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The Double Negation Thinking of Cheng Xuan Ying-Analysis of Sub-Commentary of Zhuang Zi
No full text《南華真經注疏》作為《莊子》極為重要的疏本，除了代表成玄英自身的思想特色，同時也是唐代重玄思想的重要著作，本文從重玄義理的討論出發，簡單地討論了重玄的意義與歷史地位，並從中論述道教思想與道家、儒家、佛教哲學的對應與交融。在整個論文的處理上，以這個重玄的作品為核心分析了成玄英的重玄思想，並試圖點出成玄英重玄思想如何受到佛學中觀論的影響，在宣教的企圖中結合了老莊道家、黃老道家、儒家等集團思維的成就，完成了對應唐初政治格局的政治統治思維。本文分別論述成玄英三個層面的思考：重玄論述、聖人論述與統治論述，並且試圖將這三個層面連繫起來，認為在這三個面向的連繫上，成玄英說明了世俗與神聖兩端的接駁可能，正是透過聖知與俗智在重玄義理中的不同向度開展，成玄英進行了存有與知識合致的說教，而這種說教恰恰體現了重玄「非本非末」到「非非本非末」進而是「即本即末」的精神，這種二偏雙遣乃至不一不異的說教，將神聖與世俗、聖知與俗智、宗教與現世政治都納入即存有即真知的範疇，透過方法上的「以空解莊」不僅傳承了傳統中國以道家為核心的存有觀點，更在佛教義理的補足下，豐富地開展了自身與外在世界的認識，不僅反映了初唐三教爭論的現實，更清楚地回應了初唐的政治統治需求，進而影響了宋明理學思想的集大成發展！This article deals with a text that is known as the most important sub-commentary of Zhuang-Zi--Nan Hua Zhen Jing Zhu (also known as Sub-Commentary of Zhuang Zi). We shall analyze the academic position of this text and discuss the epistemological and ontological questions found in the Double-Negation School of writing. We shall deal with three important issues in this article: Double negation discourse, sage discourse, and the governing discourse. We will also discuss questions such as why Double Negation School was initiated, what the ultimate meaning of Double Negation is, how Buddhist thought influences double negation thought and how the divine differs from and interacts with the secular. The core of the dissertation will focus on the statement that the ideal ruler (the sage) governs by cultivating himself through the thinking of double negation. We shall also try to initiate some critical points for further study during the discussion: the relationship between Confucian and Taoist Schools during the Han dynasty, as far as the Wei-Jing and Sui-Tang eras, the hierarchy of political and religious affairs, the body and the state, physically or mentally emphasizing viewpoints, body formation in the state building process and the interpretation of Zhuang-Zi by Buddhism, these are hidden in traditional Chinese political philosophy. The Sub-Commentary of Zhuang Zi reflects the political and religious situation and conveys the internal essence of the political discourses of Taoist and Confucian School to Taoist religion. Undoubtedly this writing itself is a part of the process of state formation and a result of the dominance of political power in the Tang dynasty
The Democratic Value Oricentation of Local Elites in Taiwan -- A Comparative Analysis between 1993 and 2001
No full text本論文為「台灣地方菁英政治文化及決策影響力之研究」的一部份，目的在比較民國八十二年與九十年兩次對台灣省地方菁英的調查研究結果。其研究發現如下：
一、民主價值取向方面
綜合而言，在比較一九九三年與二○○一年台灣縣級地方菁英的民主價值取向之後，發現參與取向與多數決取向有明顯下降的現象，而平等取向與地方分權取向則有顯著的上升。此外，亦發現一九九三年第一波的四個民主價值取向，在強度位置上略顯分散；而二○○一年第二波的四個民主價值取向則較為集中。
二、個人基本背景與民主價值取向之關係
綜合而言，依據這兩波有關台灣地方菁英民主價值取向的比較研究，我們發現各個基本背景變項與四種民主價值取向，均具有某種程度的關聯性，但不可否認的，教育程度是最具有影響力的基本背景因素，尤其在二○○一年的調查結果更為明顯。1. The democratic value orientation
According to the comparison on the democratic value orientation of county-level elites of Taiwan between 1993 and 2001, it is found that the participation orientation and majority orientation are obviously getting declined. But equity oricentation and decentralization orientation are getting risen apparently during the past 8 years. Besides, this survey approve that these four democratic value orientation are less stronger than 2001.
