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Les droites de retour dans le Chili « en morceaux »
No full textInternational audience« Chile se cae a pedazos », « le Chili tombe en morceaux ». Cette sentence brutale etexagérée – déjà plusieurs fois répétée dans l’histoire récente du Chili – a été au centre dela campagne électorale qui s’est conclue par la victoire de José Antonio Kast sur JeannetteJara, par une large majorité de 58 % des voix. Ce score a été rapproché par les vainqueurset de nombreux analystes de celui, plus élevé encore (62 %), du rechazo, le rejet du texteissu de la Convention constitutionnelle en 2022, certains allant même jusqu’à parler d’unnouveau clivage qui structurerait l’électorat
Le pari migratoire européen en Afrique : nouveau modèle de coopération ou impasse ?
No full textInternational audiencePlan de l'article : - Encadrer les migrations à destination de l’Europe ; - Des aides au développement sous conditions ; - Des politiques migratoires Sud-Su
Political attitudes differ but share a common low-dimensional structure across social media and survey data
No full textDoes polarization online reflect the state of polarization in society? We study ideological positions and attitudes on several issues in France, a country with documented issue nonalignment. We compare distributions on X/Twitter with a nationally representative sample, focusing on two key properties: ideological polarization and issue alignment. Despite significant issue-wise divergences, positions of both the X population and the nationally representative sample present a similar bi-dimensional structure along two dominant bundles of aligned issues: a Left-Right divide, and a Global-Local divide. We then study how our results vary when accounting for key structural parameters of the online public sphere: activity, popularity, and visibility. We find that the dimensionality of attitude distributions shrinks as ideological polarization increases when selecting more active users. The divergence between political attitudes on social media and in survey data is greatly mediated by the combination of activity and popularity of social media users: users benefiting from the most exposure are also the most representative of the general public. Together, our results shed light on the structural similarities and differences between political attitudes from social media users and the general public
Surveiller et punir en Chine: Laogaï et technosurveillance, de 1946 à nos jours
No full textInternational audienceLe contrôle de la déviance et la réforme des mentalités sont au cœur du système mis en place par Mao avant même son arrivée au pouvoir. Institutions, comités de voisinage, camps de rééducation ciblent d'abord les " ennemis de classe ", puis l'ensemble des citoyens. Aujourd'hui facilités par les nouvelles technologies de surveillance, le maillage systématique et le laogai – goulag chinois – restent un instrument central du pouvoir. Ce livre donne voix aux victimes de ce système d'asservissement
Le temps et le mandat collectif
No full textInternational audienceThis paper examines the collective dimension of parliamentary mandates, often overlooked in academic literature, which typically focuses on individual mandates. However, elected representatives heavily depend on their party and political group for both their election and the exercise of their mandate. Parties play a central role in candidate selection, election campaigns, parliamentary life, and the careers of elected officials. The dissolution of an assembly particularly highlights this collective dimension: it strips all deputies of their mandate, regardless of their individual behavior. While this dependence limits their autonomy, it also provides resources (logistical support, division of labor, socialization). Thus, the parliamentary mandate is fundamentally collective, shaped by partisan logic and temporal constraints, profoundly influencing the actions and time perception of elected representatives.Ce chapitre analyse la dimension collective du mandat parlementaire, souvent négligée par la littérature scientifique, qui se concentre surtout sur le mandat individuel. Pourtant, les élus dépendent fortement de leur parti et de leur groupe politique, tant pour leur élection que pour l’exercice de leur mandat. Les partis jouent un rôle central dans la sélection des candidats, les campagnes électorales, la vie parlementaire et la carrière des élus. La dissolution d’une assemblée illustre particulièrement cette dimension collective : elle prive tous les députés de leur mandat, indépendamment de leur comportement individuel. Bien que cette dépendance limite leur autonomie, elle leur offre aussi des ressources (soutien logistique, division du travail, socialisation). Ainsi, le mandat parlementaire est avant tout collectif, façonné par les logiques partisanes et les contraintes temporelles, ce qui influence profondément l’action et la perception du temps des élus
La jeunesse d’extrême droite italienne entre reconnaissance nationale et internationale : autour d’un article du Secolo d’Italia du 15 décembre 1978
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An Ongoing Gender Revolution in Europe: Women’s Stable Employment as a Precondition for Partnered First Births
No full textInternational audienceThe literature on the micro-level gendered associations between employment and fertility in couples has presented a mixed picture, contrasting a uniformly positive association of employment and first birth for men with negative, zero, or positive associations for women. Differences in period, country context, and women's educational level have been proposed as explanations for the ambiguous findings. We attempted to resolve these differences and explanations by estimating the employment associations for co-residential different-sex couples' first birth in 24 European countries using the 2004-2017 waves of the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) panel survey. We paid particular attention to the stability of women's pre-conception employment. We found that having both the woman and man full-time, full-year employed was associated with a higher first-birth risk relative to only the man full-time, full-year employed ("male-breadwinner") and relative to neither the woman nor the man full-time, full-year employed. Women's full-time, full-year employment across two pre-conception years was strongly positively associated with the risk of first birth for women's low-, medium-, and high-educational-attainment groups. The association of women's fulltime, full-year employment with first birth was positive not only overall, but also separately for Western-, Eastern-, and Southern-European country groups. These findings suggest that women's stable full-time employment may be a general precondition for initiating parenthood among European couples