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The Yeongsan River Basin, Baekje and Wa, from the Perspective of the Kofun (Part I)
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿では，栄山江流域勢力および百済と倭の関係について，倭系文物や古墳を主な分析対象として検討を行った。
百済地域に遺された倭系文物は，都城よりも栄山江流域など特定地域に偏重している。また，栄山江流域と共通的な墓制や栄山江流域系の文物が副葬された，九州地域の七夕池古墳，梅林古墳，番塚古墳，正籠3号墳などの存在が注目される。このことは，百済―倭の双方交渉の実務的な役割を，地理的に近い栄山江流域と九州地域勢力が主導的に担ったために現出した現象であると考えられる。すなわち，百済と倭の交渉・交流における中心軸はそれぞれの王権であったけれども，地域勢力の参入と百済王権の関与の程度は地域により多様であったと考えられる。
栄山江流域における倭系文物には，武装に関連するものが多い。代表的な例は，帯金式甲冑や各種の武器などである。その一方で，日本列島における百済・栄山江流域系の文物は，オンドルなどの住居施設や炊事用土器などをはじめ，渡来集団が移住・定着したことを示すものが多い。このような非対称性は，高句麗との緊張関係にあった百済王権が倭の軍事的支援を必要とした状況や，倭人たちが百済に進出し活動した理由が移住・定着ではなく，比較的短い期間に終えることができる活動（例えば軍事支援）などであったことを示している。In the southwestern Korean Peninsula, so me tombs were built based on the burial practices of Yamato in the fifth and sixth centuries. While recent studies are elucidating the background of these Japanese-style tombs, this article broadly examines the background of Japanese-style tombs built in the southern and western coastal areas of the Korean Peninsula in the early fifth century and keyhole tombs built in the Yeongsan River Basin in the late fifth and early sixth centuries.
Japanese-style tombs built in the southern and western coastal areas of the Korean Peninsula in the early fifth century were characterized by their nearness to the sea and their burial practices informed by those of small and medium-sized tombs in the northern Kyūshū region. These characteristics imply that the occupants of Japanese-style tombs had not assimilated into the local culture and were buried as foreigners. They seem to have been Japanese immigrants who played a substantial role in negotiations between Yamato and Baekje or other kingdoms in the Yeongsan River Basin. Moreover, the diversity in grave goods unearthed from local-style tombs in the southern and western coastal areas indicates the existence of local clans thriving with marine trades. The active engagement of such local clans based in major hubs along trade routes seems to have strengthened diplomatic relations between Yamato and Baekje or other kingdoms in the Yeongsan River Basin.
Keyhole tombs and local-style burial mounds built in the Yeongsan River Basin in the late fifth and early sixth centuries have similarities and differences in their burial practices. Although most previous studies suggested that they had been exclusive or opposed to each other, the fact that all of the clans that built these tumuli participated in a regional network of various trade routes and accepted new burial practices from Yamato and Baekje implies that these two styles of tumuli coexisted without excluding each other. From the perspective of local clans themselves, the selection between keyhole tombs and local-style burial mounds was a mere result of their decisions on what new burial practices to adopt and what relations to build with the central government of Baekje and Japanese immigrants.