2. The relationship between the personal background and the orientation of democratic value
Comparing to the relationship of personal background and the democratic orientation of participation, equity, decentralization and majority between 1993 and 2001, this research finds that the personal background of age, gender, education and political party all are very significant. But, it is not doubted that the education factor are the most powerfully affected variable than any other personal background factor, especially in the year of 2001
The KMT-CCP's Contentions on the Core of “the Democratization of the Nationalist Government” in Spring of 1946 (January to April)
No full text抗戰初起時，中共即曾向國民政府有過「政治民主化」的要求。一九四四年夏戰時國共第三度商談起，中共算是正式向國民政府展開了「民主化」的政治攻勢；此種攻勢，直到一九四六年一月的政治協商會議，國民政府終於同意在制憲工作未完成前，改組國民政府為各黨派均可參加的聯合政府。但政治協商會議以後，至同年四月底為止，國、共間至少出現了以下多項爭執：一、非國民黨籍國民政府委員席位之分配問題；二、政協決議「憲草修改原則」之再修改問題；三、政協協議之國民大會代表總額能否再擴增問題；四、中共在東北軍、政勢力之承認問題等項。致聯合政府並未能組成。由於以上各項爭執，中共並未能自國民黨方面取得滿意之答覆；四月中旬周恩來乃宣佈，除非政、軍問題能獲得完全解決，中共將不參加政協原決定同年五月五日召開之國民大會。適馬歇爾(George C. Marshall)甫自美述職返華，而國民政府此時尚無與中共決裂之決心；乃不得不於四月下旬宣佈國民大會延期召集。同年十一月中旬，國民政府雖得以強力手段召開了國民大會、制定了中華民國憲法，但國、共關係隨即走上了全面決裂之路，而馬歇爾來華調處之使命亦因而結束。In the third round negotiation between Kuomintang (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) during Sino-Japanese War in June 1944, CCP asked to organize a Coalition Government that would include CCP and other opposition parties of China in the People's Political Council on September 15, 1944. This symbolized the beginning of the CCP's political offensive on the democratization of the Nationalist Government to KMT during World War II and the postwar period. Influenced by General George C. Marshall's mediation mission to China and for releasing CCP's pressure, KMT agreed to form a coalition government before the establishment of the Constitution of the Republic of China in the Political Consultative Conference (PCC) in January 1946. It was also decided in the conference to convene the National Assembly to adopt the Constitution on May 5 of the same year. From February to April of 1946, KMT-CCP had at least the following contentions that obstructed the convention of the National Assembly on May 5,1946:CCP hoped to form a veto power by controlling at least 14 seats in Non-Kuomintang councilors of the State Council of the National Government. KMT wasn't able to accept it. KMT wanted to revise the principles approved by the PCC and use it as the basis for modifying the 1936 Draft Constitution. However, CCP did not compromise. KMT desired to increase the number of the delegates of the National Assembly approved by the PCC. CCP rejected it. CCP wanted KMT to promise the legal status of her troops and the local regime in Manchuria. These were also refused by KMT. For the above reasons, Chou En-Lai, the CCP's representative in Nanking, announced on April 11, 1946 that CCP wouldn't participate in the National Assembly on May 5, unless these political and military contentions could be completely resolved by KMT. But these disputes were not resolved in this period. Just upon General Marshall's return to China from US on April 18, 1946, KMT
had no determination to break off with CCP and eventually declared to adjourn the convention of the National Assembly in the following week.
