MiCISAN

Moctezuma, Miguel L.

Velasco Montante, Astrid

MiCISAN (Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico)

Spanish

Primera parte: Migrantes indígenas mexicanos

León-Manríquez, José Luis

Estados Unidos y la reconfiguración del orden mundial en el siglo XXI. Implicaciones para América Latina y México

Buendía, José

Politics

Montero, Delia

Reviews

González, Héctor Ivan

Literature

Franco Díaz, Marisol

IntroductIon
The role of women in drug trafficking in Mexico has under-
gone a substantial change: they have gone from a place of 
leadership to being trophies. As we know, patriarchal ideol-
ogy has existed in Mexican society for centuries, but it has 
not always manifested in the same way. Different practices 
have made the masculine predominate, and in the context 
of what is today known as machismo, women are considered 
inferior, submissive beings to be treated as objects —objects 
of value, but objects in the last analysis— in any space of so-
cial interaction.
So, it comes as no surprise that the history of drug traf-
ficking in Mexico situates men as the main actors in its eco-
23
*  Metropolitan Autonomous University, Cuajimalpa campus; ma-
fadi_15@hotmail.com.
nomic development, without recognizing the role women 
have played, and, what is more, without questioning their 
changing role in these activities.
Today, we can situate women in spaces that a few years 
ago were considered exclusive to “the stronger sex.” Strictly 
speaking, however, they have been present in every stage of 
history, occupying places that were not supposed to corre-
spond to their profile and recognized functions.
Over time, they have consolidated their inclusion in prac-
tically all spheres of work and society, including the world 
of crime in all its variety, in this case, drug trafficking, where 
their participation has been very significant.
Some analysts see women drug traffickers as “victims” of 
a socio-cultural, economic, or even political phenomenon, 
even though in practice, this characterization is sometimes 
Women and the Changing
Structure of Drug Trafficking in Mexico
Marisol Franco Díaz*
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a simplification. To look more deeply at their trajectory in 
drug trafficking, I will briefly and very generally review the 
twentieth century and the early years of this century. I will 
underline the cases of some women members of these net-
works, focusing particularly on those we know were leaders, 
without forgetting that there most certainly are innumera-
ble additional undocumented cases.
Known orIgIns
Drug trafficking in Mexico has its visible origins in the first 
third of the twentieth century, disseminated through a se-
ries of stories, customs, and plots played out by both state 
and societal actors. As Valdés Castellanos writes in his book 
Historia del narcotráfico en México: Apuntes para entender 
el crimen organizado y la violencia (History of Drug Traffick-
ing in Mexico: Notes for Understanding Organized Crime 
and Violence), it is important to take into consideration dif-
ferent factors: we have to understand that this is a very lu-
crative business, the product of supply and demand, the 
policies of Mexico and the United States, and the double 
standard that plagues the institutions of the security and 
justice systems.1
Some authors think that in the first decades of the twen-
tieth century, women’s participation began to increase in 
Mexican drug trafficking. It is often believed that women 
have only recently entered Mexican drug trafficking. How-
ever, as stated at the beginning of the article, women’s pres-
ence has been documented as early as the first decades of 
the 1900s and has undergone changes since 1980.
In 1920, women were the perfect traffickers and were 
very useful in smuggling goods because it was unlikely that 
they would be searched. Customs agents on the Mexicali-
Calexico border calculated that they were responsible for 
approximately 60 percent of the flow of drugs between the 
two countries.2 In the 1930s, the cities that had been used 
as ports for bootleggers were turned into places of transit 
for the drug trade, particularly heroin and marihuana. In 
that context, women became the visible contrabandists, even 
in places as far away from the main cultivation and produc-
tion centers as Mexico City and Cholula, Puebla. Thus, we 
have one of the first women drug traffickers from Central 
Mexico, Felisa Velázquez, whom the press called “the queen 
of marihuana.” She owned marihuana fields in Cholula and 
it is believed that she participated in distributing marihuana 
in Mexico City.3 Another famous female trafficker was Ma-
ría Dolores Estévez, “Lola, la chata” (or “Snub-nosed Lola”), 
who in 1937 was dubbed “the most active drug trafficker” 
when she used a network of women as local drug dealers to 
supply Mexico City’s most inveterate addicts. It is also known 
that she lived in a luxurious mansion in the Lomas de Cha-
pultepec neighborhood,4 and that, as a little girl, she sold pork 
rinds on the streets of the Merced central market neighbor-
hood until she began selling morphine and marihuana at the 
age of 13. She was arrested at least seven times until she was 
sentenced to 11 years and 6 months in jail after President 
Manuel Ávila Camacho issued a decree in 1945,5 since from 
the beginning of that de cade, the Mexican government could 
no longer deny the problem of transnational contraband from 
inside its borders.
where everythIng BegIns and changes
At the end of the 1930s and in the early 1940s, thanks to 
in creased agricultural production in the Culiacán Valley, traf -
