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[Research Notes] Designation of Local Chief Officials and Jimoku (ceremony for appointing officials) in the Mid-Heian Period of Japan (Part 2)
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[Research Notes] “客作児” and “支薬児” Appearing in Japanese and Korean Wooden Tablet : Based on the Wooden Tablets Excavated from the Heian-kyo (平安京) Ruins Sakyo Kujo Sanbo Jucho (左京九条十町) (Seyakuin Mikura Ruins (施薬院御倉跡)) (Part 2)
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[Research Notes] Source Materials, Brewing Process, and Related Tools of Vinegar in “Engi Shiki” : From Ethnoarchaeological Field Surveys of Vinegar Brewers Using Large Earthenware Pots and Studies on Manufacturing Process of Traditional Pot Vinegar (Part 2)
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[Article] From Shōsō-in Documents to Engi Shiki : A Comparative Study of Tableware Names in Ancient Japan (Part 3)
Full text link奈良時代の正倉院文書には，東大寺写経所（および奉写一切経所）において，経師らの給食で用いられた食器の器名が多数見えている。本論では写経事業ごとに食器の入手過程や食器の組み合わせについて検討をくわえ，経師らに支給された食器が4 ～ 6 種類の土器と，一部の木製食器からなることを明らかにしたうえで，これらの器名と平城宮・京出土の土器とを対比させ，奈良時代における埦・坏・盤がいかなる食器であったかを考証した。その結果，天平宝字年間の東大寺写経所では，陶埦（水埦・麦埦）と羹坏・饗坏・塩坏，陶片盤など，陶器中心の食器が用いられたことを論証し，このうちの水埦と麦埦，および饗坏と塩坏との区別があいまいであることを明らかにした。いっぽう，宝亀年間の奉写一切経所では，奉写一切経司から現物で支給された食器の多くが土師器であったことから，土鋺形・窪坏・片坏（のち枚坏）・土盤と，陶枚坏・陶盤を混用していた。宝亀4 年1 月の告朔解案で土片坏が土枚坏へと突如書き換わるのは，奉写一切経所において，その前年からにわかに多用されるようになった土窪坏の影響と考えられる。このようにして，奈良時代末に成立した窪坏・枚坏セットは土師器に固有の組み合わせで，『延喜式』大膳式ほかに見える平安時代の食器構成に受け継がれる。
『延喜式』所載の器名群にかんしては，おもに主計式が書かれた年代について，既往の学説を検討したところ，大方が奈良時代から平安時代初頭にかけての時期を想定している。しかし，正倉院文書の器名群と直接比較し，共通点と相違点を整理した研究事例はほとんどない。そこで正倉院文書の器名群と，『延喜式』の器名群との比較を試みた。その結果，土師器のほうでは，奉写一切経所関連文書（宝亀年間）に頻出する鋺形・窪坏・枚坏・片盤という組み合わせを『延喜式』大膳式・斎宮式の各条文でも確認し，窪坏と枚坏との多用が，奈良時代後半から平安時代にかけて通有の現象であったことを明らかにした。いっぽう，主計式上の器名群には窪坏が見えず，平坏にあたる食器もまだ「片坏」と書かれていることから，窪坏が出現する前（奈良時代初頭から前半）の貢納規定を反映していると考えられる。つまり土師器食器の器名群は，主計式上（奈良時代前半）→奉写一切経所関連文書など（奈良時代後半から末）→大膳式ほか（平安時代初頭）という相対順序で矛盾なく整理できる。
これに対し，陶器のほうは正倉院文書と『延喜式』とで，器名群の共通点が少ない。前者の器名は麦埦・水埦，羹坏・饗坏・塩坏と，その用法を暗示する用途名称を含むのに対し，後者の器名には筥坏・深坏・短女坏・脚短坏などと，その器形を思わせる器名が多い。両者に共通するのは水埦や饗坏（虀坏）などの一部にかぎられる。2 つの器名群がいかなる関係にあったかがまだ明らかでないため，『延喜式』所載陶器の器名考証はできなかったが，飛鳥時代後半から奈良時代半ばの須恵器食器を用いて陶筥坏の考定を試みた。In the Shōsō-in documents, there are many ancient names of tableware which had been used for providing meals into Todaiji sutra copying office, late 8th century. In this article, the author examined the tableware assemblage for sutra coping projects each, and then classified the potteries unearthed from Heijo palace site into ancient Mari (a bowl), Tsuki (shallow and flat bottomed tableware) and Sara (a plate) respectively, contrasting with the tableware names written on the documents.
The tableware used into the office in the 760s was mainly Sue ware, including Mari (Mizumari or Mugimari), Atsumonotsuki, Aemonotsuki, Shiotsuki, and Sara. But among them, the distinction between Mizumari and Mugimari was unclear, and Aemonotsuki was also sometimes had been counted as Shiotsuki. On the contrary, the majority of the tableware in the 770s had changed into Haji ware, because the directive office supplied them to the sutra coping office. In this time, the tableware comprised Haji Kanamarigata, Kubotsuki, Katatsuki, Sara, Sue Hiratsuki and Sara. After the appearance of Kubotsuki in the late Nara period, Katatsuki had gradually changed into Hiratsuki by the end of Nara period. Thus, the characteristic combination of Haji Kubotsuki and Hiratsuki had succeeded to the early Heian period.
