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[Article] The Amami Islands and Sakishima Islands as seen in the Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿は，『朝鮮王朝実録』に記載された，朝鮮人漂流民および琉球人漂流民の記録を基に，15～16世紀のトカラ列島・奄美諸島および宮古・八重山諸島の様相を明らかにすることを目的とする。トカラ列島・奄美諸島については，トカラ列島の臥蛇島に漂着した朝鮮人の記録から，次のようなことがわかる。琉球・薩摩間の良好な関係のもと，臥蛇島は，半分は琉球，半分は薩摩に属すとされた。だが1450年，尚泰久が，喜界島に出兵したため，琉球・薩摩との間に対立が生じた。そのため薩摩を経て琉球に向かう博多商人の商船が，拿捕されてしまった。また朝鮮人漂流人は商品であり，購入主のもとで奴として使役された。
先島(宮古・八重山諸島)について，宮古島に漂着した朝鮮人の記録から，次のようなことがわかる。宮古島の人々は，朝鮮人漂流民に対し，交替で食糧を供給する務めを行い，彼らを饗応した。宮古島の人々と，近隣の来間島・伊良部島・下地島・大神島の人々とは，相互に往来して飲酒をともにしていた。漂流民は，宮古島と沖縄島の間を往来していた「琉球国の商船」に乗せられて，沖縄島に送られた。
また著名な金非衣ら(済州島人)の漂流記録については，次の3点を指摘した。第一に，漂流人の記録には不正確な箇所や，内容の偏りがあるとみるべきで，考古資料などとの照合が必要である。第二に，漂流民の沖縄島への送還は，民間船によって，与那国島からリレー式に沖縄島に送還された。その船は，交易を行う「商船」であった可能性がある。第三に，諸島間のネットワークについて，西表島の米を購入した島々の対価は労働だとする，得能壽美の説を批判した。
そして済州島に漂着した琉球人の記録からは，次のようなことがわかる。多良間島では紅花を生産し，それを琉球王府に献上していた。また宮古島の人々は，「尼南院島」に稲の収穫に出かけた。これは，遠距離通耕の初見記事である。ただし多良間島・宮古島の人々の言葉は，漢城(ソウル)の官人にとっては難解であったため，十分な聞き取りはできなかった。This paper attempts to clarify the aspects of the Tokara, Amami, Miyako, and Yaeyama Islands during the 15th and 16th centuries by examining the records of Joseon (Korean) and Ryukyuan castaways as reported in the Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty.
The situation on the Tokara and Amami Islands can be understood from the accounts of the Joseon people cast ashore on Gajashima Island in the Tokara Islands. Due to the positive relationship between Ryukyu and Satsuma, control of Gajashima Island was split between Ryukyu and Satsuma. However, in 1450, Sho Taikyu dispatched troops to Kikaijima Island, leading to conflicts between Ryukyu and Satsuma. Subsequently, merchant ships belonging to Hakata merchants that were headed for Ryukyu via Satsuma were captured. Furthermore, Joseon castaways were considered merchandise and were put to work as do, i.e., servants, under the buyer masters.
The situation on the Sakishima Islands (Miyako and Yaeyama Islands) can be understood from the accounts of the Joseon people cast ashore on Miyako Island. The people of Miyako Island took turns supplying food to the Korean castaways and entertained them with food and drink. The people of Miyako Island as well as the neighboring Kurimashima, Irabushima, Shimojishima, and Ogamijima Islands visited each other and drank together. The castaways were sent to Okinawa Island on “merchant ships of the Ryukyu Kingdom” that traveled between Miyako Island and Okinawa Island.
Furthermore, the following three points were noted in the records about the drifting of the famous Kim Biui and other people of Jeju Island. First, it appears that there are inaccuracies and biases in the records of drifters, and it is necessary to compare these records with archaeological records. Second, castaways on Okinawa were repatriated to Okinawa Island from Yonaguni Island on private ships as part of a kind of relay service. It is likely that these ships were “merchant ships” conducting trade. Third, regarding the network of various islands, Toshimi Tokuno’s theory that islands that purchased rice from Iriomoteshima Island were compensated with labor has been criticized.
