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Same Same But Different: Die Ähnlichkeiten “zyklischer” und “linearer” Zeitvorstellungen
No full textSeit dem Beginn der kolonialen Indologie und vergleichbarer „Wissenschaften“ ist das Stereotyp eines „geschichtslosen“ Indiens weit verbreitet. Dieses haltlose Konstrukt fußt auf dem Vergleich unterschiedlicher „heiliger“ Texte und der mangelnden (Schrift-)Quellenlage der indischen Antike. Diese Feststellung brachte die vorschnelle Bewertung mit sich, dass sich der Subkontinent so tief in einem immer wiederkehrenden „Zyklus“ befände, dass Kultur, Gesellschaft, Religion und Geschichte letztlich zum Stillstand kämen. Dieses zyklische Zeitdenken stand dem westlichen linearen Zeitverständnis gegenüber; beide schienen unvereinbar. Diese Vorstellung hatte weitreichende Konsequenzen von der Verifikation der These der „orientalischen Despotie“ bis hin zur Legitimierung der Kolonialherrschaft. Während mehrere Untersuchungen bereits erfolgreich diese Anschauung mit unterschiedlichen Ansätzen dekonstruiert haben, argumentiert diese Arbeit, dass bereits die Studien der kolonialen „Indologen“ durch Vorurteile geprägt waren und führt gleichzeitig durch eine Untersuchung der Ähnlichkeiten der zyklischen und linearen Vorstellung bereits die Wurzeln des Stereotyps ad absurdum
Between History, Heritage, and Foreign Relations: Extant Westerners’ cemeteries in Guangzhou and Shanghai
No full textIt is widely believed that historical Westerners’ cemeteries have not survived in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). However, at a closer look, there are some cemeteries of foreigners extant (if “reworked”) and they are at times even integrated today into Chinese heritage preservation schemes. This provokes the question, why these cemeteries are kept, how and by whom, and to which avail. Clearly, there is the political factor of foreign relations involved: in the destruction as well as in the preservation or rebuilding. This study, based on the sites themselves and on what could be gathered on them to piece together some information on their background, attempt to take stock of the cases in Guangzhou (Canton), the place where Chinese foreign relations were attached to for a significant amount of time prior to the Opium Wars of the mid-19th century, and Shanghai as a major treaty port opened in the wake of the First Opium War, which hosts the probably best-known of the otherwise largely ignored extant Westerners’ cemeteries in China. Whereas Guangzhou was mainly connected to trade during the so-called Canton system period (mid-18th to mid-19th century), but also to Christian mission, Shanghai was connected to both after its becoming a treaty port in 1842. Thus, issues of trade and religion play into these places. And both cities are characterised by a multi-cultural history which present-day Chinese heritage politics needs to deal with, while paying heed to the fact that foreign relations to a number of countries are potentially involved
China’s Social Credit Score – rating a people
No full textThe words “Social Credit System” have been ghosting through Western media ever since the Chinese government published its planning outline for establishing the system’s framework in the short time between 2014 and 2020. Journalists and academics all over the world have begun the hunt for not only the few known facts about this ephemeral big-data project but more importantly all it’s possible, most disquieting applications. Meanwhile in China very little is being said about the SCS and the “Westerner’s hysterics”are being remarked upon with the pragmatism only a people already very much under a lifelong constant surveillance by their state can manage
Persecution of Christian minorities in Pakistan: Roots, development and present-day realities
No full textPakistan ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) in 2010, committing to upholding the Treaty and human rights. The ICCPR, which came into force in 1976, recognised ‘the inherent dignity of each individual and undertakes to promote conditions within states to allow the enjoyment of civil and political rights. Countries that have ratified the Covenant are obligated to protect and preserve basic human rights and to take administrative, judicial, and legislative measures in order to protect the rights enshrined in the treaty. This Policy Brief argues that Pakistan plays a doublegame as a member of the ICCPR that also persecutes religious minorities. The oppression of minorities has become systemic in Pakistan’s top-down and bottom-up jihad nexus of state and non-state actors forming alliances to work together in targeting minorities. From 2018 until 2020, Pakistan will sit as an elected member on the Human Rights Council. This is a timely opportunity for Pakistan to effectively implement the rights enshrined in the ICCPR to its domestic legal order and take urgent steps to bring an end to violations of religious freedom. First and foremost, this report will examine the 9 March 2018 Islamabad High Court ruling on religious minorities that states every Pakistani citizens’ religious affiliation must be written on their identity cards. Second, this report will analyse Pakistan’s historical and socio-political development and national educational system that have radicalized Pakistani society. Third, Pakistan’s blasphemy laws, namely Section 295-C is Pakistan’s most severe provision for punishing by death the use of derogatory remarks in respect of the Holy Prophet will be investigated. And lastly, cases of Christian persecutions will be illustrated to detail the severity of the issue
