MiCISAN

Juárez Cervantes, Irma Liliana

Tigau, Camelia Nicoleta

MiCISAN (Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico)

La construcción de la identidad quebequense: posturas políticas y culturales ante la migración

Llanos Jiménez, Erika Vanesa

Barrón Pastor, Juan Carlos

Discursos publicitarios sobre el éxito: ¿reproducción hegemónica de la violencia simbólica y sistémica?

Martínez Curiel, Enrique

Imaz, Cecilia

Rivermar Pérez, Leticia

Paleta Pérez, Guillermo

Rumbaut, Rubén G.

Los que se van y los que se quedan ante la educación. Estudio sobre las aspiraciones y logros educativos sobre los hijos de inmigrantes mexicanos en California y de los que se quedaron en Ameca, Jalisco

Valle Gracia, Andrea Montserrat

Golubov Figueroa, Nattie Liliana; Broad Bald, Charlotte Anne

La ideología como distopía: un análisis de la alienación y la empatía en Do androids dream of electric sheep? de Philip K. Dick

Chávez, Manuel

Velasco Montante, Astrid

101
special section
The U.S. Media’s Depiction
Of Immigration’s Impact
On Society 
Manuel Chavez*
Immigration to the United States has usually been a point 
of contention across most of the country. Ironically, a 
country formed by immigrants from the beginning is 
always uneasy about new “arrivals,” especially those from dif-
ferent ethnic or racial backgrounds than the original English 
settlers. This constant, persistent pattern resists newcomers’ 
culture, language, traditions, religion, and values.1 Even for new 
immigrants who share the same language, as in the case of 
the Irish, the previous settlers viewed them with suspicion 
and resentment. Over time, this has created stereotypes and 
negative attitudes that affect immigrants directly.
Today, these negative attitudes are focused on Latin Amer-
ican immigrants, especially from Mexico, who are shaping a 
new demographic mosaic in U.S. society. No matter where in 
the United States one travels, Mexican immigrants are a clear, 
visible presence. Areas that did not traditionally register an 
important influx of immigrants now experience a significant 
presence, such as along the Northeast Corridor (from Vermont 
to Washington, D.C.) and in the Southeast (North Carolina 
to Georgia). Even places considered non-welcoming to immi-
grants, such as Wyoming, Montana, North and South Da kota, 
Mississippi, and Alabama, are witnessing the increasing pres-
ence of Latino communities.2
And this social process shapes two major impacts: the 
growing resistance of white conservatives to the continuing 
increase of Hispanics/Latinos in the United States —an irre-
versible trend— and the perpetuation of blame placed on new 
immigrants for everything negative happening in the coun-
try, from national and state budget deficits to language dom-
inance. These two consequences, then, have a direct impact 
*  Professor at the Michigan State University College of Communi-
cation Arts and Sciences, School of Journalism, and director of the 
Media and Information Studies Program, chavezm1@msu.edu.
Sa
nd
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uf
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ke
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Re
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s
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Voices of Mexico •  100
on public opinion, which in turn influences public policy. As 
politicians hear negative attitudes from their constituents, 
both state and federal elected officials will favor anti-immigra-
tion policies. For instance, Reyna and her colleagues found 
some evidence of the correlation between negative attitudes 
and support for restrictive immigration policies.3 
Another recent study shows that attitudes toward immi-
grants turn negative based on their legal status. The study by 
Murray and Marx examines how young white adults perceive 
authorized and unauthorized immigrants and refugees, find-
ing that they have developed more negative attitudes when 
they know the immigrants are in the country illegally. A per-
ception of greater threats and anxiety develops when these 
young adults identify immigrants as unauthorized. A caveat 
of the study is that these attitudes were identified in mostly 
urban white upper-middle- and upper-class areas.4 
And while many media researchers argue that because 
of the availability of the Internet and its digital social media 
tools, discriminatory and racist attitudes should decline, the 
reality is that the pattern has not changed. In fact, some have 
maintained that the news media polarization that allows the 
public to select the channels to fit their political ideology has 
increased the general spread of negative stereotypes and bi-
ases against new immigrants. 
But this is where the need arises for a central question: 