Many scholars thought that the rules of pottery tributes in the Shukei shiki had reflected a reality from the Nara period to the beginning Heian period. If it becomes so, the tableware names in the Shukei shiki were contemporary with that of the Shōsō-in documents. The assemblage of Haji ware was in common between Shōsō-in documents and Daizen shiki, including Kubotsuki and Hiratsuki. Whereas, the rules of pottery tribute in the Shukei shiki reflected an actual condition during the early Nara period, because Kubotsuki was absent, and Katatsuki had not turned into Hiratsuki yet. The historical change of Haji ware’s name can be arranged in the following order : Shukei shiki (assumed early 8th century) >> Shōsō-in documents (late 8th century) >> Daizen shiki and Saiku shiki (9th century).
On the other hand, the names of Sue tableware are few in common between Shōsō-in documents and Engi shiki. Studying the potteries of Engi shiki can hardly done yet, the author tried to estimate Sue Hakotsuki with reference to the potteries from the late Asuka period to the middle Nara period.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] Comprehensive Memorandum about “平瓶” (Part 3)
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[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Establishment of Historical, Cultural, and Natural Resources and their Research Centers in Tadami Town, Fukushima Prefecture (Part II)
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[Research Notes] Folk Culture Conveyed by Fishery Cooperatives (Part III)
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[Research Notes] Overview and Transcription of the Book “Rekirin-mondousyu” (Furuyabon) in Mr.Yoshiaki Furuya Collection
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The Study on the Type, Genealogy, and Imitation Earthenware of the Copper Bowls
Full text link(１) 銅鋺の型式分類と編年は，毛利光俊彦・桃崎祐輔によって大綱が確立されている。本稿は，古代前期の食器制を特徴づける金属器示向の原点とされてきた銅鋺の器形・加飾による分類・編年の再構成を意図する。そのため，まず全国の事例を悉皆的に収集し，法量分化と各部位の指数化によるデータの客観性を高めようとした。また，銅鋺の初現年代と系譜の検討を通して，銅鋺の史的意義に迫る予備的作業を行った。
銅鋺は１０類に分類したが，大半は倭国独自のＡⅠ・Ⅱ類高脚・台脚杯と，韓半島の食器で一般的なＢⅠ類高足鋺，Ｃ・Ｄ類無蓋無台鋺が占める。これらは，基本的に酒杯＋飯鋺に陶製の酒瓶の宴器セットを表徴し，倭王権の外交権を示威する威信財と考える。酒杯・飯鋺は配付する首長による格付けがあり，７世紀中葉（大化）前後で器形・加飾が大きく変化し，配布対象も下位層に及ぶ。
(２) 銅鋺をモデルに各地で模倣土器が作られ，金属器示向が普及する。型式は一見多様だが，大阪・陶邑窯で定型化された情報が地方窯へ一元的に伝達されるシステムの存在が想定される。銅鋺同様ＡⅠ・Ⅱ類，ＢⅠ類タイプが７世紀中ころ消失するので，銅鋺に準ずる食器の階層化を意図したとみられる。
(３) 銅鋺の理化学分析（鉛同位体，蛍光Ｘ線分析）の成果と論点を要約した。課題が多いが，韓半島の銅・鉛原料に一部中国の原料を移入し，７世紀代を通して国産品が生産，配布されたと推測する。(1) The type classification and chronology of copper bowls were established by Toshihiko Morimitsu and Yusuke Momozaki. The copper bowl, which is the subject of this paper, has been regarded as the starting point of the preference for metal utensils that characterized the tableware system of the early antiquity. This paper examines the reconstruction of the classification and chronology of copper bowls based on their vessel shape and decoration. For that purpose, we collected all the examples of copper bowls excavated from all over the country, and tried to increase the objectivity of the data by classifying the size and indexing each part. In addition, preliminary work was carried out to approach the evaluation of the historical significance of copper bowls. Copper bowls were classified into 10 categories. Most of them are made up of Wa Kingdom’s original type AI/II high-stand cup, and BI type of high stand bowl and C and D type lidless bowl, which are common in the Korean Peninsula. These are basically symbol of sake bottles made of pottery with the Sake cup + rice bowl, and are considered prestige goods that demonstrate the diplomatic power of the Wa Kingdom. The type and structure of sake cups and tea bowls differed depending on the ranking of the local chief within the W a Kingdom. In the middle of the 7th century (Taika), the shapes and decorations of the vessels changed greatly, and the target of distribution from the W a Kingdom also extended to the lower classes.