GSP, the mid-term review and Pakistan: The need to recalibrate
No full textThe political framework of the Generalised Scheme of Preferences (GSP) has centred on the improvement of governance, democratization, labour rights and human rights in beneficiary countries. One of the fundamental additions to the current regulation’s eligibility conditions was the respect of UN conventions on terrorism (Article 19 (c), Chapter V). Furthermore, recital 34 of the present regulation requires the Commission to take into account combatting terrorism in its mid-term assessment. In 2014, Pakistan was granted GSP+ status. This requires effective monitoring and implementation of 27 UN conventions. This Policy Brief argues that Pakistan has not only failed to effectively implement several of these UN conventions but, most importantly, has not curbed its support for terrorist groups that destabilise the region. Islamabad’s strategy of nurturing and propelling cross-border terrorism as a foreign policy tool is a serious violation of GSP principles, and distorts the efficacy of EU’s global fight against terrorism. The mid-term review is a timely opportunity for the Commission to provide clarity regarding the EU procedures pertaining to the implementation of UN conventions on anti-terrorism, and to investigate Pakistan’s severe shortcomings pertaining to violations of GSP+ conventions as well as violations of fundamental GSP principles stemming from state-sponsored, cross-border terrorism
Das Schweigen ist gebrochen: Geschlechterspezifische Gewalt gegen Frauen in Timor-Leste
No full textDie Gewalt und die Menschenrechtsverletzungen, denen Frauen und Mädchen in Osttimor während der Besatzungszeit durch Indonesien 1975 bis 1999 ausgesetzt waren, führte 1997 zur Gründung der Frauenrechtsorganisation Fokupers. Ihnen einen Schutzraum zu schaffen und Begleitung anzubieten, um traumatische Erfahrungen zu überwinden, ihnen zugleich eine Stimme zu geben und ihr Recht einzuklagen, sind seither Aufgabe und Mission dieser Einrichtung. Nach der Unabhängigkeit 1999 waren Frauen nicht mehr der kriegsbedingten Gewalt ausgesetzt, aber offensichtlich wurde nun die geschlechterspezifische Gewalt, die in den Fokus rückte. Wie dringlich diese Thematik heute ist, zeigt die Nabilian Studie (2016) der Asia Foundation: Drei von fünf Frauen im Alter von 15 bis 49 Jahre haben in Beziehungen physische und/ oder sexuelle Gewalt erlebt
Indonesien 1965 und die Folgen: »Wir müssen den Gerüchten mit Fakten begegnen!«
No full textWie arbeiten Gesellschaften Massengewalt auf? Welche Ausdrucksformen wählen sie dafür und auf welche Schwierigkeiten stoßen sie? Diese Fragen standen – überwiegend am Beispiel Indonesien – im Zentrum der Konferenz »Reconciling Indonesian History with 1965 – Facts, rumours and stigma« vom 10.–12. November 2016 an der Universität Frankfurt
Cambodia: Shrinking spaces versus empowerment of communities Analysis of framework conditions & options for strengthening civil society, democracy & human rights in Cambodia
No full textThis study was commissioned by an international NGO as part of a process to develop strategies for strengthening civil society in Cambodia following the introduction of a number of new, oppressive laws that seriously limit freedom of association and expression. In a situation where democratic space is decreasing but active citizenship is increasing, the study looks at threats as well as opportunities for actors working to support democracy, human rights and social change
Silk road bottom-up: Regional perspectives on the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’
No full textMore than 2,000 years of trade along the Silk Route through Central Asia have “proved that countries with differences in race, belief and cultural background can absolutely share peace and development as long as they persist in unity and mutual trust, equality and mutual benefit, mutual tolerance and learning from each other, as well as cooperation and win-win outcomes.” So said Chinese President Xi Jinping in Kazakhstan in late 2013, when for the first time he promoted the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to open new land and maritime trade routes and infrastructure corridors across Central Asia, the Indian Ocean, and beyond. Like the Silk Road of old, the BRI is less a single corridor than a number of routes, including the China-Indian Ocean-Africa-Mediterranean Sea Blue Economic Passage, China-Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM-EC)
One Belt, One Road and the Sino-Mongolian Relationship
No full textSince China’s new Silk Road initiative, “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR, see boxed text), was irst announced in 2013, it has provoked a wide variety of reactions, partly because details of the new strategy were slow to emerge. While the stated goal of OBOR is to expand ties between Asia, Africa and Europe across a range of sectors, uncertainty about the precise aims and impact of the policy remain. This is true especially for the states on China’s periphery, who face a balancing act between enjoying the potential beneits of increased economic interaction with their larger neighbor and becoming too dependent