In this sense, Japanese-style tombs in the Yeongsan River Basin are principally attributed to chiefs of local clans who had close relationships with Baekje and Yamato. Given that these local clans interacted so actively with Baekje and Yamato and that some of immigrants may have settled in the basin, it is also worth considering the possibility that so me of the chiefs interred in Japanese-style tombs originally came from Baekje or Yamato.departmental bulletin pape
The Watanuki Kannonyama Mound and the Korean Peninsula (Part V)
Get PDFapplication/pdf群馬県高崎市の綿貫観音山古墳は，6世紀後半の関東地方を代表する前方後円墳であり，全国的にも著名である。昭和43年からの一連の発掘調査で，後円部の横穴式石室から手つかず状態の豪華で豊富な副葬品が出土した。その内容は，朝鮮半島（取り分け南部の百済･新羅･加耶地域）との深い関係性が窺われ，極めて高い制作技術による優品群である。本墳の被葬者，関係者の人物像として朝鮮半島との深いつながりが想起される。
石室内の副葬品には，大いに関心が寄せられてきたが，一方でそれらが納められていた横穴式石室については，構造的特徴を明らかにするところまでに止まり，系譜的関係や築造背景について検討される機会は少なかった。本稿では，このことを中心的課題とする。
観音山古墳の横穴式石室は，上毛野地域で5世紀末葉～6世紀初頭から始まる横穴式石室の変遷過程の中にあって，断絶性・異質性が顕著である。6世紀第2四半期の榛名山噴火で噴出した角閃石安山岩を主要石材としており，｢角閃石安山岩削石積石室｣と呼称されてきている［尾崎1966，右島1993］。当該石室は，観音山古墳にとどまらず，周辺地域の有力古墳にも数多く確認できる。加えて，それぞれの古墳副葬品にも顕著な半島色が見い出せる。新羅製の出字式金銅冠を出土した前橋市山王金冠塚古墳もその一つである。これらの古墳相互の間に，観音山古墳を中心とした強い結びつきが想定される。
上毛野地域と朝鮮半島との直接的関係性は，5世紀までさかのぼる［群馬県立歴史博物館2017］。当地域に渡来人が数多く迎えられ，組織的な馬生産等に関与したことが明らかにされている。その受け入れ先が，当地域中･西部の首長層であった。保渡田古墳群形成の端緒となった井出二子山古墳の副葬品には，加耶･新羅系の最先端の品々が豊富である。
一方，当地域初現例の一つである前橋市前二子古墳の横穴式石室は，加耶西部の固城松鶴洞1B号墳1号石室との直接的関係が指摘されている。このような両地域間の関係性は重要である。
観音山古墳をめぐる上記のような考古･歴史的状況を踏まえたとき，本墳横穴式石室は，加耶地域南西部の横穴式石室との類縁性が強くうかがわれる。観音山古墳を構成する様々な要素における，半島南部との関係性から，その成立背景にも迫ることが可能である。The Watanuki Kannonyama Tumulus in Takasaki City, Gunma Prefecture, well-known throughout the country, is a keyhole-shaped tumulus typical of the Kanto region during the second half of the sixth century. Since 1968, a series of excavations have revealed abundant, well-preserved luxurious burial treasures in the horizontal stone chamber in the rear circle. The contents suggest a strong relationship with the Korean Peninsula (especially, with the Baekje, Silla, and Gaya regions in the south), and they are an excellent group of artifacts that could have only been created by highly skilled artisans . We can imagine a deep connection between the tumulus and the people of the Korean Peninsula involved with it.
There has been a great deal of interest in the burial treasure found in the stone chamber. However, there have not been many opportunities to examine the genealogical aspects of the stone chamber and the background of the construction since the research has not gone beyond the identification of the chamber's structural features. In this paper, I have placed these issues as the central subject.
The horizontal stone chamber of the Kannonyama Mound is from the transitional period of horizontal stone chambers starting around the late fifth century/early sixth century in the Kamitsukeno region, and it is notable for its heterogeneous and unique features. Its main construction material is hornblende andesite, erupted from the Haruna volcano in the second quarter of the sixth century , and it has been called a "hornblende andesite stone chamber masonry laid with cur rocks" (Ozaki, 1966; Migishima, 1993). The stone chamber is not limited to the Kannonyama Mound; we can also find numerous stone chambers in the chief tumuli in the surrounding areas. Moreover, we can see remarkable evidence of the colors of the Korean Peninsula in the burial treasure of each tumulus. One example is the Sanno Gold Crown Tumulus in Maebashi City from which a Sillan-made gold-copper crown was excavated. We can assume that there is a strong connection among these tumuli around the Kannonyama Mound.
The direct relationship between the Kamitsukeno region and the Korean Peninsula dates back to the fifth century (Gunma Prefectural Museum of History, 2017). It is known that many foreigners were welcomed in the region , and they were involved in activities such as organized horse breeding. The hosts were the chieftains of the central and western part of the region. There are many artifacts made with the leading technologies from Gaya and Silla among the burial treasure of the Ide Futagoyama (or twin peaks) Mound, which became the beginning of the formation of a group of the Baekje mounds.