After KMT summoned the National Assembly meeting in spite of CCP's opposition on November 15, 1946, the KMT-CCP relationship ruptured immediately. That also signified the end of General Marshall's mission to China in 1946
Chinose Sovereignty as Alterity Japan's Failed Desires in the Possibility of an Eastasian Ontology
No full text本文一開始會回顧，日本如何困惑於中國作為一個鄰居的意義。日本人的困惑反映了日本在變成現代國家後關於自我定位的搖擺不定。本文特別會顧及那些視中國為異己的文獻採用了怎樣的論述策略。相對於此，來自中國的回應通常將舊中國與帝國主義看成異己，前者是自己痛恨的過去，後者似乎是自己響往的未來。故揭露了中國人內在的分裂與一般人對現代性既企求又疑懼的矛盾。曘後，本文將回到關於國家在本體論上的地位，並指出，將國家視為唯一的本體的作法，封閉了在東亞發展出不同的本體論。本文建構新本體的目的，是肯認國家以外有意義的存在形式，故應當發展一種論述機制，讓我們對不斷流動或出現的新異己，負起相互尊重的道德責任。Chinese sovereignty means very different things to people of different cultural background as well as social position. In modern history, Japanese narrators were among the first to ponder the meaning of Chinese sovereignty. Their narratives, and dervied desires of China, varied widely as each envisions a Japan of a kind respectively in terms of realism, idealism, statism, democraticism, humanism, fascism, neo-traditionalism, socialism and revolution. Torn between progressivism and conditionism, narrators in the Chinese state lost their own discursive capacity in responding to all these desires. Not empathizing with one another embedded in ontologically different composition, countries could not therefore form an Eastasian system in the realist/liberal sense. However, once recognized and named so, the Eastasian system, which has been a non-system, has the potential to bring in forms of alterity previously excluded by the closed world of sovereignty. This paper welcomes this possibility
International Law and the Rights of Indigenons Peoples
No full text本文從國際組織對原住民族的特別考慮，以及原住民族權利的內容兩方面加以介紹。首先，在國際組織方面，聯合國人權委員會「少數民族小組委員會」於一九八二年設置原住民工作小組以推動原住民族權利的國際立法，並於一九九三年向經濟社會理事會提出「原住民族權利宣言草案」。國際勞工組織更通過一 ○七號(修改後為一六九號)條約，明確保障原住民族的權利。此外，世界衛生組織、世界銀行、OECD等亦在保障原住民族的健康、環境等方面進行多項努力。在原住民族權利的內容方面，本文除一般討論較多的自決權、先住(土地)權之外，更觸及文化權、環境權、教育權、發展權等其他權利的介紹。最後，本文特別指出目前國際社會對原住民族權利問題的新認知，以及NGO在其中扮演的角色，希望藉此找出可行的原住民復權之路。This article introduces international protection for indigenous peoplefrom two aspects: special considerations for indigenous people ininternational organizations, and content of indigenous rigerts. First of all,"working group on Indigenous sopulations" of UN's Commission on HumanRights was set up in 1982 to devocate international law-making forindigenons peoples. In 1993, the Draft Declaration on the Rights ofIndigenous people was submistted the fue Economic and social council.Moreover, International Labor Organization passed No. 107 (modified asNo. 169) Convention to recognize indigenous rigats. In addition, WorldHealth Organization, World Bank and OECD have made efforts to promoteprotection for indigecous peopee's health and environment. Secondly,other than traditionally touched upon issues, such as right to self-determination, right of primary occupancy, this article emphasizes emergingrights of indigenous peopee, in euding cultural, environmental, educationaland developmental rights. Finally, by reckoning new awareness towerel indigecons rights ininternational society, and stressing the importance of NGO in this regard,this article attempts to find a feasible road for indigions people's recovery
The Relationships between Local Political Ecology and Local Administration