In addition, the following points were indicated from the records of Ryukyu people who drifted to Jeju Island. Benibana, also called safflower, was grown on Taramajima Island and offered to the Ryukyu Royal Government. In addition, the people of Miyako Island traveled to “Ni Nan’in Island” to harvest rice. This is the first historical record of people traveling long distances to harvest rice. However, the language of the people of Taramajima and Miyako Islands was difficult for the government officials of Hanseong (Seoul) to understand.departmental bulletin pape
[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Radiocarbon Dating of Lacquered Objects Excavated at the Sites of Jomon and Epi–Jomon Period
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[Article] A Consideration of the Lacquer Coffin Fragment from the Collection of Anpukuji Temple : ¹⁴C AMS, Production Techniques and a Part of the Coffin
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿では，大阪府柏原市安福寺蔵漆棺片について3点の考察を行った。
１，安福寺漆棺片より剥落した試料片についてAMS分析法による¹⁴C年代測定を行い，漆棺が6世紀後半から7世紀中頃に制作された可能性が高いことを示した。その結果，同漆棺片を叡福寺北古墳(宮内庁が管理する磯長墓)より出土した棺の一部とする従来の説と矛盾しない年代に納まった。
２，漆棺より剥落した塗膜の断面を顕微鏡観察し，漆棺の制作技法を検討した。その結果，安福寺漆棺片の胎が絹布層と火山灰を主材料とする地粉層を交互に塗り重ねた構造からなること，絹布の織りは均一でなく，繊維断面の形状も一定せず，絁の可能性が高いことを明らかにした。
３，棺台ならびに漆棺の法量が明らかな阿武山古墳出土漆棺(終末期古墳)，法隆寺五重塔初層西面金棺における棺台長と棺身長の比率の比較をもとに，磯長墓棺台に載る漆棺の法量を推定した。その結果，阿武山古墳漆棺における幅/長さ比をもとにすると，磯長墓棺の推定棺蓋長は217.8㎝，同様に棺身長は210㎝，棺身幅は83.2㎝となった。次に，法隆寺五重塔初層西面における金棺の法量比を同様にして当てはめると，棺蓋長は196㎝，棺身長は193.6㎝，棺身幅は60.2㎝となった。最後に，安福寺漆棺片の棺身長を，既知もしくは記録により棺身長と棺幅長を推定できる漆棺の幅/長さ比と比較した。その結果，安福寺漆棺片を仮に短辺と考えると，長辺が３メートル近くに復元され，既知の棺台に載らず，漆棺の長辺の一部と考察するのが妥当であるとの結論に至った。I investigated on the lacquer coffin fragment belonging to Anpukuji Temple of Kashiwara-shi, Osaka-fu, in this study. Through an AMS (Accelerator Mass Spectrometry) analysis method, I performed carbon-14 dating on a sample fragment that had peeled off from the Anpukuji Temple’s lacquer coffin fragment and found that it was highly possible that the lacquer coffin was made between the late 6th Century and the middle of the 7th Century. The resulting time period does not contradict the hitherto viewpoint that this lacquer coffin fragment was a part of the coffin excavated from the Eifukuji Temple Kita Kofun (a Shinaga grave managed by the Imperial Household Agency). Further, I observed a section of the coating film that had peeled off from the lacquer coffin through a microscope and assessed its production technique; consequently, I noted that the material of the Anpukuji Temple’s lacquer coffin fragment was made up of a structure created by painting layers upon layers, alternating between silk cloth and soil powder that contained volcanic ash as the main ingredient. I noted that the fabric of the silk cloth is uneven and the shape of the fiber section is not fixed, thus concluding that this fragment is ashiginu (a cloth woven with thick thread). I estimated the measurements of the lacquer coffin that would go on the Shinaga grave coffin platform on the basis of comparisons with the coffin’s length to coffin’s platform length ratio of the lacquer coffin excavated from the Abuyama Kofun (Shuumatsuki Kofun) and the golden coffin from the first layer on the west side of the Horyuji Temple Five-story Pagoda, whose coffin’s length and coffin’s platform length are known. Thus, using the width/length ratio of the lacquer coffin of the Abuyama Kofun as the basis, the estimated coffin lid length of the Shinaga grave coffin was 217. 