Moreover, there is evidence of a direct relationship between the horizontal stone chamber of the Maefutago Mound in Maebashi City and the stone chamber no. 1 of the Goseong-gun Songhak-dong 1 B in western Gaya. Such a relationship between the two regions is significant. When taking into account the archaeological and historical circumstances surrounding the Kannonyama Mound, we can see a strong affinity between its horizontal stone chamber and those in the southwest Gaya region. It is possible to explore the background of the establishment of the relationship from its connection with the south of the Peninsula concerning the various elements that form the Kannonyama Mound.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] Kami Rituals Seen from the Perspective of "Interruption of Service" (Haimu)
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿では神事における廃務の検討から、天皇の在り方や朝廷の神祇祭祀の理念に対する姿勢の変化を検討する。廃務は本来儀制令に日蝕や国忌で行うものとして規定されたものだが、九世紀前半以降神事でも廃務がみられるようになる。この神事廃務は『延喜式』の規定から、諸司致斎の際に行われるものと考えられる。そして令制当初から行われていたものではなく、弘仁期に始められたものと考えられる。
また従来は、祈年・月次祭における神祇令の百官供奉規定が積極的に評価され、そこから班幣の意義を見出そうという研究がされてきたが、八世紀段階の百官供奉規定に実態はなく、弘仁期に至ってその具体化が図られた。また、少なくとも祈年・月次祭での祝詞宣読は、百官の一体性形成のための演出という面が強いということを指摘した。神祇祭祀は本来の令理念としては天皇・臣下が一体となるというものであり、天皇はその統括者だった。弘仁期以降の理念具体化において、廃務は天皇・臣下が一体となるという理念を象徴するものと言えよう。しかしその具体化が思うように進まない中、特に宇多朝以降、廃務を行わない、即ち天皇・臣下全体の一体性形成を目的としない御願祭祀の創始・盛行によって、天皇は神祇祭祀の主宰者としての面を濃厚にしていく。本稿ではその背景として、従来から指摘されてきた天皇の「家」の整備に加え、九世紀後半から十世紀前半での親族意識の変化による天皇の家筋の形成を想定した。たとえ天皇であっても自身の家筋の繁栄祈願を第一義とする御願祭祀では、百官や諸国との一体性は求められない。天皇が天下を一元的に支配するという絶対的な統括者としての要素は神祇祭祀から希薄化し、神々のような宗教的・超越的他者にその地位を保証された、中世天皇としての要素を濃厚にしていくのである。In this paper I will examine changes in the conception of the monarch and the attitude of the court towards rituals for kami through an analysis of the practice of "interruption of service" (haimu 廃 務). While haimu was originally prescribed under the "Regulations for Ritual" as a rite to be carried out in case of solar eclipses or on the anniversary of the death of a monarch or consort (kokki 国忌), starting from the first half of the ninth century it started to be carried out also in occasion of rites for the kami. On the basis of regulations found in the Engishiki, this kind of haimu associated with rites for the kami is thought to have been carried out during the strict purification procedures (chisai 致斎) conducted by the various government bureaux before kami rites. These procedures were not in place from the establishment of the centralized administration system based on the ritsuryō legal codes, but are believed to have been enacted in the Kōnin era (810-824).
In addition, scholars so far have interpreted the rules for officials' attendance in the "Regulations for Kami Rites" as being actively enacted in the case of Kinensai 祈年祭―a rite for the promotion of good harvest conducted every year on the fourth day of the second month―and Tsukinami no matsuri 月次祭―kami rituals performed on the sixth and twelfth month of the traditional luni-solar calendar, ―and have thus attempted to see the significance of the distribution of offerings to shrines that these rituals involved through those regulations. However, during the eighth century, the regulations for officials' attendance were not yet enacted, and it is only from the Kōnin era that their practical application was finally pursued. In addition, we have pointed out that at least in the case of the proclamation of the ritual prayers conducted during the Kinensai and Tsukinami no matsuri there was a strong performative aspect conceived to promote the creation of a sense of unity among the officials from the many government bureaux. Under the ritsuryō system, kami rituals were ideally conceived as a moment in which the monarch and their subjects would become one before the kami, with the monarch functioning at the overseer. It can be said that during the implementation of this ideal starting from the Kōnin era, haimu came to symbolize