Papers in Historical Phonology
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The historical phonology of Old English: a critical review
Get PDFThere is a widely accepted chronology of sound laws, covering the transition from Proto-West Germanic to Old English, found in every handbook of Old English. This chronology contains sound laws whose only function is to cancel the effects of previous ones, such as ‘retraction’ and ‘smoothing’, reversing ‘fronting’ and ‘breaking’. This chronology of sound laws is allocated to the relatively short period between the arrival of the Anglo-Saxons in the 5th century and the oldest Early Old English sources around 700. On close scrutiny, some aspects of the theory turn out to be problematic: the series of sound laws is fairly unique in the history of Germanic languages; some of the sound laws are phonetically unlikely (e.g. ‘Anglian smoothing’); the extensive, sometimes repetitive, sequences (up to 5 stages) of forms in only 250 years seem hardly realistic; none of the questionable developments is positively confirmed by runic evidence; the theory requires the interpretation of many attested forms as ‘merely’ spelling issues or signs of dialect mixture, instead of evidence of historical changes. This article offers a detailed discussion of these problematic issues, to conclude that the theory is in need of revision
On comparative Proto-Mǐn *Dʰ- and putting conjectural morphology in its place
Get PDFRecent conjectural morphological (‘word family’) approaches to early Chinese assign the aspirated causative verbs of the Mǐn group to Jerry Norman’s comparatively reconstructed Proto-Mǐn voiced aspirated *Dʰ-, proposing on this basis that *Dʰ- reflects prefixation of Old Chinese provenance. In this article, I argue that comparative phonological work on Mǐn has never suggested *Dʰ- for these items. In this case as elsewhere, morphological models can be of use but require grounding in comparative results
Perceptual learning, talker specificity, and sound change
Get PDFPerceptual learning is when listeners hear novel speech input and shift their subsequent perceptual behavior. In this paper we consider the relationship between sound change and perceptual learning. We spell out the connections we see between perceptual learning and different approaches to sound change and explain how a deeper empirical understanding of the properties of perceptual learning might benefit sound change models. We propose that questions about when listeners generalize their perceptual learning to new talkers might be of of particular interest to theories of sound change. We review the relevant literature, noting that studies of perceptual learning generalization across talkers of the same gender are lacking. Finally, we present new experimental data aimed at filling that gap by comparing cross-talker generalization of fricative boundary perceptual learning in same-gender and different-gender pairs. We find that listeners are much more likely to generalize what they have learned across same-gender pairs, even when the different-gender pairs have more similar fricatives. We discuss implications for sound change
Syllable structure and prosodic words in Early Old French
Get PDFThis paper presents a comprehensive analysis of the phonotactics of syllable rhymes based on all unique tokens in two Early Old French texts. Based on the data from this single, conservative variety, I develop Jacobs’ (1994) proposal that the Old French stress rule is underlyingly trochaic and that word-fiinal stress is caused by the presence of an empty-headed final syllable. I argue that this analysis can only be valid while words with final stress systematically end in a consonant that can, and often must, be parsed as the onset to an empty-headed syllable. Although this is not the case in most later varieties of Old French, the prediction is borne out by our data. I conclude by examining the implications of this analysis for the accentuation and phonotactics of monosyllables and for the study of prosodic change in Old French
On ‘affective’ exceptions to sound change: an example from the Mojeño (Arawakan) kinship terminology system
Get PDFThis paper discusses a postulated non-sound change-based development derived from the detection of an exception to a regular segmental correspondence and shows how this proposal receives independent support from internal etymologization within the domain of kinship terms. The affricate in the Proto-Mojeño etymon *-ótse ‘grandmother’ is hypothesized to derive from affective strengthening of a fricative *s, thus modifying the expected reflex *-óse via affective or phonosymbolic affrication. The fact that the predicted fricative reflex is found when *-óse ‘grandmother’ occurs as a member of a compound for ‘mother-in-law’, a meaning not subject to affective modification, offers striking support for the hypothesis. The paper illustrates how internally structured lexical fields — where relations of partial (internal) cognation exist — such as kinship terminology systems, provide an interesting testing ground for claims on affective, non-lautgesetzlich formal modifications, given the fact that etymologically related forms belong to domains (such as ‘blood relative’ versus ‘affine relative’) that differ in crucial ways as far as the affective dispositions and attitudes of speakers are concerned
Arguing Spanish voseo tuteante verb endings: learning, variation and history with OT