8 cm, the coffin length was 210 cm, and the width was 83.2 cm. Next, using the measurement ratio of the golden coffin in the west first layer of the Horyuji Temple Five-Story Pagoda, the estimated coffin lid length was 196 cm, the coffin length was 193.6 cm, and the coffin width was 60.2 cm. Finally, I compared the coffin length of the Anpukuji Temple lacquer coffin fragment to the width/length ratio of lacquer coffins for which I could estimate coffin lengths and widths through existing knowledge or records. As a result, if we think of the Anpukuji Temple lacquer coffin fragment as being a part of the shorter side, the longer side would be reconstructed as nearly 3 m long, and the coffin would not fit on the known coffin platform. Therefore, I deduced that the fragment can be considered as a part of the longer side of the lacquer coffin.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] The South Island Route and Sulfur Trade between Japan and China in the Song and Yuan Periods
Get PDFapplication/pdf現在の文献史学研究において，日宋・日元貿易期(10世紀末～14世紀半ば)の日本と中国を結ぶ幹線航路が，博多―舟山群島―明州(慶元)・杭州という「大洋路」とも呼ばれる東シナ海横断ルートであるという点は，現存史料による限り動かし難い結論であろう。ところが，14世紀中葉の元明交代期になると，文献史料のなかに(博多―)肥後高瀬―薩摩―琉球―福建という，南西諸島を経由して中国東南部の福建地域とつながる「南島路」とでも呼ぶべき航路に関する記録があらわれる。
本稿では，南西諸島を含む日本列島と中国の間でおこなわれた硫黄交易史の視野を主軸としつつ，文献史学・考古学双方の成果をすりあわせることにより，この「南島路」の一側面を考察した。そして，その結果，沖縄の硫黄鳥島が中国向けの硫黄鉱山として従来考えられているよりも古くから稼働し始めていた可能性や，その島で産出された硫黄が沖縄島に分立した諸王権と明王朝との政治・経済関係の形成の初発の時点においても軍需物資として重要な役割を演じていた可能性などを推定した。As far as existing historical records are concerned, present-day philological historians cannot escape the conclusion that the East China Sea Route, also known as the Ocean Route, running from Hakata through the Zhoushan Islands and Mingzhou (Qingyuan) to Hangzhou was the main sea route between Japan and China in the Song and Yuan periods (from the late 10th to the mid-14th century). However, during the transition from the Yuan to the Ming Dynasty in the mid-14th century, the so-called South Island Route connecting Japan to Fujian in southeast China through a group of islands in southwest Japan, or more specifically, running (from Hakata) through Takase in Higo Province, Satsuma, and Ryukyu to Fujian, started to appear in historical records.
This paper examines an aspect of this South Island Route by comparing philological findings with archaeological findings mainly from the viewpoint of the history of sulfur trade between the Japanese Isles, especially the southwest islands, and China. As a result, this paper makes the following assumptions: (1) the sulfur mines in Io-torishima Island in Okinawa may have been put into operation earlier than previously thought to export sulfur to China; and (2) the sulfur produced in the island may have played an important role as an essential military material in the initial stage of establishing political and economic relations between sovereign authorities in Okinawa Island and the Ming Dynasty.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] Maritime Transport of the Yuan Period
