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Pakistan-Saudi Arabia relations in flux: Is Islamabad realigning its foreign policy?
No full textIt seems that relations between Pakistan and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia lie in extraordinary flux. This SADF Working Paper starts by analysing the causes and consequences of that fact. The paper sheds light not only on possible dynamics in Pakistan’s foreign policy in relation to Saudi Arabia but also on the repercussions of said foreign policy for the region. It is argued that Islamabad is currently realigning some foreign policy parameters, foremost so as to reduce its dependency on Riyadh and readjust some of its bilateral relations, particularly as regards Iran and Turkey. This Pakistani ambition is in line with Chinese interests and is thus supported by Beijing. The paper predicts a fundamental deterioration in the ties between Riyadh and Islamabad due to a substantial clash in interests; this deterioration is to be matched by new Pakistani initiatives aiming to engage collaboration with both Iran on Afghanistan
Beijing’s expansionism in the Himalayas
No full text‘China Is Building Entire Villages in Another Country’s Territory’ is the title of a report by Robert Barnett, an eminent scholar on modern Tibetan history and politics. The report regarded an official visit by Chinese authorities to the new village of Gyalaphug (Jieluobu1), ‘key to the settlement of the Beyul (Baiyu) [within Bhutan] by China’: ‘Gyalaphug is now one of three new villages (two already occupied, one under construction), 66 miles of new roads, a small hydropower station, two Communist Party administrative centers, a communications base, a disaster relief warehouse, five military or police outposts, and what are believed to be a major signals tower, a satellite receiving station, a military base, and up to six security sites and outposts that China has constructed in what it says are parts of Lhodrak in the TAR [Tibet Autonomous Region] but which in fact are in the far north of Bhutan.’ Hundreds of such structures are being built along the Tibetan side of the Himalayas; however, these ones in particular are being built in another country. After elaborating on Chinese constructions in Gyalaphug and its surrounding area (a process depicted as the ‘settlement of entire districts’), Barnett draws the larger picture as concerns Beijing’s claims over Bhutanese territory. According to the scholar, currently ‘China claims four areas in the west, three in the north (Beyul Khenpajong [Baiyu; were Gyalaphug is located], Menchuma Valley [Minjiuma] and Chagdzom area) and one in the east (Sakteng [Molasading])’ of Bhutan. [...
Is Pakistan’s PM Khan losing his political grip?
No full textIslamabad’s political circles experienced a tumultuous week, even for Pakistani standards. On Saturday, March 6, 2021, Prime Minister (PM) Imran Khan asked lawmakers from the lower house of the country’s parliament for a vote of confidence. The PM secured 178 votes out of the 171 currently required to win the open ballot. Khan obviously felt that this move was necessary after a ‘surprise’ electoral defeat in the Senate polls three days earlier. Opposition parties – foremost the Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N) of former PM Nawaz Sharif and the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) of former president Asif Ali Zardari – were able to achieve majority (53 seats vis-à-vis 47 for the ruling alliance) in the upper house. Put simply and somewhat downplaying the whole complexity of electoral regulations, Senate elections seek legislators in the provincial assemblies to elect senators to represent their provinces – the National Assembly/NA also elects a Senator to represent the capital, Islamabad. It goes without saying that such elections, especially for the capital’s Senate seat, are extraordinary contested. […
Kambodschas National Internet Gateway – ein Vorwand, um digitale Rechte einzuschränken?
No full textDas Sub-Dekret zur Einrichtung des National Internet Gateway (NIG) könnte die digitale Landschaft Kambodschas grundlegend verändern. In einem immer kleiner werdenden digitalen zivilen Raum, erlangt die kambodschanische Regierung mit der Verordnung weitreichende Kontrolle über das Internet im Land und könnte damit Menschenrechte beschneiden
Wo sind all die Roten Khmer geblieben?
