2,106 research outputs found
Interviste realizzate e curate da A. Guiso in "La crisi del sistema politico italiano e il Sessantotto", a cura di Gaetano Quagliariello e Giovanni Orsina, Rubbettino, Soveria Mannelli 2005
Interviste realizzate e curate da Andrea Guiso a: Gianfranco Astori, Silvano Bassetti, Luciano Benadusi, Marco Boato, Massimo Camisasca, Luigi Covatta, Nuccio Fava, Mario Napoli, Pier Vincenzo Porcacchia, Ugo TrivellatoInterviews conducted and edited by Andrea Guiso to: Gianfranco Astori, Silvano Bassetti, Benadusi Luciano, Marco Roar, Massimo Camisasca, Luigi Covatta, Nuccio Fava, Mario Naples Pier Vincenzo Porcacchia, Ugo Trivellat
Awareness and stock market participation
The paper documents lack of awareness of financial assets in the 1995 and 1998 Bank of Italy Surveys of Household Income and Wealth. It then explores the determinants of awareness, and finds that the probability that survey respondents are aware of stocks, mutual funds and investment accounts is positively correlated with education, household resources, long-term bank relations and proxies for social interaction. Lack of financial awareness has important implications for understanding the stockholding puzzle and for estimating stock market participation costs. Klassifikation: E2, D8, G
Anti-Europeanism, Populism and European Integration in a Historical Perspective
This book explores the long-term origins of populist Euroscepticism.
Taking a historical perspective to move beyond explaining present-day expressions of opposition to the European Union in isolation, this book reveals the historical sedimentation of the several ways and forms taken over decades by opposition towards European integration. As such, this approach – with contributions from across disciplines - explains not just the past of Euroscepticism, but also its current nature and future prospects.
This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of European History, European Politics and Studies and more broadly to Political Science, International Relations, the Humanities and Social Sciences
The Italian ‘Seventies: tracing the origins of Italian modernity
The contributors deal with several ‘facets’ of the Italian seventies. Simona Colarizi provides an overview of the decade, analysing in particular the categories of movements, reforms, democracy, and transition. The article by Eugenio Capozzi focuses on the growing sentiment of hostility towards professional politicians, taking into account its origins and causes. The essay by Lorenzo Benadusi reconstructs the debate on the sexual revolution, examining especially three intellectuals: Renata Pisu and her attempt to educate people on sexual liberation; Augusto Del Noce and his denunciation of the progressive pornograficizing of society; and Pier Paolo Pasolini and his analysis of the link between hedonism and ‘erotomania.’ Paolo Mattera’s article addresses the topic of the welfare state, analysing the real amount of increase spending in the 1970s and assessing whether, and to what extent, the external factors that led to the restructuring of European welfare systems also affected Italy. Andrea Guiso’s essay deals with the tight correlation between the decline of the ‘Republic of Parties’ and the structural transformations of the global economy that occurred between the late sixties and the seventies in the spheres of monetary policy, international finance, and industrial organization. To conclude, Giovanni Mario Ceci explores the relationship between the Christian Democracy, the Italian Catholic world, and the process of secularization, while reconsidering a common interpretation about the existence of a causal relationship between ‘secularization-crisis/end of the DC.
European integration and democratic legitimacy: a historical assessment of the institutional and economic roots of populist Euroscepticism
This paper looks at the question of how Euroscepticism and populism became entangled. Historically distinct
phenomena, their convergence nonetheless has roots that go a long way back. The heuristic hypothesis is that
the prerequisites of this dynamic should be seen as part of the peculiar historical course of political democracy
in Europe following the second World War – and, specifically, as the consequence of the attempt to isolate
democracy from its national foundations and to adapt it to an unprecedented model of post-state and post representational constitutionalism. The pooling of negotiated shares of state sovereignty among EC members
meant that from its very beginning the European Community presented itself as a political unicum. The
devolution to European institutions of economic and political prerogatives that were once subject to the will
of the people have helped set in motion an early dynamic of multiplication of the sources and profiles of
democratic legitimacy. The growing feeling of distrust towards the public decision-maker is the other side of
that process of decentralisation of democracy, which has now found its most audacious field of
experimentation in the multilevel horizontal accountability model of European policy making
The Italian Communist Party and the "Israel Question". Toward a historical semantics of communist anti-zionism
Il saggio intende analizzare le forme e la natura dell’ostilità del PCI nei confronti dello Stato di Israele e dell’ideologia nazionalista ebraica nei primi anni della guerra fredda.
