MiCISAN

Comisarenco Mirkin, Dina

Velasco Montante, Astrid

MiCISAN (Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico)

Art and Culture

Cabra, Nina

Tramas

Pino Hidalgo, Enrique

Economy

Rocha Romero, David

116
Voices of Mexico •  101
Trudeau and the New Immigration 
And Refugee Policies 
Implications for Mexico
David Rocha Romero*
Canada’s Liberals won the October 19, 2015 elections 
with 39.5 percent of the votes, giving them 54 per-
cent in the House of Commons (184 seats); this, 
after winning only 34 seats in 2011. The Conservatives lost 
their majority, dropping from 166 to 99 seats with 31.9 percent 
of the votes. The New Democratic Party also lost ground, de-
clining from 103 to 44 seats.
The Liberals won their majority mainly in Ontario and Que-
bec.1 Canada is thus living proof that only democratic elections 
can change the political course of a nation peaceful ly. With this 
win, Justin Trudeau, the second-youngest prime minister in Ca-
nadian history and son of former Prime Minister Pierre Elliott 
Trudeau (1968-1979 and 1980-1984), sparks great expectations 
in Canada’s political, social, and economic spheres.
He will have to face issues that span everything from legal-
izing marihuana —as soon as possible—, taking in 25 000 Syr-
ian refugees, maintaining a commitment to women’s right to 
choose, and improving relations with Canada’s neighbors in 
North America. In other words, his is a very ambitious agenda, 
committed to the voters.
To start off, Trudeau has managed to create a talented 
multi-ethnic cabinet that will be a pillar for fostering the dif-
ferent reforms his government has proposed, supported by his 
parliamentary majority. The opposition, then, will not be able 
to do much to interfere with the decisions of this new Lib-
eral government.
Visas for Mexicans
On the campaign trail, Trudeau said that the Conservatives, 
led by Stephen Harper, had “soured” Canadian-Mexican rela-
tions by imposing a visa for Mexicans in 2009, which to a great 
extent was due to the large number of “bogus refugees.” The 
visa did seem to bring down the asylum requests, which dropp ed 
from 7 594 in 2009 to only 651 in 2011.2 The new Liberal gov-
ernment promised to eliminate the visa requirement, arguing 
that Canada accepts refugees from all over the world when 
they are persecuted for different reasons. At the same time, it 
has said that, as members of the North American Free Trade 
Agreement, there should be no barriers to traveling between 
the two countries, saying that processing refugee applications 
can be done in other ways.3
Without going into what the new procedures would be if 
the visa requirement were eliminated for Mexican travelers, 
it may well happen in the coming months and very probably 
Canadians would think it a positive thing. At least at the start, 
Justin Trudeau offers a more conciliatory, alternative, and broa d-
er vision.
In accordance with his discourse, Trudeau changed the 
name of the Ministry of Citizenship and Immigration to the 
Ministry of Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship, which 
he appointed John McCallum to head up. McCallum is an 
academic with a doctorate in economics and has been a mem-
ber of Parliament since 2000. However, this should not be 
considered a simple name change, since what is intended is 
to make this ministry an institution that will reopen Canada’s 
doors to those who want to contribute to the country’s devel-
opment.
In other words, the idea is to create a ministry that reflects 
Canadian values and is open, understanding, and generous, 
qualities that must be part of immigration policies. Among 
the new government’s strategic actions is making the neces-
sary efforts to receive 25 000 Syrian refugees; double the 
number of immigrants’ parents and grandparents granted en-
try to 10 000 a year; offer additional points through the Ex-
press Entry System to provide applicants with brothers or 
* Professor-researcher at the Autonomous University of Baja Cali-
fornia (uabc); davidro_2000@yahoo.com.
117
special section
sisters in Canada with more opportunities; reduce the wait 
period for processing citizenship or visa applications; and 
change the temporary foreign worker program by eliminating 
the Can$1 000 Labour Market Impact Assessment fee for 
hiring caretakers. In addition, the ministry will work with the 
provinces and territories to develop a system of companies 
registered to hire family caretakers and to facilitate the entry 
of low-risk travelers, including investors, as well as to elimi-
nate the visa requirement for Mexico.4
It should be underlined that it is a faculty of the Ministry 
of Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship to determine which 
countries are considered safe, since they offer broad protec-
tion by the state and, as a result, should not be the point of 
origin of a considerable number of refugees. Mexico has been 
in this category since 2013.
I should add that when people from a safe country request 
refugee status, their applications are usually denied without 
right to appeal. Mexican refugee-status seekers have been 
pointed to as liars and abusers of the Canadian system, and 
the vast majority have been turned down.
Under the outgoing Conservative government, the deci-
sions of the Ministry of Citizenship and Immigration about 
categorizing these countries were discretionary. That is, they 
were not based on a consistent explanation, and it was not 
very clear how the decisions were made. The transformation 
of the ministry will not necessarily change Mexico’s classifi-
cation as a “safe” country, but the process and decision-mak-
ing in this regard will be more transparent. Trudeau himself 
proposed extending the right to appeal to asylum seekers from 
“safe” countries, and even taking away the ministry’s power 
to determine which countries are safe, putting that decision 
in the hands of a panel of experts.5
HuManitarian rationality and Mexico
It is important to point out that Trudeau’s discourse during his 
campaign and now that he has taken office as prime minister, 
does not describe the Mexican state as unable to protect its 
citizens who say they have had their human rights violated. 
Doing so would mean Canada’s doors should be opened to 
asylum seekers for Canada to afford them the protection they 
do not have in their own country. Rather, his discourse is about 
compassion and support for all those who suffer persecution 
in the world, guided by an interest in the highest level of 
cooperation.
Certainly, the prime minister has neither said he is con-
cerned about the state of human rights in Mexico, nor that 
he expects that it will be taken off the list of safe countries. 
That could be considered a step backward in bilateral rela-
tions, which clearly the new Canadian government is inter-
ested in strengthening. For that reason, it is expected that it 
will find the mechanisms needed to unblock this part of its 
bilateral relationship.
In the same vein, it is also to be expected that it will pro-
mo te the defense of human rights of minorities —among its 
priorities is reestablishing dialogue with Canadian First Peo-
ples—, of diversity, and of free choice. The government is also 
not expected to openly condemn the worrying situation that 
has existed in Mexico over at least the last 10 years, enmeshed 
as it has been in an open war against organized crime that has 
endangered the human rights of thousands of people.
Taking into consideration that Mexico is a member of 
nafta and, of course, the enormous weight of the United 
States, Trudeau may think it unnecessary and politically in-
correct to point out the domestic situation of one of its most 
important trade partners, Mexico. However, restraint is a sign 
of his political ability, although this might be misinterpreted 
by human rights defenders both in Canada and in Mexico. It 
could therefore also be thought that these same groups would 
consider the anticipated goodwill gesture of eliminating the 
vise requirement for Mexicans as part of a political strategy 
of economic and trade positioning in the region.
Naturally, I think the humanitarian intentions of the Lib-
eral Party and its leader are more genuine than those of the 
previous Conservative government. Nevertheless, there will 
always be those who question them. That is precisely what the 
new Trudeau government is going to have to deal with in 
the future.
I should also point out that Trudeau’s favorable place in 
public opinion could very quickly be reverted if his campaign 
promises disappear amidst the activities of governing and a 
rapid change is not quickly perceptible. If that happens, how 
far will the charismatic Liberal prime minister get with his 
Trudeau will have to face issues that span 
everything from legalizing marihuana, taking in 
25 000 Syrian refugees, maintaining a commitment  
to women’s right to choose, and improving 
relations with Canada’s neighbors. 
118
Voices of Mexico •  101
progressive ideas? This is on the table because he is putting 
them forward in a country where legalizing marihuana, achiev-
ing gender equality, reforming the political system, extending 
the enjoyment of human rights, and fostering sustainable 
development, among other things, would not seem to earn him 
all the allies he needs, at least not for the time being.
