Upjohn Research
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    Policies to Improve Workforce Services for Older Americans

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    Older Americans increasingly need or want to work beyond the traditional age of retirement and doing so often requires changing jobs late in life. Because of age discrimination and skills obsolescence, among other factors, however, older adults may face special challenges to finding new work. We propose seven relatively low-cost reforms that will improve the workforce services provided to older adults and can be implemented quickly: (1) having specialized staff at job centers who understand older workers’ needs and can serve them more effectively, (2) experimenting with job placement programs specifically for older workers, (3) promoting self-employment among older adults, and (4) providing targeted skills development for older workers. Additionally, we recommend (5) adopting separate program performance standards for older adults to eliminate disincentives for the provision of services to this population, and (6) restoring funding to the Senior Community Service Employment Program (SCSEP), a program that serves disadvantaged older adults. Given the limitations of avail-able evidence on the best approach to serving older workers, we also propose (7) evaluating the new programs and initiatives we are recommending to ensure they are having the intended effect

    The Enduring Local Harm from Recessions

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    Employment Research, Vol. 27, No. 3, July 2020

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    The Economic Impact of the Manufacturing Extension Partnership (MEP), 2018

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    Analyses of the overall effect of individual state Manufacturing Extension Partnership (MEP) projects on corresponding states\u27 economies for the year 2018

    Findings and Conclusions

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    The Long-Term Labor Market Effects of Parental Unemployment

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    I investigate the impact of parental unemployment on children’s educational attainment and long-run labor market outcomes in Austria. I find that parental unemployment shortly before an important educational decision by parents for their children lowers a child’s probability of holding a university degree by more than 5 percentage points. I do not find that income is affected at the beginning of a child’s labor market career along the distribution, but I find a gradual deterioration later on. A substantial share of these long-term losses can be explained by the lower parental investment decision. My results emphasize the intergenerational and long-lasting consequences of parental unemployment

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