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Recensione a: Adam Ledgeway, Lingua italiana in bocca calabra: Italian in Calabria, The Italianist, 30: sup2, 2010, pp. 95-120. DOI:https://doi.org/10.1080/0261434.2010.11917480
No full textIl presente contributo propone una recensione scientifica dell'articolo di Adam Ledgeway "Lingua italiana in bocca calabra: Italian in Calabria
Passive and impersonal reflexives in the Italian dialects
No full textDiscussion of passive and impersonal reflexives in contemporary Italian dialects and some 11th-15th century northern, central, southern and Sadinian varieties
What is it that requires or constrains clefts? (Dis)Favouring factors for clefting in Germanic and Romance
No full textThe behaviour of languages with respect to cleft sentences is subject to a great degree of variation. On the one hand there are Romance languages such as some dialects of the Veneto (Italy) in which clefting is the only syntactic strategy to form subject questions (Poletto and Vanelli 1997); on the other languages such as Standard German strongly constrain the availability of clefts (Durrell 2002: 479; Fischer 2009). The aim of the present contribution is to shed some light on the factors which favour clefting and those which inhibit it. On the basis of a thorough analysis of linguistic microvariation observed in Venetan varieties, it will be shown that even in the domain of mandatory clefting some restrictions apply, which enable us to draw a scale for the obligatoriness of clefting depending on the nature of the subject and on its relationship with the lexical verb. On the opposite pole, starting from German data, we will address the extent to which Verb Second, the lack of a specialised preverbal position for the subject, information structure and the availability of other pragmatic strategies may play a role in limiting cleft formation, especially for non-subject constituents. Furthermore, we will consider whether clause-type correlates with the availability of clefting and, more specifically, if wh-questions constitute a vulnerability point for clefting to enter grammatical systems. In this respect a closer look at earlier stages of English (Los 2009) and further Germanic languages such a Norwegian – which, despite being a Verb Second language, makes extensive use of clefts (Gundel 2006; Westergaard, Vangsnes and Lohndal 2017) – will offer some interesting insights to a better understanding of the factors at play
Person endings in the old Italian verb system
Full text linkIl lavoro compara la morfologia verbale dell'italiano antico con quella dell'italiano moderno. Lo scopo è quello di fornire una descrizione sincronica di un aspetto della flessione verbale del fiorentino antico del XIII e inizio XIV secolo, cioè della prima fase documentata di quello che diventerà l'italiano standard. Il focus del lavoro riguarda in particolare le desinenze delle forme finite del verbo. L'analisi intende mettere a fuoco da una parte i tratti salienti dell'italiano antico e dall'altro individuare le dinamiche interne che possono rendere conto dei cambiamenti che hanno dato origine al sistema moderno
Présentation: Section 4 - Syntaxe’, Congrès international de linguistique et de philologie romanes (Nancy, 15–20 juillet 2013), Volume 1
No full textPresentazione critica dei alcuni lavori di morfosintassi romanza alla luce della teoria linguistic
Syntactic variation across Greek dialects. The case of demonstratives
No full textThe syntax of demonstratives in the Greek varieties of southern Italy and more broadly in diaspora Greek can serve as a case study of how long-term unbalanced contact can give rise to syntactic borrowing, shedding light on both necessary and sufficient formal conditions of contact-induced reanalysis and change. Diachronically, Greek features adjective-like demonstratives. In southern Italy and Asia Minor, the adjectival syntax of demonstratives is being and has been lost under pressure from Italo-Romance dialects and Turkish respectively. This radical departure from the traditional Greek pattern is, arguably, impossible in the absence of contact. Crucially, however, a new grammatical rule can only be borrowed if its most characteristic outputs are already possible in the target language, or are made possible through language-internal dynamics
On the syntactic encoding of lexical interjections in Italo-Romance
No full textBased on evidence from Italo-Romance, in this article I argue that lexical interjections can be split into three categories, depending on whether they must, they can or they cannot be integrated with the associated clause; the degree of integration with the co-occurring clause depends on the merge position of the interjection. Only interjections lexicalizing the functional head SpeechAct° represent autonomous linguistic acts and are therefore prosodically and syntactically independent from the associated clause; from this position they can attract the associated clause to the corresponding specifier position or raise to the adjacent head Speaker° in order to provide the necessary contextual anchoring. Interjections lexicalizing the lower projection EvalSP do not have these properties and are intrinsically discourse-linked
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