No full textWer sich mit der Regierung Kambodschas beschäftigt, bekommt oftmals zu hören, dass es „viele“ Rote Khmer in ihr gäbe. Zuvorderst natürlich Premierminister Hun Sen, der in den Jahren von 1975 bis zu seiner Flucht nach Vietnam 1977 als stellvertretender Regimentskommandeur im Militär des „Demokratischen Kampucheas“ (DK) aktiv war. Doch wie sind sie überhaupt dahin gekommen? Und was ist aus ihren ehemaligen Kamerad*innen geworden
Schleichende Eindämmung von Freiheiten - Ausbau von autoritären Strukturen während der Corona-Krise in Südostasiens Regimen
No full textUnter dem Deckmantel der Corona-Pandemie nutzen einige südostasiatische Regierungen den Ausnahmezustand, um Grundrechte weiter einzuschränken und ihren Einfluss und ihre Kontrolle weiter auszubauen. Notverordnungen und Gesetze werden willkürlich angepasst oder angewandt, um politische Gegner*innen, Journalist*innen und Kritiker*innen auszuschalten oder mundtot zu machen
Corona und OFWs in Deutschland - Von Arbeitserleichterung bis zur absoluten Prekarisierung
No full textDer Arbeitsalltag und das Privatleben von Oversea Filipino/a Workers (OFWs) weltweit und in Deutschland ist seit dem Corona-Ausbruch nunmehr stärker denn je geprägt von Prekarisierung, Einschränkungen, Entbehrungen, Arbeitslosigkeit und Heimweh. Weltweit machen sich arbeitslos gewordene OFWs auf den Weg zurück in ihre Heimat oder stranden unterwegs an Flughäfen, da ihnen das Geld oder die Transportmöglichkeit in die Provinzen aufgrund von Reisebeschränkungen fehlen. Der Geldstrom der OFWs in die Philippinen brach ein und massive wirtschaftliche Folgen werden prognostiziert, da das System der Migration mit seinen Rücküberweisungen an die Familienangehörigen in der Heimat ein entscheidender Wirtschaftsfaktor ist
Macro and Micro Evidence: Labour Reforms Do Not Facilitate Growth in the Manufacturing Sector
No full textThree Indian states (Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat) recently adopted new and significant labour reforms amidst the COVID-19 pandemic - supporting companies and businesses willing to more easily hire and fire employees in the hope that this will unshackle industries and attract investments. However, some economists and workers’ unions argue that these changes may affect labour markets, reduce productivity and even lead to anarchy. This article aims to explore whether labour reforms actually facilitate the growth of the manufacturing sector in India, and to achieve this through both macroeconomic and microeconomic analyses. We will review past labour reforms and their influence on the labour and manufacturing sectors, asking whether new measures could actually increase productivity - given that to a great extent they only formalise existing practices
Broadening Horizons of India's Act East Policy: Future Avenues
No full textThe Act East Policy of India, announced in 2014 presented some significant differences from the previous Look East Policy. It aimed to look further east, towards the Pacific and beyond Southeast Asia. However, India's exit from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) raises questions regarding where India's Act East Policy is really headed to. This paper reviews current aspects of the Act East Policy and makes an effort to point out current avenues – particularly focusing on ASEAN and Australia and their importance within the Policy
India’s perception of the EU-India Free trade agreement and military cooperation within the EU-India strategic partnership
No full textDie Beziehungen zwischen der EU und Indien gelten als nicht ausgeschöpft und von geringer Bedeutung. Die geringe Höhe des bilateralen Handels, die kaum wahrnehmbare Kooperation innerhalb der „strategischen Partnerschaft“, und die Verhandlungen um ein bislang nicht implementiertes Freihandelsabkommen (FTA) zwischen der EU und Indien tragen zu dieser Situation bei. Diese Situation der nicht ausgeschöpften bilateralen Beziehungen zwischen der EU und Indien geht auch mit einer negativen Wahrnehmung einher, die eine Seite über die jeweils andere Seite verzeichnet. Auch im Hinblick auf den Abschluss des EU-Indien FTAs und eine militärische Kooperation innerhalb der „strategischen Partnerschaft“ liegen negative und verzerrte Wahrnehmungen vor. Das stellt die Beziehungen vor weiteren Herausforderungen