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The Report of seminar, Lecture of Ms. Kathleen Salomon, the Associate director of Getty Research Institute and Discussion: Aiming for International information dissemination of Research Materials of Japanese Art
Get PDF国立文化財機構東京文化財研究所日時：2017(平成29)年12月6日
会場：東京国立博物館 黒田記念館セミナー室
企画・主催：東京文化財研究所文化財情報資料部
協力：文化庁
講 演 14:00-16:20
講 演 題 目 Broadening our horizons: the Getty Research Institute and the
dissemination of art research information internationally
「視野の拡大に向けて：ゲッティ研究所と美術研究情報の国際的発信」
（英語、逐次通訳）
講 師 Kathleen Salomon,
Associate director, the Getty Research Institute
キャスリーン・サロモン（ゲッティ研究所副所長）
ディスカッション 16:35-17:20
司 会 山梨絵美子（東京文化財研究所副所長）
コメンテーター 川口雅子（国立西洋美術館）
懇談会（フリー・ディスカッション） 17:20-17:45
本研究会は、文化庁委託「著名外国人招へいによる日本美術の発信をテーマとした調査研究事業」の一環として行われました。キャスリーン・サロモン氏の講演原稿（英語・日本語）および発表スライド、川口雅子氏による講演へのコメントの原稿（日本語）および発表スライド、討議の抄録を報告書としてまとめました。
翻訳・編集：江村知子、橘川英規、山梨絵美子research repor
X-ray Fluorescence Analysis of Illustrated Scrolls of the Legends of Shigisan, a National Treasure
Get PDFThe Illustrated Scrolls of the Legends of Shigisan (Shigisan engi emaki) held at Shigisan Chôgosonshiji temple is a major extant example of Heian period painting that presents pictorializations of many of the legends related to Myôren, a saintly monk credited with later having revived the temple. The set consists of three handscrolls, with the first scroll known as The Scroll of the Rich Man of Yamazaki (Yamazaki chôja no maki) or The Flying Granary Scroll, the second scroll known as The Scroll of the Rite of Spiritual Empowerment for the Engi-Era Emperor (Engi kaji no maki), and the third scroll known as The Scroll of the Nun (Amagimi no maki).
The Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties conducted an analysis of the colorants used in all three scrolls by X-ray fluorescence spectrometry (XRF) during 2011-2012. Measurements (dia. 2mm) were taken at 707 places over the three handscrolls by using a portable device.
Both Ca and Fe were detected in the XRF analysis of the Shigisan engi emaki at almost all of the sites measured. Cu, Zn, Ag, Au, Hg and Pb were detected in the areas with pigment, depending on the colors used and the thickness of their application. Ca and Fe were discerned in areas that had almost no pigment usage. It was determined that these elements come from the paper ground itself. In one section of the Engi scroll, Fe-based yellow ochre pigment was used. Although Cu is a principal element in the green color of malachite and the blue color of azurite, Cu-based pigments containing small amounts of Zn were found in the blue areas of the Yamazaki scroll only. Au was particularly conspicuous on the bowl in the Yamazaki scroll, the Buddhist wheel (rimpô) in the Engi scroll, and the great Buddha (Daibutsu) in the Nun scroll, where the gleam of gold color is almost invisible to the naked eye today. Numerous instances of orange pigment appearing as an underlayer for gold-colored pigments could also be discerned, and thus it was determined that a Pb-based orange color pigment was used to heighten the gold color effect. Conversely, the sites where Ag was detected on the Engi scroll were further characterized by the concurrent discernment of small amounts of Hg, although it is not possible at present to identify the source of this Hg. Hg, which is a principal ingredient in red-colored pigment cinnabar, was detected at almost all of the sites where red color was confirmed on the Shigisan engi emaki. While there are many instances where only line drawing was used to depict the figures in the Shigisan engi emaki,there are numerous instances of sites where traces of Pb could be detected on faces, hands and other places.
This portable XRF device has been previously used in pigment analysis on the National Treasure Tale of Genji scrolls (Tokugawa Art Museum and Gotoh Museum), and the National Treasure Ban Dainagon scrolls (Idemitsu Museum of Arts). The use of the same device and the same parameters means that the analysis results for the different artworks can be compared directly.journal articl
Isolation and Characterization of Xerophilic Molds on Oil Paintings
Get PDFIn the present study, xerophilic molds colonizing on the surface of two oil paintings were isolated and identified by morphologic and molecular biologic techniques. Because it was observed that outbreak of molds on the oil paintings made a difference depending on different colors, chemical components of the pigments were determined. Then, an examination of antifungal activities of the pigments detected from the oil paintings was performed.
