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Artificial intelligence : legal and ethical aspects
No full textPublished online: 28 December 2025Artificial Intelligence (AI) presents both benefits and drawbacks for people with disabilities. It offers significant opportunities to enhance autonomy, accessibility, and participation, while at the same time it poses substantial risks that may reinforce existing barriers, create new forms of exclusion, or exacerbate vulnerabilities. AI can support people with disabilities through improving medical research and creating assistive tools and consumer products that can enhance autonomy and inclusion. At the same time, risks can emerge from noninclusive design and biased datasets. From the legal and ethical point of view, accessibility, nondiscrimination, autonomy, and data protection are key concerns. To address these key concerns, AI should be inclusive “by design,” supported by fundamental rights, impact assessments, and by the cooperation of people with disabilities in development and governance processes
Defending the political constitution
No full textPublished online: 02 January 2026This book defends the superior merits of a political constitution of a democratic kind compared to those of a legal constitution of a liberal hue. Political constitutionalism locates the constitution in the character and design of the political system and the modus operandi of its component political processes. It is often seen as an idiosyncratic feature of the UK and certain Commonwealth and Nordic countries. It gets compared unfavourably with a legal constitution involving an entrenched constitution that operates as higher law and is upheld by a supreme or constitutional court, such as that of the United States or Germany. By contrast, this book contends a legal constitution only operates as well as the underlying political constitution within which it is embedded. The first part of the book defends the constitutional properties of democratic political systems as sources and protectors of rights and the rule of law. The subsequent parts explore challenges to political constitutionalism stemming from the apparent spread of legal constitutionalism via domestic Bills of Rights and international law, on the one hand, and of technocratic regulators—not least at the global level, through organizations such as the WTO and the EU—on the other. It shows how international law and regulation can be placed under the mutual control of democratic states in ways that complement and support political constitutionalism at the domestic level by tying it into a form of intergovernmental political constitutionalism at the international level. Finally, it rebuts claims that political constitutionalism encourages and legitimizes populist reactions to these developments, arguing instead that it offers the best way to counter such democratic backsliding.-- Introduction
-- Part 1 Political Constitutionalism as Democracy
-- 1 Rights as Democracy
-- 2 The Rule of Law as the Democratic Rule of Persons
-- 3 Checks and Balances as Democracy: Political Equality and Majority Rule in the Democratic Mixed Constitution
-- Part 2 The Rights Challenge—Democracy as Rights?
-- 4 Domestic Bills of Rights: Political Constitutionalism and the Human Rights Act
-- 5 International Human Rights Conventions: Political Constitutionalism and the European Convention on Human Rights
-- Part 3 The Judicial Challenge—Democracy through Courts?
-- 6 Must Politics Rest on Law?
-- 7 Democracy through Courts?
-- Part 4 The Populist Challenge: Democracy as the Will of the People?
-- 8 Populism and the Democratic Challenge: Does Political Constitutionalism Facilitate or Counter Democratic Backsliding?
-- 9 Referendums and the Case of Brexit: Towards a Populist Constitutionalism?
-- 10 Taking Back Control? The Political Constitution of the European Union
-- Conclusio
Cross-border solidarity versus national capacity markets : risk of inadequate capacity procurement
No full textIn Europe, capacity markets are currently designed and operated at the national level, which can give rise to non-cooperative behavior. Member States may strategically influence national capacity procurement to maximize national welfare rather than cooperating towards the regionally optimal procurement. Using a stylized analytical model of two interconnected capacity markets, this paper evaluates the risk of such non-cooperative behavior. We differentiate between three options for the allocation of capacity markets’ costs and benefits: local, reservation, and sharing. Under the current EU framework, the benefits of capacity markets are shared regionally, as curtailment sharing applies in the day-ahead market clearing algorithm in cases of simultaneous scarcity, while capacity procurement costs are borne nationally. Sharing benefits but not costs creates incentives for freeriding, potentially leading to regional under-procurement of capacity. Moreover, the absence of a direct link between procured capacity and curtailment allocation weakens incentives for implementing explicit cross-border participation in capacity markets. We identify three possible remedies: (i) maintaining the existing framework with ad-hoc cross-border compensations, (ii) modifying curtailment rules so that cross-border flows reflect national capacity procurement rather than solidarity, or (iii) sharing exante capacity costs through a regional capacity market. As the first two options appear more difficult to implement and unsatisfactory in the long term, we argue that a regional or European capacity procurement approach is increasingly necessary, given rising interconnectivity and the expanding scope of capacity markets in Europe
SPS and TBT measures through the lens of bilateral and GVC-related regulatory distance
No full textPublished online: 29 December 2025The regulatory framework of international trade is complex and multifaceted, with many countries adopting unilateral measures characterised by unique features and differing in type and objectives. When countries implement measures with diverse goals, trade flows are likely weakened. Dynamics are more complex when commercial relationships are interlinked and involve the entire Global Value Chain (GVC). We compare the impacts of bilateral regulatory distance with those accumulated along the GVCs on bilateral trade. While bilateral regulatory distance tends to lower trade, a higher distance along the GVC is associated with larger trade flows. Moreover, the GVC effects offset those of bilateral distance
