Studia Islamika
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Voices from Indonesian Legislative on Religious Education Policy
No full textReligious violent extremism remains a problem for Indonesia. Recently, three consecutive attacks carried out by violent religious extremists — a suicide bombing in front of a Cathedral Church in Makassar South Sulawesi, the discovery of several prepared high explosive bombs in Condet Jakarta, and a female lone wolf attack on the Indonesian Police Criminal Investigation Agency — shocked the public (Fakta-data di Balik Bom Bunuh Diri, 29 Maret 2021; Polisi sebut Terduga Teroris Condet & Bekasi, 2021; Teroris Penyerang Mabes Polri, 2021). It may not be surprising since there were some early indications from various studies that some Indonesian people still have religious attitudes and behaviors that are exclusive, closed, anti-citizenship, anti-state, and even pro-violence (PPIM, 2016, 2017, 2018; Puspidep, 2017, 2018). The PPIM study results (2018) show that around 58.5 percent of students tend to be religious radical, and 51.1 percent tend to be intolerant to differences within Muslim groups. Then, as many as 34.3 percent of students are intolerant to non-Muslim groups. Radical views that are intolerant toward those who are different are the first step to violent extremism. These studies are a reminder that violent extremism is a problem for all of Indonesian society. Therefore, PPIM surveyed the perceptions of the public, students, teachers, and Indonesian Members of Parliament on violent extremism
Revisiting the Dusun Nyoir Rebellion in Narathiwat (South Thailand), April 1948
No full textThis article revisits the Dusun Nyoir rebellion of April 1948. My primary objective is to fill gaps missed by others whom I have learnt much from. Few familiar with the wider geography of violence in South Thailand are unaware of connections between this and the coordinated attacks on April 28 2004, which included the employment of Malay magic. This article demonstrates the importance of commitments to both conducting fieldwork in conservative rural communities and interacting with the secondary literature. The former revealed connections between Haji Mat Karae (who led the Dusun Nyoir rebellion) and Kyai Salleh active in Batu Pahat before the return of the British in 1945. Equally importantly, engaging in both ethnographic fieldwork and the relevant secondary literature brought into focus case studies of Malay rebellion having occurred during epochs of geo-political chaos throughout the Thai-Malay Peninsula, which those concerned with the political chaos caused by Thailand’s disorderly state have missed
The Predicaments of Muslims in the Philippines: An Exposition of Said Nursi’s Hypothesis vis-à-vis Hizmet Movement Approach
No full textThe complexities of interdependent predicaments experienced by Muslims propel their pessimism on the prospect of reform in the Philippines. This pessimism has made the apathy of Muslims towards the corrupt system in the country. Consequently, this condition drives the weakening of altruism and increases apathetic social identifiers. These predicaments continue until the current day due to the lack of inclusive and effective remedies for improving the rudiments of people’s living in contemporary society. By using analysis of documents and in-depth interviews, the writers examine the root causes of Muslim-Filipinos’ interdependent predicaments according to Said Nursi’s hypothesis vis-à-vis Hizmet Movement approach. The study finds that Said Nursi’s “triumvirate quandaries hypothesis” resembles, to a greater extent, the interdependent predicaments of Muslims in the Philippines. Thus, inclusive remedies concurrent to the approaches of the Hizmet Movement that are known to have effectively addressed the triumvirate quandaries need to be contextualized in the Muslim-Filipino society within the context of the Philippines secular state
The Political Dynamics of Islamophobia in Jokowi’s Era: A Discourse Analysis of Online Media Reporting
No full textThis article investigates the online media reporting of Islamophobic policies during the presidency of Joko Widodo, Indonesia’s current president. The study comprises a critical discourse analysis, which identifies three reporting dimensions, namely micro, mezzo, and macro. The article finds that discriminatory policies against Indonesian Muslims have triggered the emergence of news of Islamophobia in government policies. Politically, this causes Islamophobic propaganda, which, for the government, is a form of discourse struggle, the aim of which is to secure public support. Reports of government-backed Islamophobic propaganda moved the government to amend some of its policies, and facilitated the emergence of counter-narrative news, which refuted these accusations of Islamophobia. This study also shows that accusations of Islamophobia against the government are a result of the trauma many Muslims experienced, historically, long before the Jokowi presidency
The Persecution of Rohingya Muslims and the Path to Democratization in Myanmar
No full textRohingya Muslims in Myanmar have long endured severe discrimination and persecution. Although the Rohingya have lived in Myanmar for centuries, their existence is not fully accepted by the majority of Buddhist society. Rohingya Muslims residing in the north-western area of Rakhine are considered stateless people. In the last ten years, Rohingya Muslims have been treated severely and even expelled from their place of birth. This humanitarian crisis has attracted many international organizations that are aiding Rohingya and urging Myanmar’s civilian government to recognize Rohingya as an official ethnic group. This article explores the roots of Islamophobia in Myanmar and analyses its effect on Muslims’ daily life in Myanmar, and in particular for the Rohingya. Ultimately, it is important to discern the path of democratization in Myanmar, as currently led by Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD), analyzing the present state and future of democratization of the country, especially on a socio-political level
