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Rights are few, troubles are many
No full textThe rental market in Australia appears to have become something like a war zone.
According to a new national study, co-authored by CHOICE, thousands of tenants are being discriminated against and live in a climate of fear.
The research, undertaken by CHOICE, the National Association of Tenants\u27 Organisations and National Shelter, found that 83% of renters in Australia have no fixed-term lease or are on a lease less than 12 months long, and 62% feel they are not in a position to ask for longer term rental security
System event report: South Australia, 8 February 2017
No full textThis report provides information on the operation of the National Electricity Market (NEM) and national power grid on Wednesday 8 February during a heatwave in eastern Australia.
AEMO will release a second report on 22 February, focused on the events of 10 February. (see related content link below)
During this heatwave period, involuntary load reduction was necessary on two occasions to preserve system security:
· On 8 February 2017 in South Australia, the power system was not in a secure operating state for over 30 minutes. AEMO directed interruption of supply to 100 megawatts (MW) of customer load in South Australia and gave clearance to restore that load 27 minutes later. Following this direction, approximately 300 MW was interrupted. The reason for the additional interruption is being investigated.
· On 10 February, in New South Wales, AEMO directed Transgrid to shed one of the Tomago Aluminium smelter potlines (290 MW), and cancelled the direction one hour later.
This report focuses on South Australia’s electricity supply on Wednesday 8 February 2017
Policy Quarterly special issue: Global studies: The challenge of governance in the 21st century
No full textEditorial:
Whereas the November 2016 issue of Policy Quarterly focused on local government, this issue takes a global perspective. In particular, it explores the major challenges facing humanity in the 21st century, and it does so through the lens of ‘global studies’. The articles are mostly based on papers presented at a conference at Victoria University of Wellington in late July 2016 entitled ‘We the Peoples: global citizenship and constitutionalism’. The conference was co-sponsored by the Institute for Governance and Policy Studies, the New Zealand Centre for Global Studies, the United Nations Association of New Zealand and the New Zealand National Commission for UNESCO.
As Kennedy Graham discusses in his introductory article, the concept of ‘global studies’ differs from that of ‘international relations’ in several important ways. As the name suggests, global studies is fundamentally concerned with societal issues at a planetary scale. The focus is transnational – it deals with matters that affect humanity as a whole, not merely those of specific communities, regions or sectors. By contrast, international relations embraces both global and sub-global concerns, the latter including a multiplicity of regional and bilateral issues and a vast array of complex and evolving interstate relationships.
Just as global studies and international relations differ on the crucial dimension of scale, so too they have contrasting orientations. International relations typically focuses on nation states and national interests; it tends to view issues from a country perspective. Global studies, on the other hand, deals with the interests of the entire human family – or what might be called the long-term common good of the ‘global village’. The question is how humanity – via the mechanisms of nation states, international organisations, multinational businesses, civil society bodies, global networks, associations of cities and social media – can best protect vital global public goods, such as a stable climate system and healthy oceans, and ensure global justice, peace and security. How, in other words, can humanity agree upon, and live within, safe planetary boundaries and build the institutions and frameworks required for a fair, inclusive and sustainable future for generations to come.
Such challenges are not new, but they have become increasingly pressing as a result of ‘the great acceleration’ in human activity. This began with the industrial revolution in the 18th century, but sped up dramatically after the Second World War. Notable changes have included the doubling of the global population since the late 1950s, an enormous expansion in productivity and the aggregate output of goods and services, dramatic advances in technology and a huge increase in humanity’s destruction and degradation of biosphere.
Indeed, so great has been the human impact on Earth in recent times that many leading scientists now contend that a new geological epoch – the Anthropocene – has begun. This assessment is based on evidence that human beings have become the largest driver of changes in the planet’s biodiversity, biogeography, geomorphology and the climate system. Not only has humanity’s ecological footprint dramatically lengthened, it has also widened and deepened. We now possess the capacity to destroy vast numbers of species and ecosystems, radically transform the Earth’s climate, and impair critical life-support systems. If citizens and their governments fail to recognise such threats or are unwilling to mitigate them because of short-term political pressures, narrow national interests or commercial imperatives, the long-term consequences will be grim. Much irreversible damage will be inflicted on critical biophysical systems and future generations will be left with a large and unsustainable ecological debt. A fundamental question, therefore, is how humanity can govern the Anthropocene epoch responsibly. What new global institutions and policy processes are needed and how are they to be forged?
