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Plasticity in Juan Rulfo
Get PDFLike an abstract painter, Rulfo pushes readers to use
their imaginations to finish his pieces. Deploying the
poetics of the people, he gives a lot using just a little
—as a haiku would. His narratives are full of inconsistencies. P.5
Populismo neoliberal en Ontario: políticas estratégicas del premier Doug Ford
Get PDFEn 2018, la elección del premier Doug Ford y el gobierno del Partido Conservador Progresista (PCP) inauguró una nueva era de populismo neoliberal en Ontario, Canadá. La plataforma de elección de Ford, denominada "Plan para el pueblo", tuvo eco en la élite de los negocios que apoyó sus reformas al libre mercado y también entre la clase media y los trabajadores de cuello azul que viven en las áreas suburbanas y del norte de la provincia. El artículo examina cómo Ford posicionó a sus rivales como miembros "fuera de toque" de la elite urbana política y cultural, responsable del déficit en espiral que se convertiría en una pesada carga económica para la clase trabajadora. Al contrario de muchos otros líderes populistas de derecha que se han apoyado en discursos xenófobos o antiinmigrantes, sostenemos que la propuesta populista de Ford es demagógica y pragmática. Esto le permitió cambiar su estrategia política para conseguir el apoyo de un diverso rango de grupos económicos, raciales, étnicos y religiosos, incluidos nuevos inmigrantes. Nos basamos en artículos periodísticos, documentos públicos y reportes, así como en trece entrevistas con políticos, profesores y servidores públicos. El artículo se enfoca sobre la manera en que el gobierno de Ford ha actuado para debilitar las instituciones democráticas mediante medidas como "fortalecer los poderes principales" al invocar la cláusula derogatoria, así como debilitar al sector público. Mostramos cómo el populismo de Ford ha dañado la educación pública mediante el establecimiento o la supresión de medidas que perjudiquen a la administración de las escuelas y a los sindicatos, mientras avanza la privatización. Demostramos cómo Ford ignoró a los intermediarios, en este caso, las administraciones escolares y los sindicatos de maestros, y se dirigió directamente a "los padres" a través de los medios y empleó estrategias clientelares como las transferencias de efectivo a guisa de "elección de los padres" para socavar la educación pública. El análisis demuestra cómo Ontario constituye un estudio de caso único para examinar el populismo neoliberal en Canadá y Norteamérica.The 2018 election of Premier Doug Ford and the Progressive Conservative (PCP) government ushered in a new era of neoliberal populism in Ontario, Canada. Ford's election platform, titled a "Plan for the People," resonated with the business elite who supported his free-market reforms but also with middle-class and blue-collar workers living in suburban and northern areas of the province. The article examines how Ford positioned his rivals as "out of touch" members of the political and cultural urban elite, responsible for a spiralling deficit that would economically burden hard-working people. Unlike many other right-wing populist leaders, who have relied on xenophobic or anti-immigrant narratives, we argue that Ford's populist stance is demagogic and pragmatic. This enabled him to pivot and shift his political strategy to amass support from a diverse range of economic, racial, ethnic, and religious groups, including new immigrants. We draw on newspaper articles, public documents and reports, as well as thirteen interviews with politicians, teachers and civil servants. The article highlights how Ford's government operated to weaken democratic institutions through measures such as "strong mayor powers," invoking the notwithstanding clause, as well as undermining the public sector. We trace how Ford's populism undermined public education through overt and subtle measures that weaken school boards and unions while advancing privatization. We show how Ford bypassed intermediaries, in this case, school boards and teachers' unions, and appealed directly to "the parents" through the media and employed clientelist strategies such as cash transfers under the guise of "parental choice" to hollow out public education. The analysis demonstrates how Ontario stands out as a unique case study for examining neoliberal populism in Canada and North America.In 2018, Doug (Douglas) Robert Ford Jr. won a majority government in Ontario, brandishing a neoliberal populist agenda that promised to "open Ontario for busi-ness," while threatening to undermine already weakened social services. His brand of neoliberal populism defeated the Liberal government that had held power for the previous fifteen years from 2003-2018. Ford galvanized popular support though a political rhetoric that appealed to the business elite but also the "everyday people," specifically middle-class and blue-collar workers (Thomas, 2020; Ford and Ford, 2016). His political slogan to slash corrupt government and "cut taxes" resonated with wealthy conservatives as well as working people from diverse ethnic and racial backgrounds who had become disaffected with opposition parties. Their dissatisfaction was spurred on by Ford, who depicted opposition parties as "out of touch," left-leaning political elites responsible for inflating the provincial deficit which, he claimed, would hurt Ontarians for years to come (Budd, 2020). Yet, while claiming to support the work-ing people of Ontario, he undermined workers' rights and introduced widespread austerity measures (p. 407)
White-Collar Crime, Characteristics and Scope
Get PDFThe concept “white-collar crime” can be traced to U.S. American sociologist Edwin Hardin Sutherland. He proposed it in a 1939 lecture to the American Sociological Society, after observing that people occupying upper social strata were often perceived as respectable and not inclined to engage in illicit activities, while many thought individuals from lower social strata were associated with high crime rates.2 After long experience as a criminologist, Sutherland coined the term to catalogue offenses committed by people with high social status in the sphere of their habitual business dealings. P.4
Argentinean Julieta Vitullo Wins Prize for Spanish-Language Novel, Joins the Ranks of Inmigrant Women Writers
