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From Market Integration to Core State Powers. The Eurozone Crisis, the Refugee Crisis and Integration Theory
The Eurozone crisis and the refugee crisis are showcases of the problems associated with the EU's shift from market integration to the integration of core state powers. The integration of core state powers responds to similar demand factors as market integration (interdependence, externalities and spillover) but its supply is more tightly constrained by a high propensity for zero‐sum conflict, a functional requirement for centralized fiscal, coercive and administrative capacities, and high political salience. We show how these constraints structured the initial design of Economic and Monetary Union and of Schengen, made them vulnerable to crisis, and shaped policy options during the crises: they made horizontal differentiation unattractive, re‐regulation ineffective, centralized risk and burden‐sharing unfeasible, and the externalization of adjustment burdens to non‐EU actors necessary by default. In conclusion, we explore possible escape routes from the trap
Direct or indirect electrification? A review of heat generation and road transport decarbonisation scenarios for Germany 2050
Energy scenarios provide guidance to energy policy, not least by presenting decarbonisation pathways for climate change mitigation. We review such scenarios for the example of Germany 2050, with a focus on the decarbonisation of heat generation and road transport. In this context, we characterize the role of renewable electricity and contrast two rivalling narratives: direct and indirect electrification. On the one hand, electricity directly provides heat and transport, using electric heat pumps, electric heaters, and battery electric vehicles. On the other hand, electricity, heat, and transport are indirectly linked, using gas heat pumps, gas heaters, fuel cell electric vehicles, and internal combustion engine vehicles, in combination with power-to-gas and power-to-liquid processes. To reach climate policy targets, our findings imply that energy stakeholders must (1) plan for the significant additional demand for renewable electricity for heat and road transport, (2) pave the way for system-friendly direct heat electrification, (3) be aware of technological uncertainties in the transport sector, (4) clarify the vision for decarbonisation, particularly for road transport, and (5) use holistic and more comparable scenario frameworks
Optionen für eine CO2-Preisreform. MCC-PIK-Expertise für den Sachverständigenrat zur Begutachtung der gesamtwirtschaftlichen Entwicklung
Die deutsche Klimapolitik benötigt eine grundlegende Neuausrichtung. Deutschland muss im Rahmen der EU-Lastenteilungsverordnung bis 2030 seine Emissionen im Verkehrs-, Gebäude- und Landwirtschaftssektor sowie in Teilen des Industrie- und Energiesektors um 38 Prozent gegenüber 2005 vermindern, sonst drohen erhebliche Strafzahlungen. Das erfordert einen deutlich steileren CO2-Reduktionspfad als in den vergangenen Jahren. Die Regierung plant daher, bis zum Ende des Jahres ein Klimaschutzgesetz zu verabschieden. Mit der aktuellen Ausrichtung von Energiewende und Klimapolitik kann dieses Ziel allerdings nicht erreicht werden, weil die bestehenden ökonomischen Anreize unzureichend sind und für Investoren und Innovatoren erhebliche Unsicherheiten über die zukünftige Ausrichtung der Klimapolitik bestehen. Außerdem sind die bisherigen Maßnahmen sozial unausgewogen. Der klimapolitische Rahmen muss dringend auf das zentrale Ziel ausgerichtet werden, also das Vermeiden von CO2-Emissionen. Der CO2-Preis sollte zum Leitinstrument der Klimapolitik werden. Gleichzeitig wächst die Unzufriedenheit mit dem unzureichenden klimapolitischen Fortschritt in breiten Teilen der Gesellschaft: Die nationalen Klimaziele für 2020 werden verfehlt. Die Jugend, prominent vertreten durch die „Fridays for Future“-Bewegung, sieht die Lebensgrundlagen ihrer eigenen und künftiger Generationen in Gefahr. Klimaschutz ist zu einem zentralen Thema in der Mitte der Gesellschaft geworden. Daraus ist ein unmittelbarer klimapolitischer Handlungsdruck entstanden, der für eine umfassende Reform der Klimapolitik genutzt werden sollte. Die nötigen Reformen lassen sich nur durch einen Paradigmenwechsel erreichen, bei dem auch die
Umwelt- und Klimapolitik an den grundlegenden Prinzipien der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft ausgerichtet wird. Dabei gilt es den Wettbewerb um die günstigsten Vermeidungstechnologien zu fördern, Investitionssicherheit zu stärken, die Gesamtkosten für die Erreichung der Ziele möglichst gering zu halten und die Belastungen gerecht über Haushalte und Unternehmen zu verteilen. Ordnungsrecht und Förderprogramme sollten künftig nur eine ergänzende Rolle einnehmen. Im Zentrum der Neuausrichtung muss eine umfassende und koordinierte Bepreisung der CO2-Emissionen stehen. Die Ausgestaltung einer deutschen CO2-Preisreform sollte von Beginn an als Dreiklang gedacht werden: Erstens muss der Konvergenzpunkt eine europaweit harmonisierte CO2-Bepreisung sein. Zweitens sollte Deutschland als Zwischenschritt zügig eine nationale CO2-Preisreform umsetzen, um seine Ziele im Rahmen der EU-Lastenteilungsverordnung zu erreichen. Drittens sollte die europäische CO2-Preisreform Grundlage für erfolgreiche internationale Klimaverhandlungen werden. Mit dieser Reform haben Deutschland und Europa die Chance, nicht nur die europäische Klimapolitik voranzubringen, sondern auch ihre Position in den internationalen Verhandlungen zu verbessern
The Organizational Reproduction of Inequality
With societal inequalities continuing to increase and organizations providing the vast majority of people with their income, we wanted to assess the ways in which organizational practices are implicated in the burgeoning of social and economic inequality. Following an integrative review of the literature drawn from across the social sciences, we found that the multiple ways in which five major organizational practices – hiring, role allocation, promotion, compensation and structuring – are enacted emerged as being central to the reproduction of inequality. We also uncovered how the persistence of these practices, and the inequality they induce, can be largely attributed to a constellation of three highly institutionalized myths, efficiency, meritocracy and positive globalization. Our analysis further reveals how, as scholars, we bear a corresponding responsibility to reconsider how we engage in research on and teaching about organizations. The implications of this for our future work are discussed