How does the U.S. news media distort, misinform, mislead, 
and use biased reports about immigration when it is touted as 
an institution facilitating a well-informed citizenry that can 
make better decisions? This article argues that the main rea-
son is that the existing ideological polarization across U.S. 
Americans has permeated the news media outlets, which 
tailor the information they provide to their audience. This is 
especially true for networks like Fox News and oan (One 
America News Network), which shape information to fit the 
conservative political agenda, and msnbc and cnn, which fit 
in with a liberal perspective. 
For instance, conservative news media presented the num-
ber of deportations under the Obama administration as evi-
dence that the president was soft on controlling the wave of 
illegal immigration, implying that the border was chaotic and 
uncontrollable. In his Fox News commentary show, Lou Dobbs 
reported this “softness,” when in reality the Obama admin-
istration deported close to 400 000 people every year. In 2012, 
President Obama’s deportations totaled 419 000, the highest 
number in 20 years, up from around only 50 000 when Pres-
ident George H. W. Bush occupied the White House in 1992.5 
Fact checking, a function of good journalism, was absent in 
the Dobbs newsroom.
Another example is the inadequate information provided 
on the number of apprehensions on the U.S.-Mexico border: 
in 2014, they came to 479 371, or 65 000 more than the pre-
vious year. This is another example of how, in fact, the Obama 
administration has been tough in enforcing border controls. 
The almost 16-percent hike in apprehensions in one year was 
missed by most conservative news media reports. Moreover, 
the 14-percent reduction of Mexican nationals apprehend-
ed by the Border Patrol was, again, missed by right-leaning 
news reports.6 
Is this lack of unbiased, objective, professional journalism 
a problem of professionalism in the newsroom or a lack of a 
clear distinction between news and editorial/opinion segments? 
In answering this question, scholars are again divided: some 
argue that the main reason involves what is called “framing” 
in the newsrooms’ functions and activities. News media fram-
ing in the communication research literature means that jour-
nalists, reporters, editors, and managing editors operate with 
a particular view to presenting information in their articles, 
editorials, or commentaries. This model argues that it is the re-
sult of their own personal perspectives, ideology, experiences, 
and education that are invariably reflected in the journalistic 
products. Many times, this is modulated, tuned, or changed 
by editors, who also have their own personal frames. This model 
is more evident in news organizations that sympathize with a 
particular ideology or follow a direct editorial viewpoint or in-
terests, thus producing news that reflects that perspective.7
For others, the news media sets an agenda either for pub-
lic opinion or politicians and governments. This model is called 
“agenda setting,” which simply has tested the assumption that 
by placing certain news items prominently, with big head-
lines, or giving them more airtime (in the case of broadcast-
ing), they advance an agenda or influence the public or even 
governments. Similarly to framing, agenda setting responds 
to political views, personal perspectives and ideologies, and/
or management interests. The challenge for most readers and 
attitudes toward immigrants turn 
negative based on their legal status. 
When young white adults identify 
immigrants as unauthorized, they see
them as a greater threat.
103
special section
audiences is that it is very difficult for them to distinguish 
when the media is providing unbiased news and information 
and when they are framing a story or issue or putting an issue 
on the public agenda.8
In the case of immigration, both framing and agenda set-
ting are embedded in the publications and broadcasts the U.S. 
news media provides.9 News organizations provide hard-lin-
ers support for their views by showing and publishing sto-
ries that depict the U.S. border as a vulnerable point of entry 
where “anybody” can enter the country freely. The selection 
of images (photos or video clips) presented to the public are 
many times old enough that they do not reflect the current 
reality of the border. Groups and lines of immigrants walk-
ing freely across the desert, people boating or swimming 
across rivers, and runners who cross the interstate highways 
are repeated over and over to the point that the U.S. public 
believes there is a real invasion. This is the fuel welcomed 
by politicians who advocate “securing” or “sealing” the border 
with Mexico. Little is done to clarify who is crossing, from 
what countries, and moreover, in what numbers.