ficking began to become a profitable business that in a short 
time would become industrial and international. This meant 
the cultivation of marihuana and opium poppies began to 
flourish. Many women played leading roles in this, taking con-
 trol of drug production, distribution, and commercialization.
In mountain areas, women were in charge of both plant-
ing and harvesting, making their role essential and giving 
them a real possibility of countering their precarious living 
conditions. The story of one woman in particular in this pe-
riod stands out: Ignacia “La Nacha” Jasso, who used a media-
tor to avoid arrest. Working in northern Mexico, but the native 
of another state, it is said that she operated in Ciu dad Juárez, 
Chihuahua, and was for quite a long time the head of an 
important network of drug traffickers along the El Paso-Ciu-
dad Juárez border.6 She took control of those cities and the 
network in 1931 when her husband Pablo “El Pa blote” Gon -
zález died after a clash between drug traffickers.7 In 1943, she 
was arrested and sent to the Islas Marías prison, leaving her 
some analysts see women 
drug traffickers as “victims” of a 
socio-cultural, economic, or even political 
phenomenon, even though in practice, this is
sometimes a simplification.
25
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partner Consuelo Sánchez in charge. Consuelo was responsi-
ble for the merchandise from there to the Tijuana-California 
border and, together with Ignacia Jasso’s daughters, ma naged 
the business while La Nacha served her sentence.8 
In the 1960s, Margarita Caro López, born in Badiraguato, 
Sinaloa, was linked to organized crime when 763 kilograms 
of marihuana were found stored in her home.9 Another case was 
that of Manuela Caro, who, together with Gil Caro and Rafael 
Fonseca, was involved in the family business of producing, 
distributing, and commercializing opium gum.10 Ma nue la 
was in charge of making the heroin; for that, she pur chased 
distilled water and mixed it with the gum, lime, sodium chlo-
 ride, and ammonia.11 In later decades, women’s roles morphed 
as both the Mexican and U.S. governments changed their 
policies, establishing “strategies” to fight a business now con-
sidered illegal.
In the 1980s, a series of rifts occurred, like the one be-
tween the Tijuana and the Sinaloa cartels; this gave rise to a 
new hierarchy in the world of organized crime. Alicia Félix 
Zazueta, the cousin of Miguel Ángel Félix Gallardo, was the 
person who made the organization’s most important deci-
sions, while Enedina Arellano Félix was the front for impor-
tant money-laundering operations.12
women In the narco culture
It is no coincidence that women began to be a kind of inspi-
ration and figures representative of transnational drug traf-
ficking. That is how the first corrido songs came about, like 
Camelia la Tejana (Camelia the Texan) and Pollitas de cuenta 
(Heavy-Duty Chicks), where passion, death, and transgres-
sion come together. But all of this changed radically when 
the country was divvied up in the 1980s and 1990s. Big drug 
trafficking began to change its values and its leading figures. 
Enormous ground was lost regarding traditional ethics and 
respect inside their organizations at the same time that they 
began a series of practices and internal agreements among 
the members of each cartel in which vengeance and death, 
always present but limited by certain rules, began to cleave 
to the usage of the new era.
Since the end of the last century, what has been called 
“narco culture” has exalted the lifestyle of one part of the 
population, distinguished by profligacy, corruption, impu-
nity, drugs, arms, and an increasing tendency to see women 
as trophies, not actors or colleagues. Among other things, the 
narco culture has promoted the construction of a hegemon-
ic masculine figure with the return of preeminence of the 
kingpin or chief.  It has become a kind of misogynous cult, 
where women have gone from being leaders, producers, and 
distributors to being “decorative objects for exhibition.”13 
Women have gone into drug trafficking for very diverse rea-
sons: some have been forced or were interested in a profitable 
business, others have been in it to solve different economic 
needs and deprivations, while still others have been seeking 
a life of luxury.
In this context, they are often pressured to comply with 
certain stereotypes of beauty to be able to be fully develop ed 
“items for exhibition” that serve as escorts and on occasion are 
exchanged to close a deal or pact. However, the reconfigu-
ration of Mexican drug trafficking starting in 2006 has “ad-
justed” the trend to exclude women from economic activities, 
moving from leadership to subordination, and many of them 
have increasingly been used as “drug mules,” fronts for money 
laundering, and even in execution squads and kidnapping, 
among others.14 Before the Felipe Calderón administration, 
the main reason women were jailed in connection with traf-
ficking was for robbery, but today the statistics have changed 
and women are mostly charged with crimes against public 
health.15 The states with the highest number of women jailed 
for drug trafficking-related offenses are Baja California, Ja lis-
 co, Mexico City’s Federal District, Guanajuato, Nuevo León, 
and Durango.16
When we say women are inextricably linked to drug traf-
ficking, implicitly this refers to the definition of gender iden-
tities that, to a certain extent, define the culture that we today 
call narco culture. In addition, we must recognize that while 
women in drug trafficking resort to their beauty to move 
