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The Swiss Apprenticeship System. Its Institutional Specificities and Strengths in International Perspective
No full textThe Informal Politics of Legislation
No full textThis article investigates a widespread yet understudied trend in EU politics: the shift of legislative decision making from public inclusive to informal secluded arenas and the subsequent adoption of legislation as “early agreements.” Since its introduction in 1999, “fast-track legislation” has increased dramatically, accounting for 72% of codecision files in the Sixth European Parliament. Drawing from functionalist institutionalism, distributive bargaining theory, and sociological institutionalism, this article explains under what conditions informal decision making is likely to occur. The authors test their hypotheses on an original data set of all 797 codecision files negotiated between mid-1999 and mid-2009. Their analysis suggests that fast-track legislation is systematically related to the number of participants, legislative workload, and complexity. These findings back a functionalist argument, emphasizing the transaction costs of intraorganizational coordination and information gathering. However, redistributive and salient acts are regularly decided informally, and the Council presidency’s priorities have no significant effect on fast-track legislation. Hence, the authors cannot confirm explanations based on issue properties or actors’ privileged institutional positions. Finally, they find a strong effect for the time fast-track legislation has been used, suggesting socialization into interorganizational norms of cooperation
Codecision and Its Discontents: Intra-Organisational Politics and Institutional Reform in the European Parliament
No full textThis article investigates the consequences of fast-track legislation in the European Union. Previous research has explained why fast-track legislation occurs and evaluated its democratic repercussions. This study focuses on the European Parliament (EP)’s intra-organisational response. It first describes how the early adoption of EU legislation has informalised legislative decision-making, transformed inter-organisational relations, and induced power shifts. It then discusses the political response, showing that actors seek to redress power shifts, that reform attempts centre on the control of negotiation authority and information flows, and that reform is highly contested. The research suggests that the chance of successful redress is low in Parliament as a decentralised organisation unless two conditions are met: (i) the extent of fast-track legislation reaches a critical level, and (ii) the organisation goes through a period of wider reform; the former increases the visibility of disempowerment and reputational loss, the latter allows package deals and/or the strategic use of norms. Based on qualitative document analysis and semi-structured elite interviews an analysis is made of how Parliament’s rules of co-legislation have been contested, negotiated and reformed from the formal introduction of fast-track legislation in 1999 to the adoption of the Code of Conduct for Negotiating in the Context of Codecision Procedures in 2009. The analysis also shows that Parliament may have a price to pay for its successful fight for empowerment, namely a challenge to its institutional legitimacy and discontent of its of rank-and-file members. More generally, understanding the conditions for intra-organisational reform can inform the study of other democratic bodies which undergo a similar restriction and seclusion of de facto decision-making
Mission Statement des Akademischen Direktors der Hertie School of Governance
Get PDFThe purpose of the Hertie School of Governance will be to train exceptionally talented students for public leadership positions. In view of the profound changes that the contemporary state is undergoing, teaching and research at the Hertie School will focus on the demands and problems of modern governance in a transnationally integrated world, thereby combining a multidisciplinary approach and a practical, problem-solving orientation with the highest standards of academic excellence...Die Hertie School of Governance will herausragend qualifizierte junge Menschen auf öffentliche Führungsaufgaben vorbereiten. Vor dem Hintergrund des Wandels moderner Staatlichkeit werden sich Lehre und Forschung an der Hertie School mit den Anforderungen und Schwierigkeiten modernen Regierens in einer transnational vernetzten Welt befassen. Dabei soll sich eine multidisziplinäre Problemlösungs- und Praxisorientierung mit den Maßstäben wissenschaftlicher Exzellenz verbinden..
