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Das Phänomen Duterte und die philippinische Gesellschaft
No full textDas Phänomen Duterte ist mehr als eine Person, es ist eine populistische Haltung geworden, die jetzt schon tiefe Graben in der philippinischen Gesellschaft hinterlässt. Valenzuela (2016) fragt zurecht:»Wieso dieser herzlose und massive Kollateralschaden für unsere eigenen Leute? Warum brauchen wir Opferlämmer? Ist das Leben zu billig geworden für Filipin@s heute? Wieso müssen wir die Rechtsstaatlichkeit umgehen?
Der Erste Indologe
No full textAuch wenn dies für Germanisten merkwürdig erscheinen muss: In einem fachgeschichtlichen Aufsatz würde ein Indologe, der über August Wilhelm Schlegel sprechen will, durchaus darauf hinweisen, dass dieser auch Frühromantiker, Übersetzer des Shakespeare und vieles mehr war, und dass es für Biographen mitunter nicht leicht ist, Schlegel in seine vielfältigen Interessengebiete zu folgen, die heute sehr unterschiedlichen akademischen Disziplinen zugeordnet werden. Dass er in seinen späteren Jahren - wie ein Biograph schreibt - ,,ein einsamer Mann" war, der nur noch ein Mal Goethe besuchte, aber sonst keine bemerkenswerten Kontakte hatte, wird dem indologischen Fachgeschichtler indes nur ein Schmunzeln oder auch ein Kopfschütteln entlocken, denn in dieser Zeit begründete er die indische Philologie als akademisches Fach
Attitudes on Trans-Himalayan Cooperation
No full textThe aim of this essay is to understand the attitudes on Trans- Himalayan Cooperation. The approach was to pick up the main thoughts presented in the Fifth China-South Asia Cultural Forum (Chengdu, December 14-16, 2015) on the topic “Exploring Cooperation across the Himalayas”, synthesize those attitudes using a Q Method approach and suggests a SWOT Analysis to categorise the main cooperation issues and strategies. Five types of attitudes are named and described: i) Regional Cooperation for Peace and Development; ii) Effective Cooperation on Research and Education; iii) Effective Sectoral Cooperation; iv) Cooperation on Poverty Reduction; and v) Cooperation on Corridors. Two different strategies are discussed: a) a passive strategy that assumes that the economic dynamism between nearby countries can be threatened by terrorism fuelled by inequality, poverty, water shortages and energy instability; and b) an active strategy that explores the cooperation opportunities associated with globalization, exploring academic and research capabilities, designing sustainable water agreements, promoting energy and touristic resources or implementing Trans-Himalayan corridors
The plight of Religious Minorities in Pakistan
No full textSince the creation of Pakistan in 1947, religious minorities in the country have faced systematic marginalisation through various constitutional amendments. The state has not only failed to protect the rights of its minorities, but has also done little to ensure equal rights, and freedom of speech, religion and life for the small minority population of the country. It was during Bhutto’s rule and General Zia’s regime that the space for minorities became limited in the country with onset of religious extremism leading to extremist attacks on minorities and their places of worship. Soon after Zia’s policies of Islamisation, the narrative and discourse in Pakistan started leaning towards the right making life difficult for the minority communities in the country. Over the years minorities, such as Ahmadis, Shias, Ismailia Muslims, Christians and Hindus, have been subject to frequent threats and attacks by religious fundamentalist groups. If this phenomenon is not checked by the state, the country will soon be dominated by a common narrative of extremism that would only allow space for Sunnis to live while limiting the boundaries for minorities to practice their religion and also live as free citizens
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor: An assessment of its feasibility and impact on regional cooperation
No full textThe China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a multi-billion dollar infrastructure investment project, is heralded as a game changer for Pakistan’s economy and for regional cooperation more generally. As a crucial part of the major development initiative led by China, known as ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR), to connect Asia with Europe, the Middle East and Africa, the CPEC is widely linked to hopes, interests, as well as regional and global geopolitics. However, such a megaproject also raises numerous questions, especially with regards to the feasibility of its implementation, the impact on the region and, India’s stance vis-a-vis the endeavour. Therefore, this Research Paper seeks to shed light on involved interests and challenges, potential impact on regional development and makes special reference of India’s role in it
Delusive Semblance of Democracy: CPEC, Military and The Latest Truncation of Democratic Transition in Pakistan
No full text"The first ‘regular’ transfer of power between two civilian governments in Pakistan manifested itself in the aftermath of the 2013 general elections. Many celebrated this shift as a positive sign of democratic consolidation. However, the appreciation of this allegedly ‘new democratic wave’ ignores the resilience of decade-old authoritarian and anti-democratic patterns. The military still dominates all significant political decision-making processes. Furthermore, due to certain requirements (to ensure security, stability and national consensus) for the implementation of the China-Pakistan-Economic Corridor (CPEC), a multi-billion USD development project, the soldiers were able to further entrench their formal role in the political-institutional setup. This seriously challenges the notion of civilian supremacy, which is unfortunate, since civilian control of the armed forces is a necessary constituent for democracy and democratic consolidation. As such one can state, that in order to guarantee a secure environment for the CPEC development, the military is expanding its power. This phenomenon significantly affects negatively the country’s already unhealthily civil-military relations and civilian control over the military, while challenging the process of democratic transition initiated by the 2013 general elections.