The previous government’s position on the visa for Mexi-
cans can be linked to anti-immigrant views influenced by xe-
nophobic political currents from Canada’s southern neighbor. 
However, it can also be understood in a context of coopera-
tion, exchange, and economic competition. The Conservatives 
probably saw the visa as a bargaining chip for future econo m-
ic negotiations with Mexico. This is by no means beyond the 
stretch of the imagination since the day it was imposed, 
the same was done with the Czech Republic, which also had 
a high number of asylum seekers, particularly Roma.
By the end of 2013, during the negotiations of the free 
trade agreement with the European Union, the old continent 
saw the visa as a barrier for economic negotiations, and the 
Czech Republic promised to not ratify the trade agreement 
if Canada did not change its position. In the end, the visa 
requirement was eliminated. The matter of Roma refugees 
faded into the background and economic interests prevailed. 
We will never know now if the Conservatives thought of the 
visa for Mexicans in the same way.
Very probably, the elimination of the visa requirement 
will make the number of asylum applications by Mexicans 
increase. This would presuppose more active communication 
between the two governments, since Ottawa would have to 
use every means to express its concern to the Mexican govern-
ment, prompting a responsible response from the Mexican 
side, which has only been offered to Washington, but for dif-
ferent reasons.
conclusions
We can say that the visa issue plays an important role in eco-
nomic negotiations: if it is eliminated, it will make for a rapid 
increase in Mexican tourism, which will benefit certain busi-
ness and leisure sectors in Canada. At the same time, however, 
it is an issue that also opens up space for more profound re-
flection about human rights and insecurity in Mexico,  about 
organized crime, or about a government, like Mexico’s, that has 
been overwhelmed because it has not been able to guarantee 
the security of its own citizens within its own borders.
Analyzing the role of political positions to understand and 
deal with an important social phenomenon leads to thinking 
about the extent to which Canada’s Liberal government can 
innovate using politics as a mode of dialogue.
The ideas of multiculturalism have been handed down 
to the new prime minister from his father, who in the 1970s 
established the basis for a model of social organization open 
to ethnic diversity, integrating immigrants into Canadian so-
ciety without forcing them to adopt a single identity, with a 
less utilitarian vision of accepting only those who contribute 
economically to the country, as Stephen Harper’s Conserva-
tive government did.
The challenge is huge for the Trudeau’s new government. 
And while we will not see Canadian government pronounce-
ments about human rights in Mexico before it lifts the visa 
requirement, we should not discount the possibility of find-
ing appropriate channels for institutional collaboration with 
the aim of decreasing the number of Mexicans requesting 
asylum in Canada. Those requests, however, will undoubtedly 
tend to increase in coming years after the Canadian govern-
ment eliminates the selective requirement for Mexicans who 
want to or must visit Canada. 
notes
1  “Federal Election Results 2015. Justin Trudeau’s Liberals to Form Major-
ity Government,” cbcnews, Canada Votes, http://www.cbc.ca/news2/in 
teractives/results-2015/.
2  Tobi Cohen and Jason Fekete, “Canada and Mexico working to eliminate 
visa requirement for Mexican visitors,” Canada.com, November 28, 
2012, http://o.canada.com/news/national/canada-and-mexico-working 
-to-eliminate-visa-requirement-for-mexican-visitors, accessed November 
1, 2015. 
3  Giuseppe Valiante, “Liberal Leader Promises to Remove Visa Requirement 
for Mexican Citizen,” The Globe and Mail, September 25, 2015, http://
www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/liberal-leader-promises-to-re 
move-visa-requirement-for-mexican-citizens/article26547474/, accessed 
November 7, 2015.
4  “Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Mandate Letter,” 
Office of the Prime Minister, n.d., http://pm.gc.ca/eng/minister-immigra 
tion-refugees-and-citizenship-mandate-letter, accessed November 1, 2015. 
5  “Refugees,” Liberal Party of Canada, http://www.liberal.ca/realchange/
refugees/, accessed November 1, 2015.
The ideas of multiculturalism have been handed 
down to the new prime minister from his father,  
who in the 1970s established the basis for a model  
of social organization open to ethnic diversity,  
integrating immigrants into Canadian society.


