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Amérique latine. L’Année politique 2025
No full textAmérique latine. L’Année politique 2025 est une publication de l’Observatoire politique de l’Amérique latine et des Caraïbes (Opalc) du CERI-Sciences Po. Il prolonge la démarche du site www.sciencespo.fr/opalc en offrant des clés de compréhension d’un continent en proie à des transformations profondes
Regional Government in France
No full textRegional governments are the most recent and institutionally constrained tier of subnational government in France. Created through a state-led process of administrative regionalism rather than bottom-up political mobilization, regions long lacked legal status and only became territorial collectivities in 1982, with direct elections introduced in 1986. Despite subsequent reforms and increased visibility, French regions remain weakly embedded politically and enjoy limited autonomy compared with their European counterparts. They possess no legislative powers, minimal fiscal discretion, and limited influence over national decision-making, while operating primarily as coordinating and planning authorities. Territorial differentiation has emerged only marginally, mainly in Corsica and overseas territories. Overall, French regional governance reflects a path-dependent equilibrium in which expanded responsibilities coexist with strong central control, persistent inter-tier competition, and enduring constraints on regional empowerment
Living on the edge: investigating experiences of poverty through the lens of the Desperation Threshold Model
No full textThe Desperation Threshold Model (DTM) seeks to explain conflicting findings about the risk propensity of people living in poverty. It makes assumptions about their experiences: that they have a conception of basic needs, that their ability to meet these motivates their decisions, and that they modulate risky decisions depending on their ability to do so. The realism of these modeling assumptions has not yet been investigated. To start filling this gap, we investigated experiences of poverty through the lens of the DTM, using two complementary approaches: a pre-registered online survey with British participants (n = 300) and semi-structured qualitative interviews with very low-income individuals in France (n = 14). Our results imply that basic needs have both a context-general component and context-specific elaborations. Furthermore, participants often relied on social and institutional resources when experiencing financial adversity, indicating that only measuring personal income or wealth might not accurately capture the resources available to people. With respect to the DTM’s main predictions, most individuals close to—but still above—the desperation threshold exhibited caution and took a safety-first approach, consistent with risk-averse behavior. Risky or antisocial behaviors (e.g., cheating, stealing) emerged only in rare instances of severe financial hardship and complete lack of external support. These results suggest that the DTM’s main assumptions are empirically grounded but that they need to be qualified in specific ways. They also suggest that abstract models like the DTM can capture something about the experience of people living in conditions of poverty
Casting doubts on the growth machine? Doughnut economics, an ambiguous innovation in Amsterdam governance
No full textInternational audienceThe institutional uptake of Doughnut economics in Amsterdam in 2020 marks a notable departure from growth-centred governance. Drawing on qualitative research, this paper mobilises the instrument constituency and multiple streams frameworks to trace the policy process behind the Amsterdam City Doughnut (ACD). It shows how an ambiguous and supply-driven policy innovation gained traction through coalition-building and strategic coupling of policy, problem, and political streams. While non-binding, the ACD’s adoption politicised growth as a collective goal, signalling a subtle yet significant shift in urban governance, and casting doubts on the enduring validity of the urban growth machine thesis
Recommender system in X inadvertently profiles ideological positions of users
No full textStudies on recommendations in social media have mainly analyzed the quality of recommended items (e.g., their diversity or biases) and the impact of recommendation policies (e.g., in comparison with purely chronological policies). We use a data donation program, collecting more than 2.5 million friend recommendations made to 682 volunteers on X over a year, to study instead how real-world recommenders learn, represent and process political and social attributes of users inside the so-called black boxes of AI systems. Using publicly available knowledge on the architecture of the recommender, we inferred the positions of recommended users in its embedding space. Leveraging ideology scaling calibrated with political survey data, we analyzed the political position of users in our study (N=26,509 among volunteers and recommended contacts) among several attributes, including age and gender. Our results show that the platform's recommender system produces a spatial ordering of users that is highly correlated with their Left-Right positions (Pearson rho=0.887, p-value < 0.0001), and that cannot be explained by socio-demographic attributes. These results open new possibilities for studying the interaction between human and AI systems. They also raise important questions linked to the legal definition of algorithmic profiling in data privacy regulation by blurring the line between active and passive profiling. We explore new constrained recommendation methods enabled by our results, limiting the political information in the recommender as a potential tool for privacy compliance capable of preserving recommendation relevance
Confidentialité des consultations des juristes d’entreprise : tout comprendre de la réforme