No full text本文旨在探討地方行政與外在環境，亦即由地方派系、客、財團、黑道、利益團體個人等所形成的政治生態，及其互動關係。尤其著重在地方派系、政客、財團、黑道、利益團體，甚至政黨，所成成的關係互動網路方府，包縣市府、鄉鎮市公所職權運作過程的衝動與影響。特別是對預算分配、採購、公共工程、警、公共造產、人事、特惠特許特權、土地開發、都市計劃等行職行使的影響。此外，本文並試圖比較義大利西西里與臺灣在地方政治生態與行政間關係模式的差異。希望這些研究有助於了解臺灣地方行政與外部政治生態體的行係，也會有利於進一步探討地方府或行政無效率、失能及腐化的相關因素。對觀臺灣地方治生態結構與困境，以及探索地方政府與行政被外環境腐蝕與干預等問題。The paper intends to analyze the relationships between local political ecology and local administration. Local political ecology is constituted with local faction bosses, mafia politicians, businessmen politicians, and some concerned interest groups. This ecology web strongly impact the local authorities. Local political mafia, factions and businessmen always use the power of privileges to conduct the extortion and solicitation on personnel, construction case, purchases and the monopoly or protection of special reciprocal benefits. These acts are seriously damage the neutrality of administration, and weakening the prestige of local government. This ecological structure in Taiwan local politics also conducts as a corrupt political class, and very much like a dynamic system of corruption as well. The dynamics of political corruption appear to be interwoven with the power of political parties to strengthen their mandate. This ecology has had the effect of further reducing defences against local political corruption and bad administration
A Recruitment and Training Model for Senior Civil Service
No full text日、德、英、法、美五國之高級文官體系特色可歸納為三種模式，即封閉多軌模式、開放多軌模式、及開放競爭模式。除美國採取開放競爭模式，其高級文官來源多元、不限於特定補管道外，日、德、英、法的高級文官養成體系均有相當明顯的共同特色。這此共同特色包括：高級文官出自通過特定考試類別、考選方法具有高效度，有特定升遷管道、能快速升遷或有保證升遷之預期、及長期訓練配合。這些共同特色有助於對優秀的學生形成吸引力，建立高度預期的誘因體系，從而樂於投身公職的精英甄補軌道。 根據五國經驗，目前我國有關高及文官甄補之核心闆題除應加速改進考選的效度問題，並應從速透過廣泛的溝通與討論，建立高級文官政策的合理可行理念。There are three models in describing the senior civil services in Japan, Germany, UK, France, and US: open-competitive model, closed multitrack model, and open multitrack model, and open multirack model. Other than the US practice, the senior civil service systems in other four countries display the following common traits: specific selection channel, valid test, specific promotion pattern, expectancy of fast promotion, and specific training system. The paper, based on expectancy theory, suggests a recruitment and training modelfor establishing quality senior civil service
The Idea of National Identity in Communitarianism
No full text本文探討當代西方社群主義對國家認同問題的論述，並檢討其含蘊之問題。由於社群主義一詞甚為籠統，本文依通例以沈岱爾、麥金泰爾、瓦瑟、泰勒等四人為社群主義之代表人物，逐一分析他們對「自我」、「社群」及「國家認同」等概念之看法。歸結而言，社群主義主張自我之定位須須特定歷史文化脈絡中尋得，自我不能像自由主義所主張那樣具有充分選擇人生目的及歸屬認同的能力。因此，國家（作為一種社群）之所以能夠號召國民的認同，主要是由於它是民族文化的承載者與維護者，故能使國民為它奉獻犧牲，雖有怨言亦不致背離。社群主義的國家認同觀明顯排斥國家是「個人實現一己目的或利益之工具」的想法，也不認為政治經濟制度的良窳是公民對國家產生認同心理的主要憑藉。這種理論的優點是提醒我們歷史文化對個人自我認同確實有深刻影響，而其缺點則是過度誇大此種文化感情的重要性。其結果不僅削弱社群成員對所屬社群的反省批判餘地，也容易產生一種父權式的文化威權主義，使團結的獲得必須以犧牲多元文化為代價。因此就現代社會的集體認同問題而言，社群主義並不能提供妥善的解決之道。In this essay I examine the idea of national identity as it appeared in the writings of contemporary communitarians Michael Sandel, Alasdair MacIntyre, Michael Walzer and Charles Taylor. Communitarianism generally perceives the self as an "embedded" person who must seek his （ her ） identity in a particular historical setting. Unlike that of liberalism, the communitarian self is deprived of the right to choose freely his life-plan and community. Accordingly, one gives one's loyalty to a state not because the political system of that state is just or agreeable, but because it is the bearer of a particular culture. The idea of national identity in communitarianism reminds us of the importance of sentimental belonging for an individual, but it overemphasizes the role of cultural commitment. It tends to limit a person's power to criticize his own community, and gives easy access to cultural authoritarianism, which will in turn undermine the energy of a plural society. As far as national identity of a modern society is concerned, the communitarian solution is not a good one