At the end of 2015 there was a mood of optimism. In September 2015 world leaders gathered in New York and unanimously endorsed the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, setting an ambitious agenda for 2030. (See the contribution of Graham Hassall and Marjan van den Belt in this issue of Policy Quarterly.) Three months later, in Paris, a new and significant global agreement on climate change was negotiated (the details of which are discussed by Adrian Macey in this issue).
But significant political events during 2016 have darkened the global horizon. As 2017 begins, equity markets may be buoyant, but the search for solutions to humanity’s global problems has become harder. Dictatorial, and sometimes brutal, leaders have gained ascendancy in various parts of the world. Populist movements, spurred on by decades of rising inequality and understandable concerns about large-scale flows of migrants and refugees, have gained traction in Europe and the United States. Long-standing political movements, especially on the centre-left, are in disarray. Terrorist attacks remain an ever-present threat.
The victories of Brexit and Trump signal a significant, and possibly decisive, shift in global politics – a turn away from globalisation, internationalisation, multilateralism and humanitarianism. We have entered a period of heightened uncertainty and, in all likelihood, greater instability, as discussed by various contributors in this issue of Policy Quarterly. There are many risks. Amongst these are that broader global identities and goals will succumb to narrow, particularistic ones. Petty nationalisms and sectional interests will prevail over wider transnational concerns. Countries will turn inward, their peoples becoming more insular and anxious.
A related risk is that the time horizons of governments will shrink. Pressing day-to-day concerns will increasingly override long-term interests. And short-term economic forces – the quest for jobs – will take centre stage at the expense of ecological concerns and long-term sustainability.
Responding to these forces and navigating the uncertain waters ahead will be challenging. But as the contributors to this issue of Policy Quarterly highlight, the vision of a global community – one committed to compassionate justice and strong sustainability – is far from extinguished. Despite the fiercer headwinds, the quest for a better world must, and will, continue.
I am grateful to each of the contributors, and especially Kennedy Graham for his thoughtful oversight and editorial assistance. The articles here provide informed, discerning and timely perspectives on critical global issues. They deserve our careful reflection. Jonathan Boston, Editor
NB: This is the entire issue of Policy Quarterly February 2017. Individual articles will be posted progressively
Redfern Statement key to closing the gap
No full textLater today, the Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull will deliver the ninth Closing the Gap address to Parliament in which he\u27ll argue his government is turning the tide on Indigenous disadvantage.
He\u27ll draw on the latest Closing the Gap report which is expected to show some improvements in health and education outcomes. But there are obvious and stark failures too.
The Prime Minister will also be sitting down to a parliamentary breakfast with some of Australia\u27s leading Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander groups as they deliver the historic Redfern Statement.
The statement was released in June, and sets out a road map for addressing the persistent gaps between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians.
At its centre is a call for members of their communities to be more involved in the process
Economic cost of dementia in Australia 2016-2056
No full textAlzheimer’s Australia commissioned NATSEM at the Institute for Governance and Policy Analysis at the University of Canberra to estimate the cost of dementia in Australia. The economic impact of dementia is a major concern nationally and internationally as the number of individuals with dementia continues to rise. Access Economics (2003) estimated the total cost of dementia to be 14.25 billion, which equates to an average cost of $35,550 per person with dementia. Not only does this report update the Access Economics 2002 estimate to 2016, it also projects likely future costs of dementia over the next 40 years. In doing so, it provides an overview of dementia in Australia, including increases in the prevalence and incidence of dementia over the next 40 years, describes some of the social and economic characteristics of people with dementia, and identifies the impact of dementia on mortality and burden of disease.