When deportation fails : non-removable migrants in the European Union
No full textDefence data: 06 December 2022Examining Board: Professor Claire Kilpatrick, (European University Institute, supervisor); Professor Andrew Geddes, (European University Institute, co-supervisor); Professor Cathryn Costello, (Hertie School and University of Oxford); Professor Diego Acosta, (University of Bristol)Deportation gaps are presented by EU policy makers as a challenge to EU legality and, more generally, as an existential challenge to state sovereignty. On the other hand, non-deportability is generally viewed as a victory for migrants’ rights (and for good reasons). However, successfully resisting deportation does not necessarily come with a residence permit attached, and migrants might simply become non-removable, unable and/or unwilling to return to their countries of origin, but unable to access lawful residence. This thesis attempts to provide, primarily, a critical diagnosis of non-removability at the EU level, rather than a solution to it. In a context where deportation is increasingly normalised, both legally and politically, the present thesis inquires: why are EU Member States unable to deport as much as they claim to strive for? What are the consequences for those who stay without a valid residence permit? To answer these questions, this thesis proceeds as follows: First, this thesis situates the issue within its theoretical and legal framework. In doing so, it zooms in on migration control and non-deportability scholarship, lays out the applicable legal framework under the EU Return Directive, and problematises non-removability from a conceptual, normative, human rights and EU law perspective. Secondly, this thesis provides a comprehensive analysis of the European and EU processes that manufacture non-removability. To do so, it focuses on situations where legal claims to non-removal are not followed by lawful residence. This is found to take place when states’ non-refoulement obligations under European Human Rights Law are not followed by international protection under EU law, or when supranational claims to social membership are enough to resist expulsion but not to obtain a residence permit. Moreover, this thesis analyses ‘practical’ obstacles to deportation in light of EU readmission policies – and the ways in which they fail. Thirdly, this thesis inquires into the legal status of non-removable persons and identifies a threefold categorisation of non-removable migrants under EU law. The thesis concludes with a reflection on desirable legal and policy responses to non-removability and possible avenues for further research
Shadow banking (system) versus traditional banking (system): a false dichotomy? : the case of the European Union
No full textDefence date: 31 May 2022Examining Board: Professor Hans-Wolfgang Micklitz, (Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, EUI (EUI Supervisor); Professor Hse-Yu (Iris) Chiu, (University College London); Professor Mathias Siems, (EUI); Professor Takis Tridimas, (King’s College London)Shadow banking system (SBS) versus traditional banking system (TBS): this dichotomy constitutes the basis of SBS’s conceptualisation, examination, and analysis. Although the answer to what the TBS is seems to be straightforward, namely deposit-taking and loan-giving, it is impossible to answer the question of what the SBS is. This paradox guides this thesis and questions the dichotomy. Focusing on the European Union (EU) and generally Europe and conceiving it as a context, the established dichotomy is rejected. The understanding and reading of banking and bank history within Europe, starting from the ancient till the modern era, have been drawn on its commonly agreed modern concept. The adoption and (anachronistic to some extent) application of one prevailing concept of bank and banking seem, on the one hand, surprising considering the changes and evolution of the socio-economic-political-legal context. On the other hand, it reveals the concept’s hollowness and exposes the origin of the inability to conceptualise and define the SBS, namely the inability to conceptualise and define the TBS and in general banking. Under the EU legal framework, we observe a broad definition attributed to the traditional bank, which could encompass the so-called shadow bank. Nevertheless, it does not due to the existence of other over- and underlapping concepts, the adoption of broad exceptions to the application of the traditional bank’s definition and its underenforcement at the EU and national level. This highlights the existence of multiple SBSs and TBSs at the national level over- and underlapping differently and to some extent with the EU SBS and TBS. Apart from leading to the dichotomy’s rejection, those observations demonstrate the existence of regulatory arbitrage defined by its three underlying phenomena, the lack of one guiding spirit of law but instead of multiple over- and underlapping ones, the in-application and underenforcement of law, allowing for and promoting SBS’s establishment. Aiming to overcome the paradox and considering those underlying phenomena as tools for future research a better understanding from different perspectives of bank and banking and of their evolution is necessary
Fighting falsehoods : how democratic states counter disinformation – an analysis of counter-disinformation policies in the United States, Sweden and Germany