the unity between the monarch and his subjects in the act of praying to the kami. However, this process did not go as planned, and in particular after the rule of Uda tennō (r. 887-897), haimu was discontinued. In its stead, another aspect of the monarch, this time as the leader of the ritual, became more prominent with the inception and popularization of kami rites carried out as expression of the monarch's individual belief (gogan saishi 御願祭祀). In this paper, we have surmised as context for this change, in addition to the systematization of the tennō's family ― which has already been pointed out before, ― the establishment of a royal lineage based on a novel understanding of family relations that took root between the second half of the ninth century and the first half of the tenth century. If the primary goal of the ruler's prayers, as typified by gogan saishi, is the prosperity of his family lineage, they will not require unity between him, and the government officials and all the provinces of the ancient polity. The notion of the monarch as the one who rules the realm in a centralized fashion as the absolute overseer fades away from kami rituals, and in its place we see the establishment of a medieval conception of the monarch, in which he is guaranteed his position by the kami, now understood as religious and transcendent "others."departmental bulletin pape
The Mutual Interaction between Wa, Bae kje, Yeongsan River Basin and its Historical Role (Part II)
Get PDFapplication/pdf本論は，日本列島・古墳時代および韓半島・三国時代の古墳・集落出土土器資料を対象に，5世紀代における栄山江流域を中心とする全羅道地域と日本列島中央部に位置する近畿地域との相互交流の実態を探ろうとするものである。そのために，次に述べる考古資料を対象に分析をおこなった。第一に，5世紀代における東アジア情勢を概観したうえで，????・有孔広口小壺という儀礼用土器に着目して，この土器が5世紀代に日本列島広域と全羅道地域を中核とする韓半島各地に共有される考古学的現象を捉えた。第二点目として，2000年代以降，栄山江流域を中心に資料数が増加した須恵器の時期比定を再検討し，日本列島における須恵器生産の再評価も加味して，須恵器に関しても日本列島と百済・全羅道地域の相互交流を確かめた。以上の土器からみえる相互交流は，近畿地域において有機的な関係をもって展開する集落出土韓半島系土器，手工業生産拠点，初期群集墳の動態と結びつけて捉えることが可能である。そこで第三の論点として，土器，集落，小規模古墳に関する近年の研究動向をふまえた上で，百済・栄山江流域との相互作用が，近畿地域内部における社会資本投資を促したという理解を提示した。
以上の考古学的検討により，これまで古墳・墳墓出土資料では不鮮明であった5世紀代における全羅道地域における倭との相互交流が明確となり，さらに倭人社会における社会変化に人的交流が果たした役割が少なくないことをあらためて確かめた。6世紀代においては百済と倭のより直接的な相互交流が活性化するが，こうしたあり方は必ずしも5世紀代からの連続的な過程として捉えることは難しく，近畿地域においても中央およぶ地域社会をまき込んだ動的な変化が認められる。This paper explores the interactions between Jeolla Province, centered on the Yeongsan River basin, and the Kinki region, located in the middle of the Japanese archipelago, in the fifth century by looking at the earthenware excavated from the tumuli and settlements of the Japanese Kofun period and the Three Kingdoms period in the Korean Peninsula. For that purpose, I analyzed the following archaeological materials.
First, after reviewing East Asia in the fifth century, I focused on the ritual pottery called Hasou (a teapot like small jar with a wide mouth and a hole) and assessed that this earthenware was used widely in both the Japanese archipelago and various parts of the Korean Peninsula, especially in Jeolla Province, in the fifth century. Second, I reexamined the identification of the period of Sue ware (unglazed ceramics), which has been excavated in increasing numbers since 2000, and confirmed the interactions between the Japanese archipelago and Baekje and the Yeongsan River basin in regard to Sue ware; this also involved reassessing the production of Sue ware in the Japanese archipelago. It is possible to understand the interactions seen from the earthenware described above by connecting the dynamics of the Korean-type earthenware, the production base of handicraft, and the early type of small tombs excavated from the settlements that developed organically in the Kinki region. As a third point of the discussion, I presented the idea, based on the research trends of recent years concerning earthenware, settlements, and small-scale tumuli, that the interactions with Baekje and the Yeongsan River basin had promoted social capital investments within the Kinki region.