No full texthttps://www.leclubdesjuristes.com
Intersectionalising hatred: how multiple antagonisms reinforce reactionary coalitions
No full textInternational audienceThis article analyzes the contemporary anti-abortion movement in Quebec to explore how reactionary movements are being reconfigured. Using a qualitative corpus that combines focus groups, participant observation, and online data collection, it shows how antifeminism serves as a central vector of ideological articulation across otherwise heterogeneous repertoires. Rather than constituting a unified bloc, the movement employs tactical agnosticism, rhetorical mimicry, and discursive violence. These strategies allow it to borrow selectively from progressive, nationalist, conspiracist, and religious registers while maintaining antifeminism as a stable antagonistic core. This dynamic exemplifies the 'intersectionality of hatreds': a coalition-building process where hostility towards women, LGBTQ+ people, immigrants, and minority religious groups is aggregated into a broader antagonism against gender equality. Unlike related notions such as convergence, hybridization, or 'salad bar ideology', this framework highlights the capacity to combine flexibility with cohesion. Digital infrastructures are crucial to this process, enabling the circulation of hostile discourses, amplifying affective publics, and sustaining coalition logics that transcend traditional ideological divides. By theorizing the intersectionality of hatreds, the article underscores its analytical value not only for understanding the centrality of antifeminism but also for tracing other points of intersection whose accumulation strengthens the resilience of reactionary coalitions.Cet article analyse le mouvement anti-avortement contemporain au Québec afin d’explorer la manière dont les mouvements réactionnaires se reconfigurent. À partir d’un corpus qualitatif combinant groupes de discussion, observation participante et collecte de données en ligne, il montre comment l’antiféminisme fonctionne comme un vecteur central d’articulation idéologique à travers des répertoires autrement hétérogènes. Plutôt que de constituer un bloc unifié, le mouvement recourt à un agnosticisme tactique, au mimétisme rhétorique et à la violence discursive. Ces stratégies lui permettent d’emprunter sélectivement à des registres progressistes, nationalistes, conspirationnistes et religieux, tout en maintenant l’antiféminisme comme noyau antagoniste stable. Cette dynamique illustre l’« intersection des haines » : un processus de construction de coalition dans lequel l’hostilité envers les femmes, les personnes LGBTQ+, les immigré·es et les minorités religieuses s’agrège en un antagonisme plus large à l’égard de l’égalité de genre. Contrairement à des notions voisines telles que la convergence, l’hybridation ou l’« idéologie buffet », ce cadre met en évidence la capacité à combiner flexibilité et cohésion. Les infrastructures numériques jouent un rôle crucial dans ce processus : elles facilitent la circulation de discours hostiles, amplifient des publics affectifs et soutiennent des logiques de coalition qui transcendent les clivages idéologiques traditionnels. En théorisant l’intersection des haines, l’article souligne sa valeur analytique non seulement pour comprendre la centralité de l’antiféminisme, mais aussi pour repérer d’autres points d’intersection dont l’accumulation renforce la résilience des coalitions réactionnaires
Les nouvelles dynamiques du vote au Parlement européen. Vers une alliance des droites ?
No full textInternational audienceCet article s’interroge sur l’impact de la montée en puissance des groupes de la droite extrême et radicale au Parlement européen (PE). Peut-on constater une « droitisation » de l’assemblée depuis les élections de juin 2024 si l’on examine ses votes ? Pour le déterminer, l’article revient, dans une première partie, sur la formation des coalitions lors des votes au PE. Il rappelle qu’il est depuis longtemps dominé par des clivages partisans, et que son fonctionnement est marqué par une domination des démocrates-chrétiens et des socialistes. Il présente ensuite les votes par appel nominal, qui seront utilisés pour analyser les dynamiques de coalition. Dans une seconde partie, cet article se penche sur le rôle de la « grande coalition » que forment les groupes PPE et S&D. Elle domine toujours les votes du PE, mais les groupes de la droite radicale et extrême sont de plus en plus impliqués dans des coalitions avec le PPE, ce qui souligne une droitisation du PE
Un mirage persistant. A propos de The Race Illusion
No full textInternational audienceAdam Hochman propose une décomposition rigoureuse du concept de race et de sa prétendue réalité biologique. Sa critique de la race comme réalité sociale est néanmoins affaiblie par des choix définitionnels contestables
Les mots du nouveau monde
No full textInternational audienceAnthropocène, désinformation, multi-alignement, décolonial, genre, sécurité humaine, smart power, Sud global, civilisationnisme… autant de termes qu’il faut savoir écouter, si l’on veut comprendre le monde actuel.Ce livre propose d’analyser le langage des relations internationales renouvelé sous l’effet d’au moins trois ruptures majeures depuis 1945 : la décolonisation, qui a déstabilisé le monopole de la parole occidentale, la dépolarisation, qui implique de nommer des formes inédites de coopération ou de conflit, et la mondialisation qui, en consacrant l’interdépendance et la mobilité, ouvre un champ lexical en constante expansion.Chacun de ces mots récemment forgés ou reconstruits voit sa préhistoire, ses acceptions multiples, ses faiblesses et les tensions ou les risques générés par ses usages retracés et questionnés. L’engouement naïf pour le néologisme étant aussi dangereux que le conservatisme dogmatique, il est urgent de donner aux mots du nouveau monde la rigueur conceptuelle et la profondeur historique dont ils ont besoin pour nous aiguiller