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Nanjing's Loss of Capital Status : An Introduction to the Research on the Hongwu jingcheng Tuzhi 洪武京城圖志
No full textThe Hongwu Jingcheng tuzhi is a book compiled by imperial edict and published in the 28th year of the Hongwu era (1395) of the Ming dynasty. The book contains eight illustrations, including those of the Huangcheng and the Jingcheng shanchuan, and 13 sections, including those devoted to palaces and castle gates. This book was published when construction of the capital city of Nanjing had reached its final stage -- which continued for 30 years leading up to the last years of Zhu Yuanzhang. This book was imbued with the strong sense of attachment that Emperor Hongwu felt towards Nanjing. However, this book was not widely disseminated during the Ming dynasty. The only extant wood-block version of this book is the second edition made during the Hongzhi era, which is held by the Nanjing Library, and the whereabouts of the first edition is unknown. The record of the publication of this book in vol. 243 of the Taizu shilu 太祖實錄 notes the title simply as Hongwu zhi. The chief officers involved in the editing, namely Director-General and Compiler, intentionally omitted the characters for capital city (Jingcheng) in an attempt to obscure the fact that such a book concerning the capital, Nanjing, had been published. The Taizu shilu, which was compiled in the Jianwen era for the first time, was revised twice by the order of Emperor Yongle. Only the final third, revised edition exists. It was during the first imperial visit to Beijing that the order for the final revision was given to Hu Guang and others who were Hanlin Academicians. Work began in Beijing based on direct instructions from the Emperor. This revision was finished and submitted in the 16th year of the Yongle era (1418). During this period, the project to relocate the capital had reached its final stage. The entourage of bureaucrats who accompanied the Emperor was already aware that Nanjing would lose its capital status and the capital would soon be transferred to Beijing. This was expected to come into conflict with the policy of revision, which stipulated that the Taizu shilu must be revised for the purpose of clarifying the legitimacy of the imperial succession from Emperor Hongwu to Emperor Yongle. Someone, such as the Director-General or the Compiler, noticed this and tried to ensure that the shift from the Nanjing capital system advanced by Emperor Yongle would be as inconspicuous as possible. It is thought that three characters (Jingcheng tu) were omitted from the title in the Taizu shilu, leaving only the word Hongwu zhi. It was not the case that Nanjing lost its status as a capital while the revisions were underway. However, prior to the relocation of the capital in the 19th year of the Yongle era (1421), preparations were initiated in the Taizu shilu to deprive Nanjing of its capital status
Some Problems Concerning the Yan-wang Fu 燕王府 in the Early Ming
No full textIn the third year of the reign of Hong-wu 洪武 (1370), the founder of the Ming dynasty, his fourth son, Zhu Ti 朱棣 (the future emperor Yongle 永楽), was enfeoffed as Prince Yan 燕王. Thereafter, in the thirteenth year of the same reign, he proceeded to the Yan-wang fu, the prince's headquaters, established in Bei ping cheng 北平城 (the present-day Beijing) to assume his fief. As regards the location of the Yan-wang fu, it has heretofore been understood, on the basis of the research of those such as Zhu Xie 朱契, as having been situated in the so-called Western Garden 西苑, within the Forbidden City 紫禁城 on the west side of the Tai-ye chi 太液池. In contrast, Wang Pu-zi 王璞子and Wang Jian-ying 王劍英 have produced a new theory in recent years claiming that the Yan-wang fu was located within the Yuan greater palace grounds 大内宮城 on the eastern side of the Tai-ye chi. The two positions have been disputed ever since. In this article I consider the location of the Yan-wang fu first on the basis of the historical records contained in the Ming tai-zu shi-lu 明太祖實錄 and the relevant accounts recorded by diplomatic missions from Koryo 高麗. Based on these records I have been able to confirm that the Yan-wang fu was situated within the walls 蕭牆 of the Yuan imperial palace, and that the Wang fu gong cheng 王府宮城 was situated on the eastern side of the Tai-ye chi within the greater palace grounds. I next considered the relationship between the process of construction of the Yan-wang fu and the bestowal to Zhu Ti of the Bei ping territory. According to my findings, the especially generous treatment of Prince Yan Zhu Ti in terms of bestowal of land by the emperor Hong-wu as described in the third edition of the Tai-zu shi-lu 太祖實錄, which was revised in the Yong le period, cannot be recognized as historically accurate. I have also made clear that the three princes, Qin-wang 秦王, Jin-wang 晉王, and Yan-wang 燕王, were each given nearly identical treatment in terms of allotment of lands and their enfeoffments. I hypothesize that the fact that the Yuan palace was used for the Yan-wang fu was because of a fiscal decision to use utmost restraint in holding public works construction to a minimum, and resulted in the dual construction of a revamped palace 王城 created out of Yuan greater palace grounds on the eastern side of the Tai-ye chi and the use of the walls of the Yuan imperial palace as the outer wall without the construction of a moat
The Guandian 官店・Tafang 塌房 in Peking and Commercial Taxation in the Early Ming Dynasty
No full textPreceding studies have regarded the Guandian and Tafang in the Ming dynasty as a kind of warehouse, and investigated it from the view of the development of the commercial structure. This paper illustrates that they had very much to do with the commercial taxation and trade, and describes them as performing a complex function as warehouse, brokerage and commercial taxation office. In 1409, the Ming government founded the Guandian and Tafang in Peking. The government took the initiative as in Nanking, in order to deal with the serious decline in the economy in the early Ming. They were around the Gulouxiadajie 鼓棲下大街 in the north of the Peking city, and the Dengshijie 燈市街 in the south of the city, where had been the commercial center since the Yuan dynasty. Xiangzhang 廂長 under the Lijia 里甲 system was responsible for the management. In the early Ming, merchants carrying abundant goods were nearly obliged to use this facility, and besides the storage fee and the brokerage, they had to pay commercial tax (each of them was 1/30 of commodity price). Afterward, the privileged class including imperial relatives, meritorious ministers and eunuchs took notice the profitability of Guandian and Tafang. As they were given Guandian and Tafang as rewards and founded Kediantafang 客店塌房 without permission, the privileged class gradually came to insist on the private ownership of them. The competition between their private Tafang and the public Guandian caused the decrease of commercial taxation. Through the separation of the warehousing business and brokerage from the complex Guandian and Tafang system, Guandian came to work mainly as commercial taxation office in the late Ming period
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Get PDFThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Variations on the Author
Get PDF“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
Get PDFWe provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
Dispelling the Myths Behind First-author Citation Counts
Get PDFWe conducted a full-scale evaluative citation analysis study of scholars in the XML research field to explore just how different from each other author rankings resulting from different citation counting methods actually are, and to demonstrate the capability of emerging data and tools on the Web in supporting more realistic citation counting methods. Our results contest some common arguments for the continued
use of first-author citation counts in the evaluation of scholars, such as high correlations between author rankings by first-author citation counts and other citation
counting methods, and high costs of using more realistic citation counting methods that are not well-supported by the ISI databases. It is argued that increasingly available digital full text research papers make it possible for citation analysis studies to go beyond what the ISI databases have directly supported and to employ more
sophisticated methods
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