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Terrorism financing: Crypto-Taliban?
No full textThe United Nations Counter-Terrorism Week in June 2021 focused on the financing of Islamist terror groups. The meeting zeroed in on the ‘misuse of digital space for terrorist financing purposes’. As noted in a statement following the meeting, ‘it was recognized that the pandemic enhanced opportunities for terrorist groups particularly to raise funds through online sources. The pandemic also impacted on the implementation of CFT [Countering the Financing of Terrorism] legislation and responses, particularly regarding the adoption of a regulatory framework to address the vulnerabilities of the virtual assets for terrorist financing purposes.’ Numerous speakers pointed out that the ‘digital space was a quickly evolving area and that terrorist groups acquired highly-specialized expertise in using all opportunities offered to raise and transfer funds through virtual assets platforms and well as to obfuscate the traceability of these transactions through complex blockchain mechanisms’. The event, organised by the Counter Terrorism Committee of the United Nations Security Council, reflects heightened concerns. Due to the increased scrutiny on the traditional, formal financial sector, some are concerned that terrorists might ‘seek more secretive mechanisms for financing their activities’. […
On the UN Genocide Remembrance Day
No full textSeventy-three years ago, the United Nations (2020) approved its first human-rights treaty – also known as the Genocide convention, because it mainly concerns the crime of genocide. The 9th of December, the day of its original approval, has been celebrated since 2015 as ‘the International Day of Commemoration and Dignity of the Victims of the Crime of Genocide and of the Prevention of this Crime’. Remembering crimes and honouring victims is indeed crucial to prevent new instances of genocide. This is why SADF has repeatedly (Casaca, 2018) analysed the Bangladesh 1971 Genocide perpetrated by Pakistani armed forces (in cooperation with local Islamist fanatics). SADF accompanied the determined and praiseworthy efforts by the Bangladeshi authorities and the civil society (South Asian Democratic Forum, 2015) to bring those responsible for the 1971 occurrences to justice. Such efforts included the reestablishment of the International Crimes Tribunal of Bangladesh – a move strongly resisted by powerful revisionist lobbies, some of which despicably covered their actions under claims of ‘human rights’ principles and actions. […
Disinformation in the name of the ‘fight against disinformation’ - The case of ‘EU DisinfoLab’
No full text[...] We therefore decided to conduct a research on this organisation, which is developed in the second section of this policy brief. Created in December 2017, EU DisinfoLab gained full notoriety soon afterwards when it managed to convince French media and French authorities that an internal political scandal was being propagated by a ‘Russian conspiracy’. To our knowledge, this was the most obvious and almost successful contemporary disinformation manoeuvre in the democratic world. Although an independent study rapidly managed to debunk ‘EU DisinfoLab’s Russian conspiracy theory, and although some among the independent press and various observers clearly denounced the manipulation, the fact is that the organisation continued its activities and – as is the present case – even managed considerable success in its disinformation strategies. We proceed, in the subsequent section, to analyse the context of EU DisinfoLab’. We discovered it was part of a sprawl of ‘disinfolabs’ simultaneously emerging in 2017/2018, originally financed by technology companies. Whereas other, partnering organisations lack a style of aggressive and insulting disinformation comparable to that adopted by EU DisinfoLab, we found the logic of their actions debatable, as they seemed to believe that being sponsored by the biggest players in the information industry provides them with the authority to become some sort of information police. We analyse the ‘Information disorder: Toward an interdisciplinary framework for research and policy making’ and we see therein an attempt to transform into the doctrine of the democratic world a framework for suppressing pluralism and freedom of expression – increasing the power and influence of the information industry’s major players and deviating the State from its crucial role of insuring a level playing field for information providers. Modern disinformation strategies are yet more formidable and dangerous than those classic. They strive in autocratic states; yet are also able to permeate democratic societies lacking the capacity to control their influence and facing a perilous concentration of power on information providers. Whereas polarisation is inherent to democratic societies, modern disinformation strategies promote toxic polarisation, transforming activism into malevolent despotism. [...