l’antisionismo dei comunisti italiani fu parte di una specifica, sedimentata e coerente struttura identitaria, forgiata nel contesto culturale del bolscevismo internazionale degli anni Venti e Trenta, rilanciata come strumento di disciplinamento ideologico negli anni della incontrastata dittatura di Stalin sul movimento comunista internazionale. Legato alla difesa dello Stato sovietico e all’affermazione del primato del Partito come avanguardia rivoluzionaria, il carattere tattico e sempre revocabile del sostegno alla causa nazionale ebraica, costituisce un dato permanente nell’esperienza del comunismo internazionale, quale espressione, a un tempo organica e funzionale, dell’antimperialismo, struttura portante della politica estera dell’Urss e collante identitario dei comunisti nel contesto della ‘guerra civile internazionale’ dichiarata da Lenin nel 1917.The history of relations between the PCI and the Jewish question in the early years of the Cold War can be defined a sort of historiographical ectoplasm. Just in recent years some studies have shown how the hostile attitude towards the national Jewish ideology of that party was part of a specific, profound and coherent political culture forged in the context of the international Bolshevism of the Twenties and Thirties. Entangled to the defense of the Soviet State and the affirmation of the primacy of the party as a revolutionary vanguard, the support for the Jewish national cause was expression of a tactical and reversible standing, influenced by the soviet power politics interests in the scenario of “international civil war” declared by Lenin in 1917. Starting from these premises, the contribution will try to analyze the reasons for the sudden abandonment of the support to the national Jewish state and the historical significance of the PCI’s involvement in the Soviet state anti-Semitism, reactivated with unprecedented violence in the last phase of Stalinism
Contesting Europe. The Origins of Populist anti-Europeanism
Hostility towards “Brussels”, a term often used as an inaccurate shorthand for the European Union institutions, has become deeply ingrained throughout Europe. This sentiment encapsulates two distinct and yet increasingly converging attitudes: anti-Europeanism and populism. Such a convergence has long-term causes. Indeed, contrary to a widespread interpretation, the former is as ancient as the European integration process itself. Current populism, too, needs a thorough historical perspective. Deeming it a concept “without a past” would be a misjudgement. Delving into the evolution of populist motives provides a profound understanding of why, under specific circumstances, the European Union has emerged as an optimal environment for their propagation and intersection with anti-Europeanism. Thus, historicising both populism and anti-Europeanism is fundamental to grasp a process currently underway in contemporary Europe
La "città del duce": Stato, poteri locali ed élites a Forlî durante il fascismo
I poteri locali hanno rappresentato, per il governo fascista, uno dei terreni più impegnativi sul quale misurare l'agibilità di una concezione esecutiva dello stato funzionale alla creazione di una compatta comunità nazionale. Città vetrina della rivoluzione fascista, Forlì costituisce un luogo storico per molti aspetti ideale al fine di osservare i meccanismi di radicamento della politica totalitaria in periferia, nonché le modalità di interazione tra le componenti strutturali del sistema fascista e il potere personale di Mussolini. Ne esce un quadro di centralismo difficile, vero paradosso dell'esperienza statuale unitaria, tale da evidenziare la permeabilità sociale del sistema di governo fascista incentrato sul carisma del duce. Sospeso tra uno stato immaginario iscritto nella grande metafora monista della costituzione moderna e lo stato reale, con il suo insopprimibile policentrismo, il sistema dittatoriale sarà presto costretto a mutare le proprie strategie di governo e di legittimazione sul territorio, assumendo modalità negoziali e contemperanti di gestione del pluralismo locale, dei conflitti endemici al regime del partito unico di massa, delle spinte e controspinte di interessi e poteri organizzati. Prendendo in esame temi quali il rapporto tra le gerarchie politiche e amministrative, la formazione delle reti politiche e clentelari, le relazioni tra le elites economiche locali e il governo nazionale, il sistema dei lavori pubblici e quello della finanza locale, questo lavoro si propone come contributo alla riflessione sulla problematica governabilità del sistema politico italiano.Local authorities have accounted for the fascist government, one of the most challenging terrain on which to measure the viability of a conception of the functional state executive to the creation of a compact national community. City showcase of the Fascist revolution, Forlì is a historical place in many ways ideal in order to observe the mechanisms of totalitarian politics rooted in the suburbs, as well as the mode of interaction between the structural components of the system and the personal power of the fascist Mussolini. What emerges is a picture of centralism difficult paradox of experience unitary state, so as to highlight the permeability of the system of social fascist government focused on the charisma of the leader. Suspended between fictional writing in a state of great metaphor monistic modern constitution and the real state, with its irrepressible polycentricity, the dictatorial system will soon be forced to change their strategies and government legitimacy in the area, taking contemperanti mode negotiation and management pluralism local conflicts endemic to the system of one-party mass of the thrusts and counter-interests and organized powers. Taking into consideration issues such as the relationship between the political and administrative hierarchies, the formation of policy networks and clentelari, relations between the local economic elites and the national government, the system of public works and that of local finance, this paper aims as contribution to the reflection on the problems of governability Italian political system
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