforts to make child endangerment and missing children a national issue, helped influence and alter the way the public views the issues of child safety, child kidnapping, and the offenders that harm these children. This research analyzed newspaper articles involving the Adam Walsh murder, and examined rhetorical patterns based on ideas of the social construction of reality, folk devils and moral panics. This research revealed five rhetorical themes the media used when discussing the Adam Walsh case: vulnerability of the victim, description of the offender and crime, transformation of John Walsh, America’s lost childhood innocence and the evolution of the criminal justice system. Results showed repeated pattern of descriptive language emphasizing Adam’s age for innocence and vulnerability, a distinct evolution of John Walsh as a moral entrepreneur and an overall loss of innocence and safety felt amongst parents and children. This research revealed that the legislation developed and passed has been influenced by fear pervasive in society, rather than criminal data. The findings suggests that federal legislation needs to be modified so that there is less invasion into the lives of nonviolent offenders that are less likely to recidivate

    The Adam Walsh Act and the Failed Promise of Administrative Federalism

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    For advocates of federalism, these are uncertain times. With hope of meaningful judicial federalism having largely receded, and Congress persisting in its penchant for intrusions on state authority, of late several scholars have championed the capacity of executive agencies to enforce and preserve federalism interests. This paper tests this position, providing the first empirically based critical analysis of administrative federalism, focusing on the recently enacted Adam Walsh Act, intended by Congress to redesign states’ sex offender registration and community notification laws. The paper casts significant doubt on the accepted empirical assumptions of administrative federalism, adding to the limited evidence amassed to date on state influence on agency rulemaking, and provides an important cautionary tale for future agency-based criminal justice mandates that will likely come to pass

    Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis

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    The present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
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