English

Special Section

Gómez Morín, Mauricio

Mexico is a visual country. Some countries are literary, like Argentina; others are 
discursive, like France; still others are musical, like Germany or Mali; but although 
Mexican culture expresses itself through different media and in many ways, it is 
a fact that Mexico is a predomi nantly visual country. Almost all Mexico’s cultural expressions 
have strong roots in the field of the visual. Let us just mention, for example, the aesthetics 
and colorfulness of our cuisine: some dishes on the Mexican table have a true artistic touch, 
in addition to an exquisite taste; they look “yummy.” The same is true of different forms of 
* Visual artist; condemugres@gmail.com.
ROOTS AND WINGS OF
MEXICAN 
ILLUSTRATION
Mauricio Gómez Morín*
ART AND CULTURE
 Mayan Codex. 
46
 Leaves 8 and 9 of the Dresden Codex. 
The codices were the first manifestations  
of Mexican art, and some of their elements  
have later been used as graphic references  
by different illustrators and visual artists,  
right up until today.
47
The popular nationalist illustrations  
of José Guadalupe Posada  
situate him as the precursor  
of the nationalist movement  
in the visual arts.
 José Guadalupe Posada, The Magical Boy, 23.4 x 16.8 cm 
(burin etching on lead). 
 José Guadalupe Posada, cover of The Disappointments of Bato and Bras, or 
an Amusing Scene, 14.8 x 20 cm (photo-relief on paper). 
48
folk art, in which drawing and color concentrate the essence of their manufacture. It 
is no exaggeration to say, then, that what is Mexican is perceived through the use of 
color, of texture, through the patina, the contrast, a taste for the expressive that is 
overwhelmingly expressionist, and in a natural, idiosyncratic inclination for great ex-
pressive force, and —why not say so?— sometimes, paradoxical and contrasting mani-
festations.
Through a series of reflections on contemporary illustration in Mexico, I want to 
explore here the universe of this artistic activity, which is relatively recent —recent in 
terms of its being recognized as such, but not in terms of its origins—, but which has 
rapidly acquired presence and vigor in the pantheon of the Mexican visual arts. I want 
to explore, for example, where it comes from, its foundations, and where it has taken 
flight to, the impetus that has projected it even beyond our borders: the roots and 
wings of Mexican illustration.
The Hands that First Drew Mexico
In a diachronic sense, we can ask ourselves about the first images depicting Mexico. 
They were drawn by the inhabitants of Mesoamerica, whose declared communica-
tional intent was to put forward their knowledge and world view, describing their sur-
roundings through images in what have been called codices.1 The pigments used were 
extracted from coal and certain plants, and the illustrations were then made on pieces 
of cured skins or on parchment made out of tree bark, called amate. The codices were 
the first manifestations of Mexican art, and some of their elements, like glyphs, fretwork, 
shades of color, or profiles, have later been used as graphic references by different illus-
trators and visual artists, right up until today.
In this introductory article, it is not my intention to do an entire historical review of 
illustration. However, the visual discourse, just like any other narrative, emerges as it 
interacts with the historic events of any specific time, which imprints its canons on it. 
The predominant artistic references during the colonial period were European, classical, 
and for the most part religious, while those stemming from the pre-Hispanic tradition 
moved into the background, latent, like watermarks, behind the visual veils imported 
from Europe. With the arrival of the first printing press to Mexico in the mid-sixteenth 
century, print shops proliferat ed, and the town criers who sang out the news were re-
placed by broadsheets, gazettes, and newspapers, where illustrations were introduced 
to accompany the texts: thus was born the illustrated periodical.
An Image Is Worth More than
A Thousand Illiteracies
As images stopped being merely “ornaments” to accompany the texts, that is, at the 
moment that the visual discourse became autonomous, illustration began to play an 
important role in transmitting ideas and political criticism and social denunciations in a 