Get PDFThe full historical trajectory of voseo (second plural) forms becoming (deferent) second singular forms — as in Latin vos amātis (2pl) > Medieval Spanish vos amádes (2sg formal) — is a central chapter in the history of Spanish. In many Latin-American Spanish vernaculars, classical voseo fused with the original tuteo, giving rise to a new neutral address paradigm, voseo tuteante (Pre-classical Spanish voseo: vos amádes, amáes, amáis, amás (2sg formal) > Latin-American Spanish voseo tuteante: vos amáis, amás (2sg informal)). After a process of selection from the available options, four sets of endings have survived in those varieties: (áis, éis, ís / ás, és, ís / áis, ís, ís / ás, ís, ís). Why these four? The analysis proposed here builds on global properties of the verb system: (i) the verb suffix -is definitively replaced -des in the second half of the XVII century and the early XVIII century, and (ii) the four sets of endings now extant are exactly the ones that can be learned by Optimality-Theoretic grammar-inductive algorithms. This analysis supports the generative view that only languages with learnable grammars are passed on to future generations. Unlearnable languages are most likely to be lost over time. Similarly, variation is also constrained by the limits set by learnability conditions
The lowering of high vowels before [r] in Latin
Get PDFThis paper discusses a putative sound change in the early history of Latin and synchronic alternations apparently related to it. The lowering of short high vowels before the rhotic is problematic on several counts; so much so that serious doubt has been cast on its reality. On the other hand, due to widespread alternations in the morphophonology of Classical Latin it is reasonable to assume that such a lowering operated as a synchronic rule at that stage. A minor asymmetry in the relevant alternations of verbal affixes in infectum-based vs. perfectum-based formations presents an interesting problem to which I suggest two tentative explanations
Vowel harmony decay in Old Norwegian
Get PDFVowel harmony involves the systematic correspondence between vowels in some domain for some phonological feature. Though harmony represents one of the most natural and diachronically robust phonological phenomena that occurs in human language, how and why harmony systems emerge and decay over time remains unclear. Specifically, what motivates harmony decay and the pathways by which harmony languages lose harmony remains poorly understood since no consistent historical record in any single language has yet been identified which displays the full progression of this rare sound change (McCollum 2015, 2020; Kavitskaya 2013, Bobaljik 2018). In this paper, I explore the progression and causation of vowel harmony decay in Old Norwegian (c 1100–1350). Using a grapho‐phonologically tagged database of a sample of 13th‐ to 14th‐century manuscripts, I present novel corpus methods for tracking and visualising changes to vowel co‐occurrence patterns in historical records, demonstrating that the Old Norwegian corpus provides a consistent and coherent record of harmony decay. The corpus distinguishes categorical pre‐decay harmony, probabilistic intermediate stages, and post‐decay non‐harmony. Across the Old Norwegian manuscripts, we observe a variety of pathways of harmony decay, including increasing harmony variability via the collapse of harmony classes introduced by vowel mergers, the lexicalisation of historically harmonising morphemes, and trisyllabic vowel reductions which limit harmony iterativity. This paper provides the first detailed corpus study of the full spectrum and causation of this rare sound change in progress and provides valuable empirical diagnostics for identifying and analysing harmony change in contemporary languages
Hidden prosody in philology: yìyŭ \u27transcriptions\u27 in the 15th century
Get PDFThis paper investigates how prosody is hidden behind transcriptions in historical resources. Three historical sources are used in the analysis. They are Chinese transcriptions from the 15th century in which Japanese, Korean and Ryukyuan phrases are recorded using Chinese characters. The argument concentrates on the prosodic patterns of disyllabic nouns in the three historical sources. The results of chi-square tests show that in the transcriptions Korean is significantly different from Japanese and Ryukyuan. In disyllabic nouns, the Chinese tonal category shăngshēng is favored in the first syllable of the Korean data to show changes from low to high tone. On the other hand, the transition is not salient in the Japanese and Ryukyuan data. In addition, the Chinese tonal cateogry yīnpíng is disfavored in the first syllable of the Korean data, whereas Chinese yīnpíng is not overtly excluded from the first syllable of Japanese and Ryukyuan data. This paper also discusses the projection of prosodic characteristics from Chinese onto the transcriptions: the second syllable in a disyllabic noun tends to be qùshēng.
 
One rule, two frequency effects
Get PDFThe low-mid unrounded front vowel /ɛː/ in German (as in Bären) has been subject to change since Old High German. It slowly merged with the high-mid unrounded front vowel /eː/, but a reversal seems to have emerged recently. This paper investigates both historical and current change of the Bären vowel. Historical change is investigated through literature-based research; current change is examined through corpus-based research. This paper takes the approach of studying both grammatical context and frequency of use. The two major insights of this study are (i) that the BÄREN vowel has been subject to change for a long time and is still variable, and (ii) that frequency effects interact with grammar in an unexpected way. This interaction shows us how to proceed with hybrid grammar-lexicon modelling and I advocate a combined model of Optimality Theory and Exemplar Theory to account for this type of grammar-frequency interactions