Get PDFapplication/pdf中国の海上交通は淮河を挟んで南北に分かれ、北方の海運は「北号」、南方の海運は「南号」と呼ばれていた。北号に対応する交通ルートはその行程から大きく(一)杭州から直沽(現在の天津)に至る海上ルート、(二)杭州から大運河を経由して直沽の北運河(大運河)から通州に至るルート、(三)通州から大都に至る運河である通恵河の三つのルートに区分できる。また、南号に対応する輸送ルートとしては、(一)泉州から福州へ至り、さらに杭州へ至る海上ルート、(二)泉州から福州へ至った後、閩江沿いに内陸部へ入り、鉛山を経由して杭州へ至る陸上ルートのふたつがある。
一方、海外交通路としては、西洋航路・東洋航路・浙江(慶元)から日本(博多)に至るルート、福建から琉球・九州へ至るルートがあった。西洋航路は泉州・広州から出航して、占城を経由し、木剌由(ムラユ／スマトラ)、さらにはインド洋まで達する海上ルートであり、元代では最大の幹線であった。中継地としては、大越に代わってチャンパが、三仏齊(ザーバジ／マライ・スマトラ地域)に代わってジャワが擡頭してきた。東洋航路は泉州を出航して台湾島の東部からフィリピンへ南下し、ボルネオ島経由でマラッカ海峡に向かい、インド洋に抜けるルートである。この時期から琉球(現在の台湾～沖縄)・三嶼(現在のフィリピン)が中継拠点となり始め、明代になると日本ともリンクしてさらに東洋航路の重要性が増加したと言われる。さらに、元朝末期頃から南九州～沖縄経由の中国渡航ルートが利用されたと言われているが、それ以前の主要交通路は博多と慶元(寧波／明州)を繋ぐ海上ルートであった。日本史側の史料では「大洋路」と呼ばれている。このルートは宋代から日本と中国を結ぶ主要幹線であった。
元朝の政治状況とこれらの海上交通ルートの関係としては、宋の旧制を引き継いだ元朝が、宰相アフマドから宰相サンガに至る中央集権の重商主義採用期に国家による海上運送の管理体制を強めた。具体的には、江浙行省・行泉府司を海事政策の中軸として海運・市舶、さらには塩課もその属下に組み込んで包括的な行政機構を構築しようとしたものであった。言葉を換えれば、国内輸送路と海外交通路をより一体的に結びつけ、税糧の歳輸のみならず、南海貿易の利益も江南から京師へダイレクトにもたらされる体制を築き上げようとしたのである。しかし、既存勢力や地域社会からの反発も強く、結局は宰相サンガの失脚後に南海貿易路と南号の海上交通路を結びつけた海站は廃止され、それぞれの地域社会の豪民(＝新興ローカルエリート)に海上運送を依存する体制に引き戻された。The maritime transport of Song-Yuan China was divided into northern and southern lines with the Huai River as the boundary. Shipping agents of the two lines were called beihao and nanhao, respectively. The beihao mainly used the following three routes: (1) the sea route from Hangzhou to Zhigu (presentday Tianjin); (2) the route running along the Grand Canal from Hangzhou to Zhigu and then travelling along the North Canal (Grand Canal) to Tongzhou; and (3) the route along the Tonghui Canal from Tongzhou to Daidu. The nanhao travelled either of the following two paths: (1) the sea route from Quanzhou through Fuzhou to Hangzhou and (2) the inland water route running along the same path from Quanzhou to Fuzhou and then following the Min River towards upstream and going through Qianshan to Hangzhou.
Meanwhile, maritime trade was routed through the Xiyang route (western route across the South China Sea), the Dongyang route (eastern route across the South China Sea), the Qingyuan (Ningbo/Mingzhou)-Hakata route (connecting Zhejiang to Japan), and the Fujian-Ryukyu/Kyushu route. The Xiyang route was the most important route in the Yuan period from Quanzhou/Guangzhou via Champa and Melayu (in Sumatra) to the Indian Ocean. On this route, Champa and Java rose to prominence as transit points, replacing Dayue (Vietnam) and Zabaj/Javaka/Sanfogi (in the Sumatra region), respectively. The Dongyang route started from Quanzhou, went south along the east coast of Taiwan Island to the Philippines, and ran through Borneo Island and the Malacca Strait to the Indian Ocean. It is said that around that time, Ryukyu (present-day Taiwan and Okinawa) and Sanyu (the present-day Philippines) emerged as transit points and then, in the Ming period, the Dongyang route itself gained greater importance as it was linked to Japan. The route connecting Hakata and Qingyuan called “Ocean Route” in Japanese historical records was served as the mainline of trade between Japan and China in the Song and Yuan periods.