through that world, this is thanks to a subordinate position and 
a generalized context of violence. That is, their participation 
is still essential, but their status inside the organizations has 
been turned upside down.
The fragmentation and reconfiguration of the cartels in 
the current drug war context molds relations between men 
Narco culture has become a kind 
of misogynous cult, where women have gone 
from being leaders, producers, and distributors 
to being decorative objects for exhibition.
26
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and women. This has had an impact on their spaces for partici-
pation. In this sense, the questions we have to ask ourselves 
are no longer how women went from being producers and 
leaders to being objects for exhibition for the men in the drug 
trafficking world, but rather, how women participate and fit 
into the masculinized spaces. And, what is more, it would 
be interesting to know what power means to these women 
and how much they share in it in this industry.
conclusIon
To understand the role women have played in Mexican drug 
trafficking, it is important to point out that it is not enough 
to resort to theory or official documents. Rather, a large part 
of the information can only be obtained directly.
In general, women have held different positions inside 
Mexico’s drug trafficking rings, often consolidating themsel-
ves in the organizational structures of the different groups as 
de facto leaders or Machiavellian strategists. Others have sim -
ply been treated as “objects” to be shown off to other cri minal 
organizations.
Generally speaking, women’s history has always been 
mark ed by subordination; however, as we have seen, some have 
occupied central spaces and positions inside this kind of 
economy. However, this article does not have the intent of sug-
gesting that gender roles determined by an ideal of mas cu -
linity or femininity exist or should exist, but rather only that 
in Mexico, like in most countries, conceptions exist that cor-
respond directly to the currently dominant ideal of mascu-
linity and femininity. Therefore, women’s role has evolved 
drastically, not only in how it manifests or is characterized, but 
even how it is documented.
For that reason, I want to recall Judith Butler’s proposal 
about the construction of gender identity, which she con-
ceived of as a piece of theater that individuals play out in 
order to fit into the roles defined for their sex. This means that 
we are always doing things that convince others that we are 
acting as either men or women.
With this understanding, the role that women played 
during the entire last century and today in the history of drug 
trafficking in Mexico has been unique. They have gone from 
playing roles of commanders and decision-makers to carry-
ing out tasks that are increasingly foreign to that due to the 
reconfiguration of their role in drug trafficking. For that rea-
son, we must decipher the new signifiers for them and their 
bodies in this milieu, as well as the reasons behind the in-
creasing violence they are being subjected to.
notes
1  Guillermo Valdés Castellanos, Historia del narcotráfico en México: Apun tes 
para entender el crimen organizado y la violencia (Mexico City: Aguilar, 2013).
2  Elaine Carey, “Mujeres de armas doradas: el narcotráfico en Norteamé ri-
ca (1900- 1970),” in Jorge Trujillo, ed., La encrucijada: historia, mar gi nali dad 
y delito en América Latina y los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica (siglos xix y 
xx) (Mexico City: Universidad de Guadalajara/cucsh, 2010), pp. 379-403. 
3 Valdés Castellanos, op. cit., p. 51.
4 Ibid., pp. 50-51.
5  Luis A. Astorga, El siglo de las drogas (Mexico City: Plaza y Valdés, 2003), 
pp. 165-168.
6 Carey, op. cit., p. 397.
7  Juan Carlos Ramírez-Pimienta, Cantar a los narcos. Voces y versos del nar­
co corrido  (Mexico City: Planeta, 2011),  p. 53.
8 Carey, op. cit., pp. 381-400.
9 Valdés Castellanos, op. cit., p. 115.
10  Opium gum is extracted from the opium poppy by women because it is 
“de licate” job, considered practically artisanal. 
11  Despite the fact that this section mentions women working in the opium 
trade beginning in the 1960s, the cultivation, processing, and commer-
cialization of marihuana and opium derivatives began in Sinaloa at least 
as early as the first third of the twentieth century, as mentioned at the be-
ginning of the text, if not before. They flourished with the agreements 
between the Mexican and U.S. governments during the Korean War. 
Those who worked with opium-gum derivatives were called “gomeros” 
(gummers), and by extension, so were all the drug traffickers. For more about 
historical and political aspects of this business, see the work by Luis 
Astorga, referenced in this article. [Editor’s Note.] 
12  Jesús Belmont Vázquez, “Una estirpe matriarcal,” Proceso, Special Edition 
“Los rostros del narco” part 1 (February 2001),  p. 48.
13  Marcela Turati, Fuego cruzado. Las víctima atrapadas en la guerra del narco 
(Mexico City: Grijalbo, 2011).
14  Arturo Santamaría Gómez, Las jefas del narco: el ascenso de las mujeres en 
el crimen organizado (Mexico City: Grijalbo, 2012).
15 Ibid., p. 44. 
16  Dulce Ramos, “Bc es el estado con más mujeres presas por narco,” La 
crónica, October 21, 2010, http://www.lacronica.com/EdicionImpresa/
ejemplaresanteriores/BusquedaEjemplares.asp?numnota=705595&fec
ha=21/10/2010.
Women have held different positions 
inside Mexico’s drug trafficking rings, often
consolidating themsel ves in the organizational 
structures of the different groups as de facto 
leaders or Machiavellian strategists.


