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    Séneca, (San) Hipólito y Prudencio: una recapitulación

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    It was already back in the nineteenth century that scholarship established the blatant similarities between Saint Hippolytus’ martyrdom as told by Prudentius in Peristephanon 11 and the fate that the character of Hippolytus faces in classical mythology, specially as he is presented in Seneca’s tragedy Phaedra. This paper studies the common elements that both texts share as far as content and structure are concerned, and it also analyses the more relevant passages and pays attention to the bibliography published on the subject along the last thirty years. Prudentius builds his poem on the ekphrasis of an actual fresco that pictured Hippolytus’ martyrdom told in terms akin to Seneca’s version, in order to provide his readers with a new figure: that of the Christian martyr, who blends and overcomes the traditional traits of the epic hero, the tragic hero, and the stoic sage.Es un hecho recogido por la crítica ya en el siglo XIX que el martirio de San Hipólito, tal y como lo relata Prudencio en el poema 11 de su Peristephanon, guarda evidentes similitudes con la suerte que corre Hipólito en la mitología clásica y, en particular, con la versión de ello que presenta Séneca en su tragedia Phaedra. Este trabajo estudia los puntos en común de estructura y contenido entre ambos textos, analiza los pasajes correspondientes y se detiene en revisar la bibliografía al respecto de los últimos treinta años. Se puede concluir de todo ello que Prudencio construye su poema sobre la écfrasis de un fresco realmente existente en el que se reflejaba el martirio del santo en términos coincidentes con el relato senecano, y que lo que persigue con ello es proponer la figura de un mártir cristiano que, en su construcción literaria, asimila y supera los rasgos del héroe épico, del héroe trágico y del sabio estoico

    El "Epítome" de Justino como mina de motivos historiográficos humanísticos. Fenicios, cartagineses y romanos en la ciudad de Gades

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    Book 44 of Justin´s Epitome of Trogus Pompey´s Philippic History was a valuable source of inspiration for late medieval and Renaissance historians who tried to build a past for the Iberian Peninsula; a past which had not caught the attention of ancient authors before the Second Punic War. In this paper we focus on a particular theme, out of several that were taken from this work by Spanish historians: the arrival of the Carthaginians to the Peninsula as allies of the Gaditanians in their war against the natives. This theme was fully developed in the work of Florián de Ocampo, court historian to Charles V, who used it as basis to build a true epic saga full of wars, conquest and betrayal, culminating in the arrival of the Romans. His version inspired later historians and local chroniclers, even though it cast a shadow over the city of Cadiz´s origins. Our purpose is to deeply explore the development of this historical construction, and determine to what extent was Justin the model for each of its different elements.El libro 44 del Epítome de Justino a las Historias Filípicas de Pompeyo Trogo fue una valiosa fuente de inspiración para los historiadores tardomedievales y humanistas que trataban de construir un pasado para la Península Ibérica, un pasado que no captó la atención de los autores clásicos con anterioridad a la Segunda Guerra Púnica. En este artículo nos centramos en un motivo concreto, de los varios que fueron incorporados a la historiografía hispana a partir de esta obra: la llegada de los cartagineses a la Península como aliados de los gaditanos en un conflicto que estos mantenían con los indígenas. Este motivo alcanzó su máximo desarrollo en la obra de Florián de Ocampo, cronista de Carlos I, que lo utilizó de base para construir una verdadera epopeya plagada de guerras, conquistas y traiciones, culminando con la llegada de los romanos. Su versión inspiró a historiadores posteriores e incluso a cronistas locales, a pesar de las sombras que arrojaba sobre los orígenes de la ciudad gaditana. Nuestro propósito es explorar a fondo el desarrollo de esta construcción histórica, y determinar hasta qué punto el propio Justino puede considerarse el modelo de cada uno de los elementos de la misma