As a result, Aspergillus penicillioides and Aspergillus vitricola were isolated and identified as the major species on the oil paintings. The pigments made of zinc oxide, titanium oxide, lead and manganese suppressed the growth of these two representative species of the molds.
It was observed that there is a remarkable difference in mold outbreak in the different colors of the oil paintings, but further analysis is necessary to determine whether it is caused by a pigment.journal articl
Investigation Cards by Saito Tama
Get PDFSAITO Tama (1936-2017) is an independent folklore researcher who walked throughout Japan collecting folklores. Her collection covers a wide area including children’s play, words, uses of plants, and events. She has also written many books, but her unique research has not been evaluated much until now.
The Department of Intangible Cultural Heritage was donated with approximately 47,000 investigation cards of SAITO Tama in January 2017 and is in the midst of arranging them. By categorizing the cards according to keywords it is hoped that they may be searchable and utilized widely.
SAITO Tama’s collection related to folklore of children’s play is numerous beyond comparison. In particular those about string figures compiled in Ayatori Itotori (Fukuinkan Shoten, 1982) and translated into English (“String Figures of Japan,” Bulletin of the International String Figure Association ,11. 2004) is worth noting. Other than these, she has also collected information which is too close to people’s daily life, such as what do they use when they defecate or urinate, that they
could not be considered subjects for academic study, although quite interesting from the point of view of folklore study.
SAITO Tama also spent much effort collecting vocabulary, and it appears that using investigation cards was quite useful in arranging words that differed from one area to another. Using the enormous number of cards, she developed her own theory of etymology, avoiding simply accepting what a dictionary says.
These investigations reflect in close detail the life style of the time when people’s relation with nature was very close. The investigation cards are extremely valuable as record of lost customs, and transmit to the present the wisdom of our predecessors who utilized things that exist in nature. It is hoped that the arranging of these investigation cards will shed light on SAITO Tama and evaluate her work.departmental bulletin pape
Positioning the Konrenji Version of the Yugyô Shonin Engi-e (Illustrated Biography Handscrolls of Ippen and his Disciple Shinkyô) on the Basis of the Text Calligraphers and their Writing Styles
Get PDFThe Ippen hijiri-e illustrated handscrolls depicting the biography of priest Ippen (1239-1289) are the first that come to mind when one considers the handscroll paintings of the medieval Jishû sect. This set consists of twelve scrolls and has often been the subject of study thanks to its position as a renowned medieval period illustrated handscroll set. Conversely, the Yugyô shonin engi-e, or illustrated biography handscrolls of Ippen and disciple Shinkyô, is a much less familiar work, and has only very rarely been the subject of study. The set of scrolls was produced eight years after the Ippen hijiri-e and consists of ten scrolls. The first four scrolls present Ippen’s biography, while the fifth scroll onwards present the biography of Shinkyô (1237-1319), who was Ippen’s follower and the second patriarch of the Jishû sect. However, the original version of the scrolls is lost, and the examples extant today are all transcriptions of the original. The Konrenji version, the subject of this article, is one such transcription.
Each of the scrolls in the Konrenji version is divided into a two-scroll set. The hand seen in the texts on each twoscroll sets for scrolls 1 through 9 is all the same. Conversely, the hand differs in the first and second scrolls of scroll 10. The end of the second scroll of scroll 10 bears a colophon that the author attributes to Sanjô Kintada. However, the paintings and texts of scroll 10 were at some point in the past separated from the colophon and made into separate handscrolls. After the paintings and texts of scroll 10 were lost in some unknown circumstances, this missing scroll 10 was supplemented by an extant, other scroll, and the colophon, which had been made originally to go with a different scroll, was pasted onto the end of that scroll, making the present-day scroll 10.
Here the author has examined the calligraphy handwriting in the texts of each of the scrolls, and concluded that the calligraphers of each scroll are as follows.
Scroll 1: Rokujô Arimitsu (1310-after 1358)
Scroll 2: Prince Son’en (1298-1356)
Scroll 3: Same hands as the Aki-gire fragments of superb
medieval calligraphy
Scroll 4: Sanjô Kintada (1324-1384)
Scrolls 5, 6, 7: Unknown hand, but all the same hand
Scroll 8: Sanjô Kintada
Scroll 9: Sanjô Kintada
Scroll 10: Transferred from a different work
Of note here is the previously mentioned construct of the Yugyô scrolls. Scrolls 1 through 4 present an illustrated biography of Ippen, while scrolls 5 onwards present the illustrated biography of Shinkyô. With that information in mind, if we consider which scrolls Sanjô Kintada was responsible for, we can see that the text on the last scroll related to Ippen, scroll 4, was brushed by Kintada.