Another frequent frame used by the biased press depicts 
Latino immigrants in many communities using public servic-
es like hospitals or clinics, schools, and transportation, pro-
jecting an image of masses of illegal and costly abusers. This 
is then transposed as the abuse of services that many conser-
vative politicians use to promote reduction of public services 
in needy communities. But one frame that is difficult to dilute 
is the one that shows Latinos involved in crimes and law vio-
lations. This may be the most negative frame impacting im-
migration: a frame that fuels a perception that violence and 
the total lack of respect for the rule of law is prevalent among 
all immigrants, their families, and communities. Another frame 
that has been widely propagated is that if immigrants are will-
ing to cross the border illegally, they are intrinsically willing 
to break the law at all times and under all circumstances. 
So, it is not surprising that U.S. Americans are divided on how 
they see immigrants when asked in opinion polls. The Pew 
Research Center reported that 52 percent of U.S. Americans 
see immigrants as a strength, and 43 percent as a threat.10 
While historically the press has been a source of influence 
for creating, shaping, and maintaining stereotypes, it is only 
now, with the world’s major digital and broadcasting advanc-
es, that these biases travel faster and deeper. In fact, the U.S. 
news media has subtly and, in some cases, very openly, tried 
to set the public policy agenda on immigration. This is the 
case when Fox News runs three major opinion segments host-
ed by commentators like Bill O’Reilly, Sean Hannity, and Lou 
Dobbs, who do not clarify that on their shows, they present 
their personal perspectives rather than hard, fact-checked 
news. As U.S. American medium-sized and small commu-
nities across the entire country witness the arrival of Latino 
immigrants, the images and words coming from the media 
infuse –or diffuse– their previous viewpoints or assumptions.
Alternative professional media present a softer version of 
Latino immigrants, stressing their contributions to society, cul-
ture, and even to tax revenues. Yet, this frame is not as popular 
as the one that blames immigrants for the weaknesses of the 
U.S. political, social, and economic system. But, once again, 
this is nothing new in U.S. political rhetoric. One question 
that arises is whether U.S. society is totally polarized on at-
titudes and views of immigrants and immigration reform. The 
response depends on who answers the question.
Most U.S. Americans relatively marginally support immi-
grants. But significant gaps exist across political ideologies 
regarding support for new immigration reform based on party 
affiliation, whether Republican or Democratic. A 2014 Pew 
Center survey showed that while 60 percent of Democrats 
consider it extremely/very important to pass new immigra-
tion legislation, only 46 percent of Republicans thought the 
same.11 This perspective that crosses party lines does not cor-
respond to the large majority of U.S. Americans who believe a 
reform is needed. Almost three in four U.S. Americans, or 73 
percent, agree that there should be a way to stay legally in the 
U.S. if unauthorized immigrants meet certain requirements; 
only 24 percent disagree.12
Also, when public opinion polls unravel demographic com-
position, the picture changes based on race and ethnicity. 
In the same Pew survey, the differences across those char-
acteristics were noteworthy. U.S. Americans who identified 
themselves as white expressed lower support (44 percent); 
blacks reported higher support (49 percent); and as expect-
ed, Hispanics support the passage of new legislation by a 
72-percent margin. The difference between whites and His-
the existing ideological polarization across U.s. 
americans has permeated the news media outlets, 
which tailor the information they provide to their 
audience. this is especially true for networks like 
Fox news and oan (one america news network).
104
Voices of Mexico •  100
panics is almost 28 percentage points. This jibes with the pre-
mise that previous groups of immigrants are resistant to and 
distrusting of new immigrants. 
Another frame used frequently by the U.S. press is about 
the levels of education immigrants have when they arrive in the 
country. This means that Asian immigrants tend to be seen 
as better for the country because, as they have higher educa-
tional levels, they can contribute more; Latino immigrants, on 
the other hand, with low levels of basic education, are per-
ceived as a liability. While this may be true in the strict sense 
of educational attainment, some Latino immigrants are high-
ly educated and make significant contributions to the U.S. 
economy and society.13
However, when economic conditions are difficult and em-