Labor Market Dualization and Insider-Outsider Divides – Why This New Conflict Matters
No full textReflecting the importance of inequality for individuals’ lives, the implications of labor market inequality for core elements of democracy are crucial topics in comparative politics and comparative political economy. This article critically reviews the main findings of the emerging literature on insider–outsider divides to highlight its possible contributions to adjacent fields, in particular the research on party politics, the literatures on economic voting, political participation, and democratic representation or the study of social movements. The conflict between labor market insiders and outsiders demonstrates that in today’s societies with their diversified risk structure and sophisticated welfare states, distributive conflicts are about specific social and regulatory policies that have different implications for individuals depending on their situation on the labor market. By drawing our attention to new divides within the social democratic electorate, the insider–outsider literature reveals an additional argument why the social democratic parties find it hard to mobilize their voters and to win elections. Moreover, the insider–outsider literature can help to bring the economic dimension of politics back to the study of social movements and to light on the relationship between contentious and conventional politics
Self-rated health and wellbeing among school-aged children with and without special educational needs: Differences between mainstream and special schools
No full textBACKGROUND:
Studies among students with special educational needs (SEN) in separate special schools (SSS) and mainstream schools (MS) are particularly applicable to educational attainment and social participation. However, indicators of health and wellbeing have rarely been considered.
AIMS:
This study investigates two related topics: first, health and wellbeing differences between students with SEN in special schools (SSS) and students without SEN in regular schools, and second, the rarely considered question whether health and wellbeing among students with SEN differ between school settings (i.e. MS vs. SSS).
METHODS AND PROCEDURES:
Bivariate and multilevel analyses are applied with data from the German National Educational Panel Study (NEPS) with 5267 students (grade 7).
OUTCOMES AND RESULTS:
After having controlled for background characteristics, students in SSS report higher likelihoods of poor self-rated health compared to students in higher track schools. Self-rated health of students with SEN does not significantly differ between MS vs. SSS. For life satisfaction, students with SEN show higher likelihoods of low life satisfaction when attending MS.
CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS:
Teachers in inclusive settings are encouraged to establish class work and teaching that support a real change from class placement to inclusive culture in order to suitably support students with SEN
New governance and the displacement of Social Europe: the case of the European Semester
No full textHas the European Semester led to a displacement of Social Europe, or to the development of social policy through fiscal processes and actors? – Potential for Semester to increase soft law’s binding effects or ‘socialise’ EU policy-making – Positive effects severely limited by the Semester’s overall goals: fiscal stabilisation and the creation of increasingly uniform economic policies – Dilemma for Social Europe: how can an autonomous EU social policy be (re) established without risking marginalisation
Introduction: Forecasting in Peace Research
No full textPrediction and forecasting have now fully reached peace and conflict research. We define forecasting as predictions about unrealized outcomes given model estimates from realized data, and predictions more generally as the assignment of probability distributions to realized or unrealized outcomes. Increasingly, scholars present within- and out-of-sample prediction results in their publications and sometimes even forecasts for unrealized, future outcomes. The articles in this special issue demonstrate the ability of current approaches to forecast events of interest and contributes to the formulation of best practices for forecasting within peace research. We highlight the role of forecasting for theory evaluation and as a bridge between academics and policymakers, summarize the contributions in the special issue, and provide some thoughts on how research on forecasting in peace research should proceed. We suggest some best practices, noting the importance of theory development, interpretability of models, replicability of results, and data collection
Executive Authority, the Personal Vote, and Budget Discipline in Latin American and Caribbean Countries
No full textRecent scholarship on budgeting in Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries indicates that political institutions impact the level of budget discipline. Building upon this previous research, we argue that the principal problem that must be addressed in both the government and the legislature to insure strong fiscal discipline is the common pool resource (CPR) problem. At the cabinet level, the CPR problem arises because ministers consider the implications of decisions on their ministries only. The level of the CPR problem in the legislature depends upon the electoral system. Using a data set of LAC countries for the period 1988–97, we find that executive power in the budget process is most effective in reducing budget deficits when electoral incentives for the personal vote is high in the legislature, while strengthening the president (or prime minister) in countries where the personal vote is low in the legislature has no effect