(2) Earthenware imitating copper bowls was made in various places, and the preference for metalware spread. Although the types of imitation pottery seem to be diverse at first glance, it is assumed that there was a system in which the information that had been standardized at the Toyu kiln in Osaka was transmitted to the local kilns in an integrated manner. Similar to copper bowls, the AI/ II and BI types of imitation earthenware disappeared in the middle of the 7th century, suggesting that there was an intention to stratify tableware in the same way as copper bowls.
(3) I summarized the results and points of discussion of physical and chemical analysis (lead isotopes, fluorescent X-ray analysis) of copper bowls. Although there are many problems, it is speculated that copper and lead as raw materials were imported from the Korean Peninsula and China, and copper bowls were produced in Wa Kingdom in the 7th century.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] The Tanabata and Bon Festivals : A Study from the Perspective of their Relationship to Water
Full text link民俗学研究において，「生と死と水」という観点は折口や柳田以来論じられてきているところである。それは人間の生死と水の認識や感覚が密接な関係にあると考えられてきたからといえる。本稿は，その水に深くかかわる七夕とお盆という精霊・霊物に関係する7月の行事について，その後の研究動向をも視野に入れて，盆行事の全体的な枠組みでの把握と整理を試みるものである。これまで七夕や盆の行事について水神という特定の神格を与えてその祭祀であると単純化する傾向が続いてきている。しかし，民俗学の研究蓄積からいえば，柳田と折口の1年のめぐりを一年両分性と朔望上弦下弦のリズムでとらえる視点，また年中行事の根本に「くり返し」の論理をみるという視点，つまり1年間の行事を個々の行事としてそれぞれを解釈するのではなく，個別と全体の関連性という，いわば年中行事の構造に注目して分析する視点が重要であることをあらためて確認し，7月の場合も全体を盆の月として見直す。第一に，7日の水に関係する行事（ねぶり流しなど）は，お盆の前の雑霊祓えと精霊迎えを前にした吉事祓えの意味が強いことが明らかになる。折口の想定したように，水の行事は水神の祭祀というのではなく，七夕に来訪する神を待つ，来たるべき吉事を待ち望むための潔斎としての吉事祓え，禊ぎの水という意味が，現実の民俗伝承の中からはよく見出せるのである。第二に，水と関係の深い棚機津女の貸小袖の伝承が，広く今でも日本各地に伝えられているが，その七夕着物と七夕人形という習俗に加えて七夕馬についても東西に特徴的な分布がみられることが確認できる。そして，七夕着物の伝承には神を待つ棚機津女の意味，七夕人形と七夕馬の伝承にはお盆の精霊迎えの前の吉事祓えとしての禊ぎ祓え，雑霊祓えのための形代としての意味，という2つの意味をもちながら七夕の行事は伝承されているということが指摘できる。In the study of folklore, the perspective of ‘life, death, and water’ has been discussed since Shinobu Orikuchi (1887-1953) and Kunio Yanagita (1875-1962), because it has been believed that, in Japan, human life and death are closely related to our perception and feeling of water.
This paper attempts to understand and integrate two of Japan's annual events celebrated in July, namely the Tanabata and Bon Festivals, within the overall framework of the Bon Festival. These two festivals are deeply related to water, and associated with seirei (good ancestral spirits), and reibutsu (evil spirits that bring misfortune and mischief). There has been a continuing tendency to simplify the two festivals by assigning them to a specific deity, the water god (Suijin), and considering them as rituals. However, in light of the accumulated folklore research results, it is essential to reevaluate July as the month of the Bon Festival by reconfirming the following two perspectives. One is the that of Yanagita and Orikuchi, which conceives of the yearly cycle as essentially defined by the Ichinenryobunsei (in the Gregorian calendar, the year runs from January to December; but in this Japanese lunar calendar, the year is divided in two, January to June and July to December, by the Bon Festival) and Sakuboujogenkagen (moon phases defined by a weekly cycle). The second sees the logic of ‘repetition’ as lying at the root of annual events.
In this study, we first considered the relationship between the Tanabata Festival on the 7th of July, and the Bon Festival events on the 15th and 16th of July. Water-related events on the 7th of July (e.g., the Neburinagashi) have a strong sense of zatsureibarae (purification of various evil spirits) before the Bon Festival, and kichijibarae (purification before anything important) to welcome the seirei. In other words, Orikuchi did not consider these water-related events as water-god rituals but kichijibarae to await the coming of deities and auspicious events, and the water is used for misogi. We can find many such examples in actual folklore events. Second, we investigated the tradition of tanabatatsume-nokashikosode (kimono lending), which is closely related to water and still widely practiced in many parts of Japan. It can be seen that the distribution of Tanabata kimonos, dolls, and horses, which are used in this custom, varies from region to region in the East and West of Japan. We also noted that the Tanabata event has been passed on with the following two significations: the Tanabata kimono signifies the tanabatatsume (one who weaves while waiting for a deity to come), and the Tanabata dolls and horses are used in misogiharae (a series of purification ceremonies), which combine zatsureibarae and kichijibarae, before the Bon Festival, to welcome seirei.departmental bulletin pape