Get PDFEver since María Amparo Ruíz de Burton published Who Would Have Thought It (1872) in Philadelphia and The Squatter and the Don (1885) in San Francisco under the respective pen names of J. B. Lippincott and C. Loyal, Latin American women have not stopped producing literature in the United States. However, they have been made completely invisible, as in the case of Ruíz de Burton, who had to hide the fact that she was a woman to publish her novels. This only ended with some of the big prizes going to some of them, like the Pulitzer recently awarded to Cristina Rivera Garza for her El invincible verano de Liliana (Liliana’s Invincible Summer) (p. 69)
Financialization, Trade, and Development. Changes in the Structures of North America
Get PDFCollective, multi-disciplinary, multi-level, and multidimensional reflection about financialization as the most important trait of the current stage of capitalist development continues to be a pressing need for understanding how so-called “innovation,” both financial and technological, can affect people’s lives —and not always positively. For this reason, reading this book can be indispensable for anyone who wants to understand how the economy is a determining factor in the stability of nations and the tranquility of families and individuals. P.8
Seguridad, migración y políticas de control de la inmigración en Estados Unidos: 2018-2022
Get PDFEl gobierno federal canadiense, bajo la administración del primer ministro liberal Justin Trudeau, estableció en 2021 su compromiso para que Canadá comenzará una reducción gradual de sus emisiones contaminantes hasta llegar a cero en 2050. Tal directriz significa que las diez provincias y tres territorios del país deben ajustar de forma autónoma sus estrategias para sumarse a esa meta en un ejercicio común establecido desde el gobierno central. Para el caso particular de la provincia atlántica de Nueva Escocia, este mandato federal representa un enorme reto, ya que su infraestructura, desarrollada desde el siglo XVII, giró en buena medida alrededor de la generación de energía fósil. Este trabajo señala los obstáculos culturales y corporativos, las potencialidades de la energía alternativa y las estrategias políticas que han debido desarrollar los líderes de la provincia para encontrar la estrategia más adecuada que sume a Nueva Escocia a la dinámica que ya se ha emprendido en todas las regiones del país.This article aims to analyze the results of the border security policy agendas of the federal governments of the United States and Mexico, as well as the consequences of migration management, in terms of integrating various aspects such as everyday coexistence in the northern and southern borders of Mexico reflected, among other things, by documented transit; as well as the historical sequence of migrant detentions at different border points in Mexico and in the southern United States. The 2022 U.S. electoral process heightened a nationalist vision that fostered a policy of greater immigration control, reflected in a higher number of undocumented immigrant detentions.The purpose of the text is to analyze the border security policy agenda of the U.S. federal government under President Joe Biden. On the one hand, the policy of bilateral migration management has been managed through different mechanisms such as the Central America Development Plan, the North American Leaders Summit and the Bicentennial Initiative (p. 138)
Ten Photographs Cannabis Culture in Victoria, and Cannabis Counter-Culture in Mexico City
Get PDFAfter three years of being promised regularization, in Mexico, there are still many bureaucratic hurdles to passing legislation that prioritizes citizens who wish to freely access marihuana, without drug dealers as intermediaries. Most certainly, until the corporate pieces align in such a way that the “Mexican nation” can compete with the United States and Canada, this regulation will never materialize. Considering that the great drug cartels own the business of grass today, that the “antineoliberal” government led by Andrés Manuel López Obrador will pass legislation has come to seem increasingly far fetched. In fact, the government might be keeping such legislation under its sleeve in order to boost the ruling party in the 2024 elections. p.6
Violence in Mexico, Organized or Authorized Crime?
Get PDFMexican writer and journalist Samuel Schmidt has proposed the concept of “authorized crime” to refer to criminal activities carried out in an interconnected way and partnered with elements of the state: police, public officials, and judges on the different government levels (municipal, state, and federal).6 Given that this partnership is rooted in the twentieth-century political system, it is a structural, systematic phenomenon, not the result of a momentary anomaly or an exceptional “infiltration.” Regardless of the difficulty of proving criminal associations, as has been demonstrated in paradigmatic cases such as the 2014 disappearance of the Ayotzinapa normal school students, clearly, the spike in the frequency and visibility of violence in certain areas of Mexico cannot be explained using conventional terminology or solely using legal terms like “organized crime.” P.
Transitar de una migración interna a una internacional: tres fases para entender la migración femenina otomí mezquitalense dentro y fuera de México
No full textEl presente artículo tiene como finalidad describir y analizar, desde una perspectiva de género, el fenómeno migratorio de mujeres otomíes hidalguenses, al identificar las tres fases que han desarrollado desde mediados del siglo XX y que nos permiten comprender, desde distintas lógicas y estrategias, cómo han participado del fenómeno migratorio otomí en México y Estados Unidos.
Recurriremos a una perspectiva de género, retomando algunos principios de los estudios feministas (Castañeda, 2014, 2008) para identificar la relevancia de la participación de las otomíes en los procesos migratorios de Hidalgo. Para ello nos basamos en información etnográfica, entrevistas y testimonios de mujeres y hombres otomíes recopilados en distintos periodos de trabajo de campo —en México y Estados Unidos—, entre 2016 y 2019. A través de una metodología cualitativa detectamos rutas migratorias creadas y utilizadas por mujeres otomíes para insertarse en nichos laborales en México y Estados Unidos, siendo los métodos biográficos y los relatos de vida de mujeres los que nos llevaron a adentrarnos en sus experiencias (Mummert 2015; Velasco Ortiz y Gianturco, 2015)