'SAARC's dysfunctionality and China's foot at South Asia's Door
No full textThe South Asian region is experiencing a shift in power dynamics. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has faced difficulties in reaching its potential, and India has played a great role in such difficulties. On the other hand, China’s involvement in the region creates new challenges for the regional body. This article aims to discuss why the SAARC has such trouble developing – and what role India plays in these dynamics. The article also discusses China’s engagement in the region and what future awaits the SAARC after the Taliban Takeover
All under Heaven and Shared Skies: Memorialisation of Aviators in Nanjing between "Patriotism" and "Internationalism"
No full textIm heutigen China gibt es einen sehr ungewöhnlichen Gedenkfriedhof in Nanjing, der erklärtermaßen Gräber internationaler Piloten, die im Zweiten Chinesisch-Japanischen Krieg (1937-1945) im Kampf für China ums Leben kamen, mit Gräbern chinesischer Piloten vereint. Diese Stätte, die China, die USA und die Sowjetunion im Gedenken an gefallene Flieger zu vereinen sucht, ist einzigartig in Chinas Gedenkkultur. Heute steht sie nach offizieller Lesart daher gleichzeitig für "Patriotismus" und "Internationalismus" und ist heute Teil der sogenannten "Anti-japanischen Luftfahrt-Märtyrer-Gedenkhalle Nanjing". Das Gedenken an Chinas Kampf gegen die Japaner soll auch alle Chinesen in der Gegenwart vereinen, seien sie in der Volksrepublik China oder in Taiwan oder in Übersee, indem über Geschichte und Erinnerung an „patriotische“ Gefühle appelliert wird. Die Erinnerung an die Militärflieger bedeutet jedoch einen Fokus auf Chinas besondere Schwäche, da die chinesische Luftwaffe, damals unter dem Kommando der Guomindang-Regierung, die Achillesferse in diesem Krieg war. China, welches sich einst als „alles unter dem Himmel“ verstand, war in hohem Maße auf ausländische Hilfe angewiesen, sowohl materiell als auch personell, um sich der japanischen Lufthoheit zu erwehren. Sowohl die Sowjetunion als auch die USA leisteten zu gewissen Zeiten solche Hilfe, und eine beträchtliche Anzahl ausländischer und chinesischer Flieger teilte sich nicht nur den Himmel, sondern verlor auch ihr Leben. Ein genauerer Blick auf die historische Entwicklung des Fliegerfriedhofs von Nanjing verkompliziert jedoch das Bild für diese Stätte, die ursprünglich Jahre vor dem Krieg von der Guomindang-Regierung errichtet worden war. Er zeigt die Entwicklung, Probleme und Implikationen dieses Ortes in einer Stadt auf, die heute stark mit chinesischer Viktimisierung im Krieg assoziiert wird, und vergleicht den Gedenkfriedhof auch mit dem „Grab der Märtyrer der Freiwilligengruppe der sowjetischen Luftwaffe“ in Wuhan, das von der späteren Volksrepublik ausschließlich für die in China in der Anfangsphase des Krieges gefallenen sowjetischen Flieger errichtet wurde. Welche Zielsetzung hat Erinnerungskultur, und wer verbindet damit welche Interessen? Wie wird sie gestaltet? Was ist das Besondere an Fliegern? Wie verhält sich das Nationale zum Individuellen? Und welche Rolle kommt den Toten selbst zu
After Kabul – What next for Pakistan?
No full textAfter the takeover of Kabul by the Pakistan-sponsored Taliban, one can speculate regarding which role will Islamabad play in Afghanistan’s future. This will depend of course on Islamabad’s ties with the wider Taliban in general and with the factions traditionally close to Pakistan in particular, namely the Haqqani Network. Considering the manifold support offered to the Taliban during the last two decades, ‘Pakistan has reason to anticipate a more friendly regime in Kabul’. In fact, ‘Pakistan was one of the first countries to welcome the Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan,’ celebrating the event as a ‘strategic victory’. However, there are also reasons to believe that relations between the Taliban government and Islamabad will be not as easy as hoped by the Pakistani leadership. [...