The need for care and provision of care services is also reported on, including estimating the future need for both informal and formal carers in both the community and residential aged care sectors. The report models direct and indirect costs of dementia in 2016 out to 2056. The impact on costs of a ‘hypothetical’ intervention program that reduces the annual incidence of dementia by 5% is modelled. A second scenario simulates the impact of ‘hypothetical’ technological change in hospital care and its impact on costs
Logos to go: Brisbane’s Executive Building demolition a loss of political structure and symbolism
No full textCommuters in Brisbane\u27s CBD will have noticed the signs of disruption, following the handover on January 1 of the Queens Wharf resort and casino site to the Destination Brisbane Consortium. Basking in a New Year glow, State Development Minister Anthony Lynham happily declared the jobs-generating project officially underway. Contractors have commenced site-enabling works, which include "soft strip-out" of three adjoining, now-emptied government buildings soon to be demolished.
A focus of media attention in the last month was the coming demolition of the former Executive Building at 100 George Street. Stories highlighted the building\u27s rich internal history, tracking the public\u27s last glances inside the old Cabinet room and Premier\u27s office. Little focus was given to the building\u27s distinctive external features, and even less to the huge Beattie-era government logos adorning the top of the building. Perhaps few will lament the logos\u27 departure. With the attention given in recent times to political slogans and symbolism, it\u27s worth noting that this highly visible and recognisable legacy of the Beattie era will soon disappear from its prominent place in the city\u27s skyline
Future Fund drawdown scenarios: budget implications
No full textThe Future Fund was established in May 2006 to strengthen the Commonwealth’s long‑term financial position by making provision for unfunded superannuation liabilities of Commonwealth employees that will become payable during a period when an ageing population is likely to place significant pressure on the Commonwealth’s finances.
The Future Fund Act 2006 allows the Future Fund to be drawn down by the Government to cover unfunded superannuation cash payments from whichever is the earlier of:
the time when the balance of the Fund is greater than or equal to the target asset level (that is the amount that is expected to offset the present value of projected unfunded superannuation liabilities), or
1 July 2020.
As at February 2017, the Government has not announced when or to what extent it proposes to draw down on the Future Fund. The 2016–17 Mid-Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook (MYEFO) is based on the technical assumption that the Fund will be drawn down to the maximum extent permissible from 1 July 2020.
If the Government decides to draw down the Future Fund from 1 July 2020 to meet its unfunded superannuation liabilities, assuming the Future Fund continues to meet its target investment return, the PBO projects that the assets of the Future Fund would be exhausted by 2052–53 while, based on official projections, the Government’s unfunded superannuation liability would stand at $249.0 billion. If the Future Fund’s investment returns were to be lower than assumed in the PBO’s analysis, under the 1 July 2020 drawdown scenario the assets of the Fund would be exhausted sooner than 2052–53
Peering behind the alliance curtain: what lessons should we draw from the Turnbull-Trump phone call?
No full textFor cheerleaders of the ANZUS alliance, the statements released after ministerial meetings and leadership phone calls are manna from heaven. The soothing and predictable words are almost like religious recitations: the alliance continues to grow stronger, deeper, wider and more intimate, the interests of Australia and the United States will never diverge, and no problems will ever arise in our alliance.
Academics have long argued that trusting such statements is folly. Stephen Walt, a Professor at Harvard, wrote that the ‘litmus test’ of an alliance does not come at summit meetings, or phone call readouts, because these stage-managed events are ‘designed for the ritual incantation of unifying rhetoric’. Leaders use a façade of flowery language to conceal any issues that might, in reality, be slowly damaging the alliance
Influence of birth month on the probability of Western Australian children being treated for ADHD
No full textSummary
Four international studies have found that the youngest children in a school class are more likely than their class- mates to receive pharmacological treatment for attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). We investigated whether this late birth date effect applies to children in Western Australia. We compared the proportions of WA children born in the early and late months of a recommended school-year intake who received at least one Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme prescription for an ADHD medication in 2013
Multiple housing problems: a view through the housing niche lens
No full textThis paper presents an alternative view on the patterning of housing problems – across populations and within people. The conceptualization of housing problems through a ‘housing niche’ lens allows the cumulative influence of multiple housing vulnerabilities to be better visualized and understood. Using a large, representative sample of the Australian population, the analysis describes and models patterns of multiple housing problems, the characteristics of the population at risk, and reflects on the implications for how policy might better understand and respond to multiple housing problems