country with an extremely high illiteracy rate and a tumultuous political scenario. In this 
context, as the expression of a time and era, we must mention two notable precursors 
49
Covarrubias was an international,  
multi-faceted illustrator,  
but above all,  
he was profoundly Mexican.
 Miguel Covarrubias, Jacket painting for the book Mexico South: The Isthmus of Tehuantepec, 1946. 
50
of Mexican illustration, who exercised enormous influence in our country’s graphic rep-
ertoire: José Guadalupe Posada and Miguel Covarrubias.
José Guadalupe Posada (1852-1913) was a master of black and white, a shrewd 
commentator on his times, the turbulent early twentieth century. He began his graph-
ic career at the age of 15 and, after a brief stint at the Aguascalientes Municipal Acad-
emy, entered the “El Esfuerzo” (The Effort) workshop as an apprentice to master 
printer José Trinidad Pedroza. Soon, he was using his sketching skills to make socially 
critical caricatures that he published in the El Jicote newspaper.2 Posada consolidated 
his career in Mexico City, where he used engraving on metal with printer and editor An-
tonio Vanegas Arroyo, editing gazettes, broadsheets, comic books, and corrido lyrics, as 
well as publishing in 20-odd newspapers. His work depicted national events, symbolizing 
with his sketches the values and contradictions of the society of his time.
The popular nationalist illustrations of José Guadalupe Posada situate him as the 
precursor of the nationalist movement in the visual arts, headed up by Diego Rivera and 
José Clemente Orozco, among others.
Prodigious Sketches
Equally outstanding is the work of Miguel Covarrubias, nicknamed “The Kid,” a contem-
porary of Diego Rivera, and whom Diego himself considered the best sketch artist of 
the time. Extremely well-versed in pre-Hispanic art, which he admired enormously, 
Covarrubias began his graphic work at the age of 14, illustrating articles in a newspaper. 
His versatility means that we can find his sketches in cartoons, illustrations for books, 
newspapers, and in stage scenery. Outstanding among his multiple illustrations are those 
for Ministry of Public Education textbooks; this is important because they constitute an 
entire narrative promoting Mexican identity, and with his illustrations, Covarrubias un-
derlined national aesthetic values.
In addition to his work in Mexico, he was an illustrator in the United States for pres-
tigious publications like The New Yorker and The New York Times, to mention only two. 
With that penchant for exploring popular culture, when he was in the United States 
—specifically in New York— he became very interested in African-American culture and 
made several illustrations dealing with this topic; these works contributed to more value 
being placed on the expressions of African-American culture. Covarrubias was an in-
ternational, multi-faceted illustrator, but above all, he was profoundly Mexican.
Both these artists are considered precursors of graphic art and points of reference 
for the genre; they are unequivocal representatives of Mexican identity, the renewed 
value of which has been time and again, at different moments, the touchstone of il-
lustration in Mexico. 
Notes
1  After the Spanish Conquest most of these documents were destroyed; those that were recovered like the 
Dresden Codex or the Aubin Tonalamatl Codex are now in European museums and libraries, except for 
the Colombian Codex, now part of the National Anthropology and History of Mexico library collection.
2 This newspaper published only 11 issues because it was censored by the state governor.
51


Hernández de la Cruz, Luis Alberto

Urdimbres

Vergara Hernández, Andrés

Suárez Ávila, Paola Virginia

La transmisión de la lengua y cultura náhuatl en Santa Ana Tlacotenco (1950-2010)

Narváez Coronado, Cetia Itzel

Santín Peña, Oliver

Esquemas para fortalecer la influencia estratégica de Estados Unidos en América Latina: el caso de Colombia y México (1998-2012)

Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México

Not a member yet

Art and Culture

Tramas

Economy

Special Section

Art and Culture

Urdimbres

La transmisión de la lengua y cultura náhuatl en Santa Ana Tlacotenco (1950-2010)

Esquemas para fortalecer la influencia estratégica de Estados Unidos en América Latina: el caso de Colombia y México (1998-2012)

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