English

Society

Morales Quezada, Isabel

      Rufino Tamayo
Contemporary Art Museum
A Window Inside a Forest
Isabel Morales Quezada*
museums
80
* Staff writer.
   Photos courtesy of the Rufino Tamayo Contemporary Art Museum.
In art, there are no legacies. There are discoveries, 
conquests, affinities, abductions:
 re-creations that are really creations.
Octavio Paz1
Perhaps for some inhabitants of this planet, a forest is 
not the most common place for an art venue. But, in 
the Chapultepec Forest, the Rufino Tamayo Con-
temporary Art Museum co-exists with spaces that symbol-
ize certain moments and yearnings in the history of Mexico, 
like the National Museum of Anthropology and History, the 
Cha pul tepec Castle, or the Modern Art Museum. So, the yearn-
ing for the Tamayo Museum originated with the artist who 
gave it its name: Rufino Tamayo.
3Two Women, 182.5 x 
132 cm, 1981 (oil on 
canvas). Rufino Tamayo 
Contemporary Art 
Museum-INBA-
Conaculta Collection. 
© D.R. Rufino Tamayo/
Herederos/
México/2015/
Fundación Olga y 
Rufino Tamayo, A.C. 
81
Born of indigenous parents on August 26, 1899 in the city 
of Oaxaca, Rufino Tamayo created his own style far removed 
from Mexican muralism and the nationalism that dominat-
ed his time. In 1911, he moved to Mexico City, where he 
began his studies at the National School of Visual Arts. Al-
ways open to what was going on in other parts of the world, 
in the 1940s, he went to New York, where he lived for almost 
20 years, and in 1949, he had several exhibitions in Europe. 
In 1964, he returned to Mexico with his wife Olga, where he 
would continue painting until his death in 1991.2 In one of 
his essays about Tamayo, Octavio Paz writes, 
The modern aesthetic opened his eyes and made him see the 
modernity of pre-Hispanic sculpture. Later, with the violence 
and simplicity of every creator, he took over those forms and 
transformed them. Using them as a basis, he painted new and orig-
inal forms. Certainly, folk art had already nourished his imagi-
nation, preparing it to accept and assimilate that of ancient 
Mexico. However, without the modern aesthetic, that initial 
impetus would have dissipated or degenerated into mere folk-
lore and decoration. If we think about the two poles that define 
Tamayo’s painting, visual rigor and the imagination that transfig-
ures the object, we immediately note that his encounter with 
pre-Colombian art was a true conjunction.3
It was precisely that conjunction motivated by the impetus 
to open himself up to different international artistic forms of 
expression that guided Tamayo’s artistic production and think-
ing, that made him international and at the same time a rep-
resentative of Mexico in the world. At the end of the 1960s, 
his interest in international contemporary art led him to begin 
a collection of twentieth-century works. For Tamayo it was 
fundamental that Mexico look outward and be enriched by 
other aesthetic experiences, which is why he donated his col-
lection and decided to promote the creation of a museum to 
hold it. Its construction was headed by architects Teodoro 
González de León and Abraham Zabludowsky. In his speech 
at its inauguration, Tamayo said,
The collection of international contemporary art that from today 
on will be permanently housed in this museum . . . is a dona-
tion that my wife and I make with enormous affection to the 
82
country, in the firm conviction that it is going to substantially 
enrich its cultural wealth and at the same time open it up to 
new horizons.
We believe very sincerely that Mexico is already winning a 
place of certain significance in the international order and, as a 
result, we think it is time that in the field of culture it defini-
tively break through that stultifying nationalist fence that has 
impeded it until now from frank and open communication with 
the rest of the countries of the world, sharing with them our 
fortunate experiences, but also recognizing the value of their 