ployment declines, immigration is perceived as a problem. 
During the recent severe economic downturn of 2008, about 
50 percent of U.S. Americans perceived immigration as a 
problem rather than as an opportunity. Public opinion about 
immigration further deteriorated because there was a percep-
tion that immigrants took U.S. jobs, depressed national wages, 
and threatened the U.S. economy. Peri found these results and 
linked his findings to a strict immigration policy approach.14
In the face of these daunting conditions, are there any at-
titudes promising a positive outcome for immigrants and im-
migration reform? The answer seems to be in the affirmative. 
Another recent Pew Research Center survey comparing views 
on immigration over a period of 20 years shows that the view 
that immigrants provide strength and not weakness to the U.S. 
is increasing. In 1994, only 31 percent answered that immi-
grants strengthen the country with their hard work and talents, 
while in 2013 almost half (49 percent) answered similarly. 
This is an increase of almost 20 points in two decades. And 
here is the major contrast: while in 1994, 63 percent answer ed 
that immigrants were a burden, in 2013 only 41 percent 
agreed with the same statement.15 And the main question 
remains: What were the most influential sources of informa-
tion shaping attitudes about immigrants: the news media, 
personal experiences, or family/friends/colleagues? Scholars 
in North America will continue to seek a plausible and em-
pirically solid answer.
1  Pew Research Center, “Most Say Illegal Immigrants Should Be Allowed 
to Stay, But Citizenship Is More Divisive,” March 13-17, 2013, http://
www.people-press.org/2013/03/28/most-say-illegal-immigrants-should 
-be-allowed-to-stay-but-citizenship-is-more-divisive/.
2  Justin Allen Berg, “Whites’ Attitudes toward Immigrants and Immigration 
Policy: Are Multiracial Individuals a Source of Group Threat or Intergroup 
Contact?” Sociological Focus vol. 47, no. 3 (2014), pp. 194-217. 
3  Christine Reyna, Ovidiu Dobria, and Geoffrey Wetherell, “The Complexity 
and Ambivalence of Immigration Attitudes: Ambivalent Stereotypes Predict 
Conflicting Attitudes toward Immigration Policies,” Cultural Diversity and 
Ethnic Minority Psychology vol. 19, no. 3 (2013), pp. 342-356.
4  Kate E. Murray and David M. Marx, “Attitudes toward Unauthorized Im-
migrants, Authorized Immigrants, and Refugees,” Cultural Diversity and 
Ethnic Minority Psychology vol. 19, no. 3 (2013), pp. 332-341.
5  U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Yearbook of Immigration Statistics 
2012 (Table 39) (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 2012).
6  U.S. Department of Homeland Security, U.S. Customs and Border Protec-
tion, cbp Border Security Reports for Fiscal Years 2013 and 2014 (Washing-
ton, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 2013 and 2014).
7  James W. Tankard, “The Empirical Approach to the Study of Media Fram-
ing,” in Reese, Gandy and Grant, eds., Framing Public Life: Perspectives of 
Media and Our Understanding of the Social World (Mahwah, New Jersey: Erl-
baum, 2001), pp. 95-106.
8  Max E. McCombs and Donald L. Shaw, “The Agenda-setting Function of 
Mass Media,” Public Opinion Quarterly vol. 36, no. 2, 1972, pp. 176-187.
9  J. Bryant and D. Miron, “Theory and Research in Mass Communication,” 
Journal of Communication vol. 54, no. 4 (2004), pp. 662-704.
10  Pew Research Center, op. cit.
11  “Public Divided over Increased Deportation of Unauthorized Immigrants.” 
Pew Research Center, February 23-27, 2014, http://www.people-press 
.org/files/legacy-pdf/02-27-14%20Immigration%20Release.pdf. 
12 Ibid. 
13  A significant number of Mexican engineers, managers, and designers work-
ing for the auto industry are annually transferred to Midwest locations, 
especially Michigan and Ohio.  
14  Giovanni Peri, “Immigration, Labor Markets, and Productivity,” Cato Jour-
nal vol. 32, no.1 (2012), pp. 35-54.
15  Pew Research Center, op. cit.
noTes
one frame that is difficult to dilute is the one 
that shows latinos involved in crimes and
law violations. this may be the most
negative frame impacting immigration.


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La construcción de la identidad quebequense: posturas políticas y culturales ante la migración

Discursos publicitarios sobre el éxito: ¿reproducción hegemónica de la violencia simbólica y sistémica?

Los que se van y los que se quedan ante la educación. Estudio sobre las aspiraciones y logros educativos sobre los hijos de inmigrantes mexicanos en California y de los que se quedaron en Ameca, Jalisco

La ideología como distopía: un análisis de la alienación y la empatía en Do androids dream of electric sheep? de Philip K. Dick

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