Persia and the Malay World: Commercial and Intellectual Exchanges
No full textThis article endeavours to review all known data about the relations, both direct and indirect, between Persia and the Malay World, from the earliest times up to the 17th century. Very early in the first centuries of our era, during the Sassanid period, we can observe the movements of people and commercial products. Contacts became more important after the rise of Islam. Small Persian communities (merchants and clerics) settled in various harbours of the Archipelago had an influence on Malay culture out of proportion with their number. An influence that is reflected by Persian texts translated into Malay and Javanese, by fragments of Persian Sufi poetry quoted in Malay works, and again by the various roles of Persian thinkers, like for instance the Sufi master Shams Tabrīz, in Malay and Javanese cultures. However, relations started to fade away with the advent of the Safavids and the decline of the Mughal empire
Al-Rasm al-'Uthmānī fī al-Muṣḥaf al-mi‘yārī al-Indūnīsī ‘inda al-Dānī wa Abī Dāwud
No full textThis article aims to find a scientific argument for the differences in rasm ‘Uthmānī between Indonesian’s muṣḥaf and Madinah’s muṣḥaf. Some people claim that rasm ‘Uthmānī of the Madinah’s muṣḥaf is the most proper compared to the Indonesian’s muṣḥaf. Through the comparison of the differences in both muṣḥafs based on the two books of al-Muqni‘ by al-Dānī and Mukhtaṣar al-tabyīn by Abū Dāwud Sulaymān, both have basics of similarity. The difference in the writing of rasm ‘Uthmānī in the Indonesian’s muṣḥaf and the Madinah’s muṣḥaf in general only lies in the difference in their affiliation in the two major schools in this discipline that were written in the 5th century Hijri by al-Dānī and Abū Dāwud. This article proves that differences in rasm ‘Uthmānī are common in terms of transmission, and the claim that the rasm of Madinah’s muṣḥaf is the most correct of rasm ‘Uthmānī is a mistake
Dār al-‘Ahd wa al-Shahādah: Muhammadiyah’s Position and Thoughts on Negara Pancasila
No full textThis paper evaluates Muhammadiyah’s effort to revitalise the doctrine of Siyar since the publication of Negara Pancasila sebagai Dār al-‘Ahd wa al-Shahādah (the state of Pancasila as the abode of covenant and the space of testimony). It finds that the ideas in the publication aim to provide guidance for Muhammadiyah members on the relationship between the state and Muhammadiyah. It ensures that its members will understand that Indonesia is Dār al-‘Ahd wa al-Shahādah. It seeks to defend itself against Islamist criticism, while also affirming its responsibility for state development. This paper argues that the idea is a product of Muhammadiyah’s contemporary ijtihad, an effort in theologising democracy based on the idea of Islam Berkemajuan (Islam with progress), in order to strengthen the social bonds of its members who are facing the challenging reality of the massive spread of Islamism and the associated social, political and economic problems
When Islamism and Pop Culture Meet: A Political Framing of the Movie "212: The Power of Love"
No full textThis article examines the film 212: The Power of Love, which has been perceived as apolitical in political circumstances, and which was explicitly endorsed by new religious authorities. By critiquing the notion of Post-Islamism employed by scholars, this paper argues for the concept of Pop-Islamism, which emphasizes the contribution of political agents outside of political parties. I consider the following three questions: What is the primary reason behind creating a film in the context of the 212 movements? How does it deal with the event? What kind of Islam has been represented? This article argues that the medium of film is used to legitimize accusations of blasphemy made against Ahok through a singular interpretation of events, which represent Islam as a peaceful and tolerant religion. Subsequently, the film obscures select facts and issues to conceal the connection between the 212 movement and electoral politics in Jakarta. It does so by framing those issues apolitically in the context of increased Islamization in Indonesia
Images of Makkah and the Hajj in South Thailand: An Ethnographic and Theological Exploration
No full textThis article explores the historical and contemporary importance of Makkah and the hajj for Malays in South Thailand. Our multi-disciplinary approach examines relevant historiographies, the insights of Islamic Studies scholars, and ethnographic data collected in Pattani’s provincial capital. We point out that in the outputs produced by literary networks located in Sumatra and the portion of Thai/Malay Peninsula once referred to as the Malay Sultanate of Pattani, references to Makkah were early to appear. Malays from Pattani may have primarily travelled to Makkah to perform the hajj, but following Pattani’s subjugation by Bangkok in the late 18th century, Makkah functioned as a refuge. Following a description of the prerequisites, preparations, and performances of the hajj in present-day Pattani, we identify and discuss motivations of fulfilment, forgiveness, and merit-making. We argue through our exploration of these historical, ethnographic, and theological factors that Makkah is much more than a site of pilgrimage, and that the performance of hajj is multi-faceted