Tottering Taliban – leverage to improve the plight of the Afghan people?
No full textFrom blaming Washington alone for the dramatic developments in Afghanistan since the US withdrawal, most observers now focus on addressing the plight of the Afghan people and the puzzle of finding an appropriate approach towards the new Taliban government in Kabul. The question over the recognition of the Taliban government seems to dominate international public diplomacy. Lessons from the Afghan imbroglio, the future of counterterrorism and counterinsurgency strategies by both the US and NATO, the role of regional actors constitute additional topics discussed worldwide. There is no doubt that all these considerations are crucial, as immediate humanitarian support to the Afghan people is of utmost importance. However, one of the most significant puzzles appears to be largely side-lined by analysts: how sustainable is the new Islamic Emirate? And would a tottering Taliban regime provide the international community leverage to pressure on commitments as agreed in the 2020 Doha agreement (and reiterated in latest Taliban statements)? […
India-Pakistan relations and the upcoming Ankara conference on Afghanistan
No full textIndia-Pakistan relations recently experienced a new low – expressed in a sharpened public rhetoric, the frequent occurrence of cease-fire violations at the ‘Line of Control’ (LoC), contestation over influence in Afghanistan, and other dynamics. The decades-old bilateral tensions gathered particular steam in August 2019 as New Delhi abrogated Article 370, which granted the Indian-administered State of Jammu and Kashmir a special, autonomous constitutional status. Since then, New Delhi has conducted a series of measures to operationalize the administrative aspects of the territory’s reconstitution, for example the ‘Kashmir domicile law’. In response, Pakistan launched a major public diplomacy campaign, apparently including elements of disinformation, so as to internationalize the Kashmir conflict. In November 2020, Pakistan presented a dossier allegedly revealing ‘irrefutable evidence’ of India’s involvement in sponsoring terrorism and attempts to destabilize Pakistan. More concretely, Pakistan accused India of supporting ‘various tactical terrorist campaigns aimed at reviving the greatly diminished insurgencies in the restive Balochistan province and the tribal districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province’, among several other issues. These accusations also have implications for Afghanistan-Pakistan ties, since the dossier claims that India is ‘running dozens of training camps in Afghanistan for multiple, globally outlawed militant groups to plot terrorism on Pakistani soil’. The Indian embassy and consulates in Afghanistan are allegedly responsible for conducting such activities. The report claims that Indian intelligence officers operate ‘under the diplomatic cover from consulates in Afghanistan’. […
Cambodia’s National Internet Gateway – a pretext for shrinking digital rights?
No full textThe Sub-Decree on the Establishment of the National Internet Gateway has the potential to reshape the digital landscape in Cambodia. In an ever-dwindling digital civic space, the passage of the Sub-Decree could be described as an attempt by the Cambodian government to establish its control and dominance over the internet to curtail fundamental human rights
India’s New Education Policy in 2020: Antinomies of progress
No full textThis paper contains a comprehensive analysis of the New Education Policy of India (2020). For instance, it would be interesting to analyse, compare and understand whether the BJP-ruled Indian government passed the National Educational Policy (NEP; 2020) so as further privatize the nation’s educational system. What multidimensional impacts could the New Education Policy (NEP) have on the future of India’s educational system? We would also like to investigate how it affects institutional autonomy, premier public universities, cultural dynamics, and intellectual diversity. This paper investigates how the NEP will reshape education in India. The broad conclusion is that said education is witnessing deep shifts and changes which will not only lead to a deepening of social inequalities and affect learning but will also burden poor and middle-class families with added financial pressure