The above archaeological examinations clarified the circumstances of the interactions with Wa (Japan) in Jeolla Province in the fifth century, which has so far remained unclear from the excavated material from the tumuli/tombs, and I was able to confirm the significant role the interactions between the peoples played in the social changes in the Wa society. In the sixth century, the Baekje and Wa began active interaction, but it is difficult to regard such a movement as part of the continuous process carried over from the fifth century; we can also recognize the dynamic changes that involved the central as well as regional societies in the Kinki region.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] A Tentative Essay on the Manuscript Lineages of the Engishiki : Using Scroll 14 as a Case Study
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[Research Materials] Modern Japanese Translation of Scroll 17 of the Engishiki, "Bureau of Artisans" (Tentative)
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[Research Notes] Engishiki and the "Distribution of the Calendars" (Hanreki)
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[Article] An Analysis of the "Red Banners" (Akahata) : On the Function of the Color Red in Ancient Japan
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿では、『延喜式』にみえる赤幡が古代社会において果たした役割を検討することにより、赤色に対する色彩認識が人々の行動に与えた影響を明らかにすることを目的とした。
古代社会において赤色は、装着した人・物の内部にある汚穢等を鎮めると同時に外部の障害から保護する性質＝清浄性と結びついた色と認識され、この清浄性を前提に道路において人・物の進行や移動を汚穢から守りつつ実現させる機能も民俗社会で広く認められていた。そして、この赤色の性質は様々な局面で権力とも結び付き、赤色を支配し利用することが天皇家を中心とした公の力を表示することを意味した。そのため、赤幡は天皇の行幸時のほか、最高の清浄性が求められる供御物を運搬する際に道路において掲示され、他の進上物と区別する意味をもち、御膳食材やそれを食べる天皇らの身体の清浄性を維持する機能を果たしたと考えられる。
さらに、八世紀半ば以来供御物の標識とされてきた赤幡は、贄を生産する集団、贄人に頒布されることになる。赤幡は元慶七年官符にみえる員外贄人が得た「腰文幡」や家牒と同様、贄人の生産活動のなかで交通許可証として機能するとともに贄人集団を組織化して特権身分を表示した。
また、延喜天暦年間までに内廷官司が旧来の腰文幡ではなく赤幡を贄人の標識として放つように変化したことを指摘し、その背景には、元慶七年官符からうかがえる「潔齋」を基準とした贄人の差異化が困難な状況が存在したと推定した。供御を口実にした弱民圧迫行為が贄人自身の「潔齋」を破綻させ、その行為は最も「潔清」が求められた天皇の食事にも「汚黷」を及ぼすという論理が存在したのである。赤幡班給は他の家政機関が発給する標識との差異化を意図したもので、清浄性をもつ赤色が贄や贄人、御膳に要求された清浄性をめぐる危機的環境のなかで必要とされ、贄人の身体の「潔齋」を守り、特権身分を保証する意味をもったと考えられる。This paper aims to shed light on how the understanding of the color red in ancient Japan influenced the activities of the people through an examination of the role that the red banners (akahata 赤幡) that appear in the Engishiki fulfilled in ancient society.
In ancient Japan the color red was believed to have the power to assuage the impurities found in people and things, as well as the power to protect them from external threats. It is on the basis of these purifying properties that this conception of red came to widely recognized also in folk societies, where red was used on the streets to protect the movement and circulation of people and goods from impurity. In this way, the qualities of the color red came in various contexts to be linked with political authority, and ruling over the color red and its usage became a public expression of power within the polity centered upon the monarch and his family. For this reason, red banners were only displayed on the road in occasion of royal visits and other contexts that required the highest level of purity, such as the transportation of the monarch's meals. We think the red banners functioned as a tool to preserve the purity of the foodstuffs for the monarch and, consequently, of body of the monarch who would consume them, thus creating a clear distinction with offerings of other sorts.
In addition, starting from mid-eighth century, the red banners, which had by this time become a mark of the monarch's meals, would also be distributed to groups involved in the production of offerings (nie 贄), known as niebito 贄人. At that time, the red banners functioned within the production activities of the niebito as circulation permits, similarly to the koshibumi no hata 腰文幡 and lineage documents obtained by niebito who weren't members of organized groups, as seen in a directive from the Council of State issued in the seventh year of Gangyō (883). At the same time, they were an attestation of the process of institutionalization that groups of niebito were going through, and an indication of their privileged status.
Between the Engi (901-923) and Tenryaku (947-957) eras, the offices located inside the royal palace did no longer use the old koshibumi no hata as a mark for niebito, and instead switched to the red banners. We surmise that the context for this shift can be seen in the difficulties that emerged as a consequence of the process of differentiation that took place within niebito groups, who were indicated as a standard of ritual purity (kessai 潔斎) in the directive of the Council of State from 883. Using the preparation of the monarch's meals as a pretexts, acts meant to oppress the population were carried out by such groups, thus compromising the ritual purity that niebito were subjected to. Discourses that saw those actions as "polluting" (otoku 汚黷) the meals of the monarch, which required the highest level of ritual purity, started to emerge. The distribution of red banners was meant to differentiate its recipients from other administration offices, and was made necessary by this dangerous environment that had developed and that threatened the purity that was required in the preparation of food for the monarch. In this context, the color red was meant to protect and guarantee the ritual purity of the body of the niebito.departmental bulletin pape