The Yuan Dynasty strengthened its control over maritime traffic under the centralized mercantilism during Minster Ahmad and Minister Sanga. More specifically, they intended to reestablish a maritime administration comprehensively centred on the financial branch of the Jiangzhe provincial government with the maritime trade bureau and the salt tax bureau under its umbrella. In other words, they tried to build a system to directly bring the revenues not only from the tax but also from the Nanhai trade connecting the inland and maritime transportation from coastal area to the capital city. However, this policy provoked a strong backlash from local powers of Zhejiang and Fujian and returned to a previous way, where marine transport relied on powerful local families (emerging local elites), as the maritime stations established to connect the South China Sea trade routes to the transport lines of nanhao were abandoned after Minster Sanga was executed.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] Mazu Worship in East Asia and Funadama Worship in Japan
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿は、媽祖を中心に航海信仰をめぐる東アジアと日本との歴史的連関について論じるものである。東アジアには古くから、国家祭祀の対象となる四海神、民間で広く信仰された龍王、仏教系の観音など、広域的な航海信仰が存在する一方で、各地で限定的に信仰された地方的航海神が数多くいた。媽祖は宋代に中国福建中部の莆田地方に出現した地方的航海神であったが、当地の海商の活動によって、中国中南部沿岸に信仰が拡がる一方、当地の士大夫層の運動で皇帝から授与される神階が上昇し、中国の有力な航海神になっていった。元代「天妃」に冊封され、明代には鄭和等の海外出使の守護神になるなど国家的航海神としての地位を高める一方で、海域世界の心性に響き渡る「物語」を獲得して、盛衰が激しい信仰の世界で影響力を伸ばし、中国北部やアジア各地の海域に信仰が拡がっていった。
日本列島には中国人の来航・移住に伴って一五世紀に沖縄、一六世紀に九州に伝播した。那覇や鹿児島に天妃宮が建立され、長崎には媽祖堂を備えた唐寺が建立された。海禁体制の整備に伴って海外交流が限定されていくなかで、薩摩の野間権現のように、信仰が中国人から日本人に拡がってくケースも出現した。また、かつて船に安置されていた小媽祖像(船菩薩)は、九州各地の港の守護神、帰化唐人や沖縄や九州の船乗りの家門の守護神など、様々な形で近世を通じて祀られることになった。
東日本の媽祖(天妃)信仰は、徳川光圀による港湾整備と寺社再編の中で建立された常陸の天妃社に始まり、内水面航路と太平洋航路によって利根川方面と宮城・下北半島方面に拡がっていく。海運・漁業関係者の船神としてだけでなく、水神や二十三夜講の主神などに媽祖は転生していった。上方や北陸でも長崎から媽祖信仰が伝播し独自の展開を見せていた。その中で、近世的水上交通体系の成立に伴って顕在化する船玉神信仰と融合しながら、廻船の守護神に転生して契約儀礼の場で重要な役割を果たす場面も登場する。国学の発展の中で知識人たちから日本と中国の船玉神を峻別する見解が繰り返し出されるが、海に関わる人々での人気は、明治維新を迎えるまで衰えることはなかった。This paper examines the historical connections between the worship of sea gods and goddesses in Asia and Japan with focus on the worship of Mazu (the Goddess of the Sea). In medieval East Asia, there were not only widespread beliefs in the deities of the sea, such as the officially established worship of the Gods of the Four Seas, the widespread folk beliefs in Dragon Kings, and the worship of Buddhist saints, but also many other local beliefs in the deities of the sea. Mazu was a local goddess of the sea first worshipped in Putian County in central Fujian, China, in the Song period. Supported by local marine tradesmen, the Mazu worship spread along the coastal areas of South Central China. In the meantime, Mazu climbed the ladder of the imperial ranking of gods and goddesses with support from local Shitaifu (scholar bureaucrats), becoming a powerful goddess of the sea in China. She further claimed the ladder to become the official goddess of the sea as she was bestowed the official title of Tianfei (Princess of Heaven; called “Tenpi” in Japanese) in the Yuan period and adopted as the guardian goddess of overseas envoys including Zheng He in the Ming period. In the meantime, the myth established around her struck a chord in the hearts of men of the sea, which made her more influential in the religious world where many other gods and goddesses ebbed and flowed, and her worship further spread into the coastal areas of North China and other Asian states.