own, using them without prejudice for our own benefit.4
Inaugurated in 1981, the Rufino Tamayo Museum dis-
cre te ly harmonizes with its surroundings. Its shapes and vol-
umes, made of reinforced concrete and white marble, seem 
to burst out of the forest; and, although it is only 150 meters 
from Reforma Boulevard, one of the city’s most important 
thoroughfares, visitors do not really see it until they are in its 
welcom ing esplanade. Despite being so close to the city’s 
traffic and hustle and bustle, the space around it manages to 
establish a distance and create a tranquil atmosphere thanks to 
the vegetation, the forest’s huge trees, and the fountains that the 
passers-by find in their path on the way to the museum. Its 
pyramid shape, with its grass-covered slopes, echoes pre-
Hispanic buildings and at the same time is one of the em-
blems of contemporary architecture in Mexico.
Just like in Tamayo’s work, this museum is a sample of the 
integration of tradition and modernity, of the specific and 
the universal, since the architects visited museums of dis-
tant countries as part of their research to create a space that 
would meet the needs of contemporary art. A place situated 
in one of the city’s most important green areas where visi-
tors peek in, curious, to find other interpretations and ways 
of conceiving art.
Once inside, the natural light that flows in through the 
skylights uncovers the venue’s central patio from where 
the rooms fan out. Ramps and stairways lead to them to be-
gin the visit. At certain moments during the visit, you come 
across windows that look out onto the forest, an opportunity 
for pausing, perhaps to meditate about the exhibition or to 
sit and leaf through one of the books placed on a table before 
The Tamayo museum fulfills its job of
disseminating the expressions of international 
contemporary art by exhibiting work by outstanding 
artists from different parts of the world. 
5Watermelons,  130 x 195 cm, 1968 (oil on canvas). Rufino Tamayo Contemporary Art Museum-INBA-Conaculta Collection. © D.R. Rufino Tamayo/
Herederos/México/2015/Fundación Olga y Rufino Tamayo, A.C.  
83
a huge window. The views to the outside make us turn our 
eyes to the place where we’re situated.
The Tamayo Museum fulfills its job of disseminating the 
expressions of international contemporary art by exhibiting 
work by outstanding artists from different parts of the world. 
It recently hosted the exhibition “Infinite Obsession,” made 
up of work by the celebrated Japanese artist Yayoi Kusama, 
which sparked great interest among Mexico City residents, 
particularly young people. So many visitors came that the 
museum decided to open its doors in the evenings and until 
the wee hours. The wooded surroundings even favored people 
camping out, as though waiting for a rock concert. This ex-
hibit was followed by “Story of a Negotiation,” by Belgian-Mex-
ican artist Francis Alÿs, who, through his work, paintings, and 
videos reflects on political, social, and cultural problems in 
different parts of the world.
In addition to traveling exhibits, the museum offers exhi-
bitions of the permanent collection donated by Rufino Ta ma yo, 
like the one that accompanied Alÿs’s, entitled “Superpositions: 
Latin American Art in Mexican Collections.” That show is part 
of a program that invites curators to explore the museum’s 
collection of more than 300 works emphasizing the painting 
and sculpture of Europe, the United States, Latin America, 
and Asia, from 1945 to 1975. Some of the artists in cluded are 
Armando Morales, Rogelio Polesello, Roberto Matta, Julio 
Le Parc, and Jesús Soto. The exhibition offers the opportu-
nity to find these Latin American artists’ links to international 
expressions of art.
Finally, the Rufino Tamayo Painting Biennial was created to 
foster artistic production today, supported by the Olga and Ru fi-
no Tamayo Foundation. The seventeenth biennial will be held 