Vertical and horizontal equity of funding for malaria control: A global multisource funding analysis for 2006-2010
Background: International and domestic funding for malaria is critically important to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Its equitable distribution is key in ensuring that the available, scarce, resources are deployed efficiently for improved progress and a sustained Response that enables eradication.Methods. We used concentration curves and concentration indices to assess inequalities in Malaria funding by different donors across countries, measuring
both horizontal and vertical equity. Horizontal equity assesses whether funding is distributed in proportion to health needs, whereas vertical equity examines whether unequal economic needs are addressed by appropriately unequal funding. We computed the Health Inequity Index and the Kakwani Index to assess the former and the latter, respectively. We used data from the World Bank, Global Fund, Unicef, President’s Malaria Initiative and the Malaria Atlas Project to assess the distribution of funding against need for 94 countries. National gross domestic product
per capita was used as a proxy for economic need and ‘population-at-risk’ for health need
The benefits of flexibility: The value of wind energy with hydropower
Several studies have shown that the revenue of wind power generators on spot markets (“market value”) diminishes with increasing deployment. This “value drop” is mostly observed in power markets that are dominated by thermal power plants, such as in Germany. This paper assesses the wind market value in power systems where hydroelectric stations with large reservoirs prevail, such as in Sweden. Due to their dispatch flexibility, such hydropower compensates for wind power output variability and thereby mitigates the wind power value drop. The market value of electricity from wind declines with penetration in both types of power systems, but it tends to decline at a slower rate if hydropower is present. This paper presents empirical evidence on the relevance of this effect derived from market data and numerical model results. Our results indicate that when moving from 0% to 30% wind penetration, hydropower mitigates the value drop by a third. As a result, 1 MWh of wind energy is worth 18% more in Sweden than in Germany. Sensitivity analyses indicate high robustness despite large parameter uncertainty: in 80% of all sensitivities, wind energy is valuable 12–29% more in Sweden than in Germany. The benefits of hydropower seem to level off at around 20% wind penetration. This suggests that the hydro flexibility is “exhausted” at this level. Low wind speed wind turbines, carbon pricing, and upgrades of hydropower generation capacity can lever the added value of hydro flexibility further. Not only is wind energy more valuable in the presence of hydropower, hydroelectricity also becomes more valuable if paired with wind power
Governance Indicators: Approaches, Progress, Promise
As difficult as it might seem to define governance, it appears to be that much more difficult to measure it. Since the World Bank Institute launched the Worldwide Governance Indicators in the late 1990s, the governance indicators field has flourished and experienced significant advances in terms of methodology, data coverage and quality, and policy relevance. Other major initiatives have added to a momentum that propelled research on governance indicators seen in few other academic fields in the economic and social sciences. Given these developments and the prominence and policy relevance the field of governance indicator research has achieved, the time is ripe to take stock and ask what has been accomplished, what the shortcomings and potentials might be, and what steps present themselves as a way forward. This volume—the fifth edition in an annual series tackling different aspects of governance around the world—assesses what has been achieved, identifies strengths and weaknesses of current work, and points to issues that need to be tackled in order to advance the field, both in its academic importance as well as in its policy relevance. In short, the contributions to this volume explore the scope of existing governance indices and indicator frameworks, elaborate on current challenges in measuring and analysing governance, and consider how to overcome them
Europe’s Bank and Europe’s Citizens: Accountability, Transparency – Legitimacy?
Since the Eurozone crisis, critique of the European Central Bank (ECB) has centred on the Bank’s lack of acceptance by Europe’s citizens. One prominent strand of the debate argues that such acceptance can be enhanced by ensuring higher levels of compliance with the democratic standards of accountability and transparency. This article critically assesses this ‘standards-support nexus’ and its underlying assumptions. We suggest that three conditions need to be fulfilled for the argument to hold: (i) citizens are aware of the ECB and its design; (ii) citizens prioritise democratic standards over alternative motivations for acceptance; and (iii) citizens are able to differentiate between the ECB and the European Union’s wider multilevel system. Drawing from the established literature on support for European integration and trust in the ECB and from descriptive Eurobarometer data, we conclude that these three conditions are unlikely to bear out empirically. Moreover, increasing the ECB’s accountability and transparency in times of crisis and heightened politicisation could adversely affect the Bank’s policy-performance and public image. Hence, whilst not questioning the normative desirability of accountability and transparency, we caution against assuming too easily that such democratic standards alone will enhance citizen support, and against assuming that they come without trade-offs