Mazu was introduced to Okinawa in the 15th century and to Kyushu in the 16th century as an increasing number of Chinese people visited and immigrated to the Japanese Archipelago. Tenpi shrines were built in Naha and Kagoshima, and a Chinese temple with a shrine to worship Mazu was built in Nagasaki. While a series of Sea Ban policies were introduced to restrict maritime trade, the Mazu worship spread from China to Japan, as exemplified by Noma Gongen worshipped in Satsuma. In addition, statues of Mazu (Ship Bodhisattva) placed on ships at first were eventually worshipped in different ways, including as the guardian of ports around Kyushu and as the guardian of gates to houses of Chinese- Japanese immigrants and sailors in Okinawa and Kyusyu, throughout the early modern period.
Then, the Mazu worship was introduced to East Japan when Tokugawa Mitsukuni made a Tenpi shrine built in Hitachi while developing ports and restructuring temples and shrines and eventually spread along the inland waterways and the Pacific Ocean route towards the Tone River Basin and the Miyagi and Shimokita Peninsula region. She was not only worshipped as the goddess of ships by maritime tradesmen and fishermen but also as accepted as the goddess of water or the chief deity to whom the Twenty Third Night Prayer was addressed. The worship also spread from Nagasaki to Kyoto and its neighborhood as well as Hokuriku and developed in a unique way there. In this process, the Mazu worship was mixed with the Funadama worship, which emerged while the early modern water transport systems were being developed, and she was transformed into the guardian goddess of cargo ships and sometimes played an important role in contractual rituals. She maintained popularity among the men of the sea until the Meiji Restoration although scholars of the Japanese classics repeatedly insisted that the Funadama worship in Japan should be distinguished from the Mazu worship in China while they were advancing their studies.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] A Study of Pottery Chronology in the Late Shellmound Period with Absolute Dates from Radiocarbon Dates of Shells Found in Shell Deposit : A Study on the Late Shellmound Period Pottery VII
Get PDFapplication/pdf本論は，弥生時代から古墳時代に並行する沖縄貝塚時代の貝殻集積遺構のゴホウラやイモガイの炭素14年代測定結果を受け，沖縄諸島の在地土器編年に絶対年代を付与することを目的に整理・分析を行った。
沖縄貝塚時代前期末の仲原式から同後期前半の阿波連浦下層式，浜屋原式，大当原式の4型式の土器が貝殻集積遺構とどのような関係で出土するのかについて整理を行った。
その結果良好な出土状況を中心に分析し，仲原式が紀元前8世紀～紀元前5世紀，阿波連浦下層式が紀元前5世紀～紀元前2世紀後半，浜屋原式がおよそ紀元前2世紀後半～2世紀頃，そして大当原式がおよそ2世紀頃～6・7世紀に製作消費されたと結論付けた。This paper tries to enrich pottery chronology in Okinawa with absolute dates from recent radiocarbon dates of Strombus and Conus shells found in shell deposits together with sherds of four pottery types, namely Nakabaru, Aharen-ura Lower Layer, Hamayabaru, and Ufudōbaru type. From each shell deposit between one and three shells were dated with the radiocarbon method. In the context of the relation between shell and pottery sherd in the respective deposits, the following dates are given to the pottery types: Nakabaru type was produced and used between the 8th and 5th centuries BC, the Aharen-ura Lower Layer type between the 5th and 2nd centuries BC, the Hamayabaru type between the second half of the 2nd century BC and the 2nd century AD, and the Ufudōbaru type between the 2nd and the 6-7th centuries AD.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] Family Relationship of Buried Person of Early Kofun Period Excavated at Takamatsu-Chausuyama Burial Mound, Takamatsu, Kagawa Pref.
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[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Archaeological Report on the Chronology of a Human Bone Excavated at Takatori Site, Minamikyushu, Kagoshima Pref.
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[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Archaeological Report on the Chronology of Shell Deposits of the Late Shellmound Period Excavated in Okinawa Islands : Gushiken Shellmound, Anchinoue Shellmound, Atta Dai-ni Shellmound, Hamayabaru Shellmound Point B, Ōkubobaru Site, Momenbaru Site, Ireibaru Site, Ujidomari-Kanekubaru Dai-ichi Shellmound, Kajō Shellmound B, Ōhara Shellmound, Furu-zamami Shellmound, Aharen-ura Shellmound
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