No full textDefence date: 19 May 2022Examining Board: Professor Ulrich Krotz, (European University Institute, EUI Supervisor); Professor Jeffrey Checkel, (European University Institute); Professor Corneliu Bjola, University of Oxford; Professor Charlotte Wagnsson, (Swedish Defence University)Over the past ten years disinformation has repeatedly been described as one of the greatest threats to democracy and has been the subject of much scholarly attention. Less attention has been given to how policymakers across the world have adopted a series of new counterdisinformation policies. These policies reshape the institutions governing democratic countries’ information spheres and therefore deserve more attention, especially because they are remarkably different. This prompts two questions: how do democratic states counter disinformation, and what leads them to opt for different policies to counter disinformation? To answer these questions, this thesis develops three theoretical arguments rooted in the main strands of IR 1) a self-defence argument, which claims that states develop counterdisinformation policies to defend themselves against ‘disinformation attacks’; 2) a party politics argument, which claims counter-disinformation policies are the product of party competition, and; 3) an information culture argument, which claims that frames within national information cultures lead policymakers to adopt different counter-disinformation policies. It then compares the explanatory value of the three arguments by applying them to three cases – the US, Sweden and Germany – which have taken different trajectories in countering disinformation. The comparative analysis systematically ‘asks’ a set of key questions for each case. These questions were deduced from each of the three theoretical arguments and relate to ‘pre-existing conditions’, policymakers’ reasoning, and the counter-disinformation policies’ design. The analysis relies on a broad variety of sources, including interviews with policymakers and reports on disinformation campaigns, while employing different qualitative methods, such as interviewing and a combination of deductive and inductive coding of policymaker statements. Ultimately, the thesis finds that multiple forces shape counter-disinformation policies at what can be understood as different stages in a funnel: at the entry stage, the degree of exposure to disinformation campaigns creates the impetus for states to react to disinformation, as policymakers experience a ‘perceptual shock’. At the middle stage of the funnel, the national information culture provides frames through which policymakers interpret disinformation, which also defines the scope of possible policy solutions. At the last stage, details about the policy design, such as issue linkages, are shaped by party political dynamics. When the policy has been adopted, it goes through a ‘feedback-loop’ that sends it back to be reshaped through the ‘funnelling process’ once again. As such, the funnel-shaped theory of counter-disinformation policies provides a new way to conceptualise the interaction between international and domestic variables, and shows that disinformation campaigns can lead to changes in national policymaking, both within and outside the traditional security policy domains.Chapter 2 ‘Grasping counter-disinformation policies' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article ‘Theorising Digital Disinformation in International Relations’ (2020) in the journal ‘International politics
Dataset of gender indicators and sex-disaggregated data in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), European Union Sustainable Development monitoring, and the World Development Indicators' Gender Statistics
No full text1 data and documentation fileThe dataset tabulates and analyses the quality of sex disaggregation specified for indicators in the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) Global Indicator Framework and data portal, the European Union SDG Monitoring data, and the World Development Indicators Gender Statistics database.The FEMETRICS project has received funding via the EUI Widening Programme call 2024. The EUI Widening Europe Programme initiative, backed by contributions from the European Union and EUI Contracting States, is designed to strengthen internationalisation, competitiveness, and quality in research in Widening countries, and thus foster a more cohesive European Higher Education and Research area
Structural adjustments and stability in European sovereign debt markets
No full textPublished online: January 2026European sovereign debt markets are entering a period of structural change, with declining demand from the ECB and pension systems intersecting with rising supply linked to the green and digital transition, increased defence spending, and support for Ukraine. While these shifts imply hundreds of billions of euros in reduced demand and increased issuance, sovereign spreads have tightened and market functioning has remained notably stable by historical standards. This reflects clearer policy frameworks, greater transparency around ECB portfolio normalization, and more credible government signalling, which have allowed market participants to incorporate evolving demand–supply dynamics into pricing models. This relative stability is reassuring when compared to recent performance during moments of crisis. Market participants should continue to pay attention to the structural changes underway in European sovereign debt markets, but there is currently no cause for alarm
Along the silenced footsteps of Latin American pastoralists : from Mexico to Argentina, a journey through pastoral systems in Latin America
No full textPublished online: 24 January 2026Pastoralism worldwide faces a complex landscape of increased pressures and exclusion. Beyond ecological and economic challenges, pastoralists suffer eroding cultural identity, limited generational renewal, and political marginalization. Yet pastoral livelihoods are increasingly recognized as stewards of sustainable futures and amongst the best food producers in a post-fossil world scenario. In such a struggle for socio-ecological justice, voices of Latin America pastoralists remain unheard both within regional debates and pastoral scholarship globally. With this article we explore the Latin American context to push conceptual, economic, and political boundaries that pose constraints for sustainable rural development. Rising voices of Latin American pastoralists reveal local agency, resourcefulness, and resistance. Critical notions of identity and feeling to belong tied to rootedness and “sense of place” emerge as particularly relevant, in contrast with conventional framings focused on environmental and economic constraints.Article was supported by the PASTRES (Pastoralism, Uncertainty, Resilience: Global Lessons from the Margins) programe, which had received Advanced Grant funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programe (Grant agreement No. 740342)