Anti-herdworship in the Politics of the English Idealism: Collingwood's New Leviathan
No full text本文探討英國哲學家柯靈烏的政治思想，而主要的焦點集中在其最後之著作《新利維坦》一書上。在本書中柯靈烏論述了他對人類社會化過程的看法：一個人如何從自然人轉變為社會人(公民)。而本書最後之高潮則在於他大力地攻擊了德國政治思想中所存在的『對群體的崇拜』之情結，他認為如此之現象終將導致『反文明』，也就是一種『野蠻主義』。在這樣的指摘中，其實存在著英國自由主義與德國政治思想間的一個對比。 英國唯心論受德國唯心論影響很深，而在史學研究上柯靈烏又傳襲德國歷史主義之重要治學信念，但他對於人類歷史與政治發展的評斷卻與他的日耳曼前輩大相逕庭。與他思想源流相似的區克夏(Michael Oakeshott)，以及巴粕(Karl Popper)，都不約而同地戮力攻擊『對群體的崇拜』。何以如此？是否研究歷史之眼光今昔不同？抑或有可能為民族文化之不同使然－也就是說，英國人跟德國人基本上是不同的？換句話說，出版於一九四二年的《新利維坦》之成因是時代思潮因素，還是地域民族因素？這是本文所欲探究之處。This intends to be a preliminary study of R.G. Collingwood's political thought, as is mainly expressed in the New Leviathan, written and published in the last days of the English historian's life. Following Hobbes, Cllingwood hoped to look into how the natural man comes into the social man, a process on which the development of civilization is absolutely dependent. In the final parts of the New Leviathan, Collingwood launches severe attacks on German political thought since the early modern period. Hegel is among the representative figures on whom the charge of promulgating "herd-worship" of the German people is placed. The standards for Collingwood's politics come from the classical liberal theory, which is English indeed, and this raises the question of how modernity could be articulated in different socio-political forms of the European culture. This passage tentatively concludes itself with a suggestion that, among other factors, philosophy of history many have been the key element in shaping the politics of a nation
The Change and Characteristics of Political Ecology on Taiwan's Local Autonomy in 1980s
No full text一九八○年代，臺灣地方政治社會進入另一個更快速變遷的轉型期。不但整個經社環境由農業社會為主體的結構，導入以工業化、都市化為主體的結構，在政治環境上更是出現突破性的轉型。原來中央一黨獨大與家長式威權統治政治時期結束，戒嚴、黨禁、報禁解除，步入全面民主轉型期。但也由於經社文化環境的急遽變化，土地、建築業及工商業發展迅速，投機性行業及賭博行為風行，政商結合日益嚴重，新興財團及黑道介入政治日趨嚴重。使得原有以情感、單純利益與社會關係為取向的地方派系與家族、山頭政治面臨轉型與重組壓力。但是，由於社會關係結構、選民結構出現重大轉變，獨立選民快速增加，反派系、財團及黑道結合政治的聲浪高漲，使執政黨與原地方派系、家族勢力，甚至與財團以及黑道結合的形態面臨很大的考驗，並加速地方政黨政治時代的來臨。In 1980s, the local political society of Taiwan has been moved into a rapidly transitional period. During that time, it is not only the agricultural structure being changed to be a more industrial and urbanized one, the political environment is also getting a great break-through transition. The central one-dominant-party and patriarchal authoritarian politics has been ended. The Martial Law and the bans on political party and mass media are all abrogated. While socio-economy getting a drastic change, the land-trade and the quick development of construction and industry, and the gambling activities were very prevalent islandwidely. Thus emerged that the local politicians coalesced with businessmen very seriously, while a great number of business groups and mafia were joined the local politics. There phenomena push the local factions and some local leading politicians have to face the pressure of transition and reorganization. In the meantime, the social relation structure and the voters’ structure are also emerging a tremendously change, the independent voters increasing dramatically, the anti-faction, anti-business groups and anti-mafia movement are become very eminent and rigorous in the recent years.
Therefore, KMT (the ruling party), local factions, local powerful families, and even the coalition structure of politican-businessman-mafia triangle are all facing a unprecedentedly difficult challenge, which will bring Taiwan local politics going to the period of party politics