in 2016.
Although your visit is about to end, the museum still of-
fers certain surprises, such as the “modulary,” a space dedi-
cated to the consultation of books about contemporary art 
and its representatives and about Rufino Tamayo himself. A 
kind of library made up of blocks of wood used for sitting to 
read. This place is part of the museum’s expansion, directed 
by architect Teodoro González de León from August 2011 
to August 2012.  Closed to the public in that period, the work 
added new exhibition rooms, a documentation area, a cafe-
teria with a terrace, expanded office space, the store, and the 
bookstore, increasing its total area from 4 798 square meters to 
6 846 square meters, but retaining its character and form, 
ensuring that the new spaces harmonize with the originals.5
The museum’s rooms unveil the world seen by the art-
ists who inhabit it, transform it, imagine it. Before leaving, 
I look toward the vestibule where, tucked away, is a work by 
Tamayo, “Homage to the Indian Race” (1952). The explana-
tory plaque reads,
Just like Tamayo’s work, this museum
is a sample of the integration of tradition 
and modernity, of the specific and the universal.
84
The matriarchal figure rises up imposingly, its form and color 
reminiscent of the black clay figurines produced in Oaxaca. It is 
a simple scene: a woman of the people seen by Tamayo in some 
market in Oaxaca, whom he elevates, turning her into the es-
sence of the indigenous. The simple transformed into the com-
plex; the ancestral, renewed, becomes a modern allegory of what 
is profoundly Mexican.
Rufino Tamayo wanted a venue for Mexicans where they 
could approach and become familiar with international con-
temporary art. He himself was international without stop-
ping being Mexican, since he knew how to look at the work 
of other artists and find in modernity, in the vision of his 
contemporaries, the connection with the indigenous past and 
present, with Mexican culture. The Rufino Tamayo Contem-
porary Art Museum is the legacy of an artist who yearned for 
Mexico to have a window on the world that would enrich the 
production and study of art. A space through which it could 
discover not only the differences, but the commonalities 
among national and international artists. A window in a forest 
surrounded by history, where you can look at the contempo-
rary other and, in the reflection, look at yourself.
Notes
1  Octavio Paz, “Tres ensayos sobre Rufino Tamayo,” Los privilegios de la vis ta II 
(Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1995), pp. 281-286, icaa Re-
cord ID: 1126421, accessed July 8, 2015.
2  Juan Carlos Pereda, “Semblanza y cronología. Rufino Tamayo,” http://www 
.rufinotamayo.org.mx/wp/tamayo/semblanza-y-cronologia/, accessed July 8, 
2015.
3 Octavio Paz, op. cit.
4  The author found this text of Tamayo’s inaugural speech in a book, open 
and on display under glass at the museum.
5  “El nuevo Tamayo,”  August 20, 2012, http://www.arquine.com/el-nuevo 
-tamayo/, accessed July 7, 2015.
Its pyramid shape, with its grass-covered 
slopes, echoes pre-Hispanic buildings and at the 
same time is one of the emblems of  
contemporary architecture in mexico.
RUFINO TAMAYO MUSEUM
Paseo de la Reforma No. 51 / esq. Gandhi
Col. Bosque de Chapultepec, Del. Miguel Hidalgo,
Mexico City, c.p. 11580 
First section of the Chapultepec Forest
Phone: (52 55) 4122-8200
Open to the public: Tuesday to sunday
10 a.m. to 6 p.m.
http://museotamayo.org
85


Museums

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Legitimidad en el uso de la fuerza pública a la luz de los derechos humanos en México

Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México

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Primera parte: Migrantes indígenas mexicanos

Estados Unidos y la reconfiguración del orden mundial en el siglo XXI. Implicaciones para América Latina y México

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