    Circulation and motivation of recent changes in the use of Italian words

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    Ci si richiama alla distinzione tra grammatica “clericale” prescrittiva e “laica” descrittiva, per esaminare i casi di nuovi usi (soprattutto nuovi significati) di parole italiane la cui notevole diffusione in due grandi corpora di lingua scritta (le annate 1992-2001 del quotidiano La Stampa e il corpus web RIDIRE) li segnala come “errori” in qualche misura (diversa caso per caso) sulla via di diventare innovazioni ammissibili perché consacrate dall’uso effettivo diastraticamente e diafasicamente alto. Se ne fornisce una classificazione basata sul tipo di causa che può avere condotto i parlanti ad adottare il nuovo uso. Si tratterà (a) dell’influsso analogico o addirittura dello scambio di significato indotto dalla presenza nella lingua di un altro termine formalmente contiguo e più accessibile; (b) di una interpretazione “alleggerita e impoverita”, cioè privata di qualche tratto semantico, per cui i parlanti, incontrando in contesto un termine di senso molto specifico, ne colgono solo parte del significato e lo interpretano come più generico; (c) della presenza di condizioni sintattiche in cui il termine è adoperato, che conducono i parlanti ad attribuirgli un significato o delle condizioni d’uso diversi da quelli canonici, o a generalizzare quelli prevalenti anche sui casi in cui ne sono previsti altri. In conclusione, si traggono alcune conseguenze della situazione osservata in ordine al modo di trattare tali nuovi usi in sede di didattica dell’italiano.Within the distinction between prescriptive and descriptive grammar, this paper considers several new uses of Italian words whose high frequency—both diastratically and diaphasically—in two big written corpora (newspaper La Stampa, years 1992-2001, and the online corpus RIDIRE) suggest they are no longer simply errors, but gradually received innovations. The words are classified according to the reason inducing speakers to adopt them, namely (a) analogy to, or exchange with, some other term formally similar and more accessible; (b) a “simplified and impoverished” interpretation, whereby some semantic trait is lost because speakers understood the word’s meaning limitedly, or rather generically, when found in specific contexts; (c) some syntactic conditions associated to the use of the term, which led speakers to give it meaning or usage different from the canonical ones. In view of these findings, guidance is considered for the way such new uses should be dealt with in the teaching of Italian

    Il teatro ilarotragico di Manganelli (tra Beckett e Bacon)

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    The Italian reception of Samuel Beckett’s works, even though late, finds in Giorgio Manganelli one of the most careful and punctual interpreters. An aspect that is necessary to analyze concerns the hilarious-tragic character according to Manganelli’s interpretation, or rather the operation of emptying the tragic myth in a parodic way. The Manganelli’s “tragedie da leggere” have in common with Beckett’s plays and with Bacon’s paintings the same desecrating purpose towards the tragic myth, which they oppose a sarcastic and melancholic hilarity.La ricezione italiana dell’opera di Samuel Beckett, seppur tardiva, trova in Giorgio Manganelli uno degli interpreti più attenti e puntuali. Un aspetto che merita di essere approfondito riguarda il carattere ilarotragico del teatro beckettiano secondo l’interpretazione di Manganelli, ovvero l’operazione di svuotamento del mito tragico in funzione parodica. Le “tragedie da leggere” di Manganelli condividono con le opere teatrali di Beckett e con le tele di Bacon il medesimo intento dissacratorio nei confronti del mito tragico, a cui si oppone una “ilarità” sarcastica e malinconica

    Carlos V en los intelectuales militares de la Restauración

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    During the Restoration, between 1875 and 1931, there take place diverse anniversary related to Carlos V and his centenary IV. In this frame there is studied the incident that had the figure of the Emperor in the intellectual soldiers spanish presents in this epoch, for what we analyze his writings related to that reign and to the figure of the own Monarch, as well as the bibliographical sources existing in the military libraries. To quantify the interest for Carlos V between these intellectual ones we realize an analysis of his written work, differentiating the works published as books and the published ones in the press, especially the military. As well as the work especially of one of these intellectual ones, Antonio García Perez, and the participation in the commemoration of these intellectual ones in the above mentioned centenary.Durante la Restauración, entre 1875 y 1931, tienen lugar diversas efemérides relacionadas con Carlos V y su IV centenario. En ese marco se estudia la incidencia que tuvo la figura del Emperador en los intelectuales militares españoles presentes en esa época, para lo que analizamos sus escritos relacionados con aquel reinado y con la figura del propio Monarca, así como las fuentes bibliográficas existentes en las bibliotecas militares. Para cuantificar el interés por Carlos V entre esos intelectuales realizamos un análisis de su obra escrita, diferenciando las obras publicadas como libros y las publicadas en la prensa, en especial la militar. Así como la obra en particular de uno de esos intelectuales, Antonio García Pérez, y la participación en la conmemoración de esos intelectuales en dicho centenario

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