Hindutva and Citizenship in India: Helping Refugees or Building Vote Banks?
No full textOne of the most noteworthy developments in Indian politics is the occurrence of a phenomenon often described as Hindu-Nationalism or Hindutva-movement (Bhatt 2001; Jaffrelot 2007, 1996; Zavos 2000). The movement refers to efforts to undertake dramatic changes within the political culture of India. This attempted transformation of state and society, which manifested itself through ‘communal violence’ – clashes between different religious communities especially between Hindus and Muslims (Engineer 2003; 1987) and actions aimed at challenging constitutional provisions such as secularism in combination with increasingly radical socio-political demands, have posed a threat to the Indian model of consensus democracy and have sadly lived up to bleak forecasts (Basu et.al. 1993)
The evolution of Lashkar-E-Tayyiba in India and the road to 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks
No full textThough Lashkar-e-Tayyiba (LeT) has acted as the best organized, best trained, most heavily armed, and indeed most prolific terrorist organization operating from Pakistan, it only began to gather significant international attention following the brutal and audacious terrorist attacks of 26 November 2008 in Mumbai. In order to carry out the attacks, ten terrorists, landed by sea, divided into five pairs and carefully targeted selected places in Mumbai. The attack lasted nearly for 66 hours and ultimately resulted in death of 166 people and 238 people injured, including civilians and security personnel. After the attacks, the evidence from the investigation overwhelmingly pointed to the Pakistan-based group, LeT, as the perpetrator of the attack. However, the 26/11 attack is not the first LeT-supported attack in India. India has been facing terrorist attacks (cross border-terrorism) for several years. This paper seeks to understand the evolution of LeT in India and map the 26/11 Mumbai attacks. Secondly this paper will try to propose how the 26/11 attack is different from the previous attacks and why Mumbai has been targeted several times and what is the real motive behind
India's Recurring Pak Conundrum: To talk or not to talk?
No full textFollowing the attack at an Indian Air Base in Pathankot Punjab on January 2 by Pakistani terrorists that killed seven military personnel and wounded several others, and the subsequent attack on the Indian consulate in Mazar-e-Sharif in Afghanistan, Indo-Pak relations are in a familiar conundrum and a sense of deja vu pervades the current situation. The militant group Jaish-e-Mohammad close to Pakistani intelligence is believed to be behind the attack. Whether the Army in Pakistan was aware or complicit in the attack is unclear (although quite likely) with contrary assessments emerging. However, India’s response has been predictable - Pakistan needs to act firmly against the terrorists or the scheduled foreign secretary level talks will be suspended. On a highly refreshing note, Pakistani authorities have exhibited prompt action, conducted several raids and arrests based on inquiries and Indian evidence, and even created a Joint Investigations Team
The new China-led investment bank AIIB and its geo-strategical meaning
No full textThe Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), irst proposed by China in October 2013, opened for business in January 2016. The AIIB is not only a bank it is also part of the new "assertive" foreign policy line. After the going out strategy starting in 2000 China emerged as a global player building alliances, signing bilateral cooperation treaties and FTAs especially with the Asian neighbor states. With the assumption of oice of the Xi Jinping administration in 2013 this well-prepared popular dream of renewed national greatness was translated into policy