Conversely, scroll 5 and onwards are about Shinkyô. While the present-day scroll 10 was transferred from another work, the colophon attached to the end of that scroll was written by Kintada. Thus we can posit that Kintada was responsible for the first and second scrolls of the original scroll 10, and also wrote the colophon. If we accept that hypothesis, the person who wrote the texts on the first half of the Shinkyô-related scrolls, namely scrolls 5, 6 and 7, is unknown, but judging from the brush work, the same hand. Then Kintada was responsible for the texts on the remaining three scrolls, scrolls 8, 9, and 10.
All of these factors suggest that Sanjô Kintada was a central figure in the transcription of the texts on the Konrenji version.
Unfortunately we cannot at this point identify the calligrapher of the texts on scrolls 5, 6 and 7. And yet, given that the calligrapher of those three scrolls shared the responsibility for the texts of the Shinkyô biography with Sanjô Kintada, a high ranking figure of the day, we can presume that the person responsible for scrolls 5, 6 and 7 must have been another talented calligrapher of aristocratic or imperial household rank and position similar to that of Kintada.
In terms of a method for determining the production date of the Konrenji version, we can first step away from examining the painting style in each of the scenes as a method, and rather turn to the characteristics of the calligraphers who were specifically responsible for the texts on each scroll. We can narrow in on a production date by considering the activity periods of the calligraphers involved.
Of the calligraphers identified in this process, Son’en died in 1356, and thus naturally we can say that the Konrenji version was produced prior to his death. The author has previously posited that the Bukkôji version of the Shinran den-e scroll was produced around the middle of the 1350s and that Sanjô Kintada wrote its texts. The identification of Kintada as the hand behind the texts on scrolls 4, 8 and 9 of the Konrenji version is based on the fact that the calligraphy handwriting on these scrolls is extremely close to that seen on the Bukkôji version scrolls. Thus the author considers that it is likely that the Konrenji version scrolls were produced not far off the completion of the Bukkôji Shinran den-e scrolls. This presumption is thus consistent with the belief that the Konrenji version was produced before 1356.
Given these factors, the transfer of the first and second scrolls of the Konrenji version scroll 10 from a different work is noteworthy. The calligraphy handwriting seen on the first and second scrolls of scroll 10 can also be found in the Konrenji alternate version, the Konkôji version, the Kontaiji version, Joshôji version and the Yûgyôji versions of the scrolls. These are all the extant main versions of the Yugyô shonin engi-e, which has been dated to the 14th century. In other words, how are we to consider the precedence relationship between these works and the Konrenji version?
In this instance, when we consider the painting form and style of these scrolls, we first notice that there is an extremely close connection between the depiction of the figures who appear in the Konrenji alternate version scroll and the Bukkôji Shinran den-e scrolls. This similarity appears not only in the face outlines, but also in the pale red shading used on the cheeks beneath the eyes, which are extremely close in handling. Thus we can suggest that not much time had elapsed between their production.
On the other hand, the facial depiction of the figures that appear in the Joshôji version seem to be a continuation and development of the expression found in the Bukkôji version of the Shinran den-e. Further, the depiction that occurs in each of the Joshôji version scenes is based on both the same texts in the Konrenji version and those of the other extant versions, while the compositions and arrangement of figures differ. The Toyama Memorial Museum version dated to 1381 is extremely close in terms of iconography, in addition to composition and figural placement, to that found in the Joshôji version. It would be extremely difficult to consider that they were produced without some connection.
Considering these facts as a whole, the Bukkôji version of the Shinran den-e and the Konrenji version were produced not too far apart sometime after the middle of the 14th century, and then a succession of extant versions of the Yugyô shonin engi-e were created after that. Among these works, the Kontaiji version and the Konkôji version carefully continue the iconography, close to the original. Previously there has been the tendency to date these two sets as older than the Konrenji version, based on the older style of their iconography, but in the course of examining the calligraphy handwriting seen in these texts, the author concluded that the Kontaiji version and the Konkôji version were produced after the Konrenji version. The identification of the calligraphy hands seen in these texts, in combination with an examination of the painting styles of the scrolls, is essential for an objective judgement about their production period.
This article concludes with both a clarification of the text calligraphers and a narrowing down of the production period. The figures involved in the text calligrapher were all renowned calligraphers of their day and high ranking aristocrats. If we focus on the fact of the collaboration of these important figures, then it is natural that the Konrenji version scrolls were entrusted to a painting studio that worked specifically for the aristocracy. Thus we must probably presume that the Konrenji version represents the standard for painting quality of the period. If we further consider the existence of the above noted various extant main versions of the Yugyô shonin engi-e posited to have been created not too long after the Konrenji version, then clearly this group represents a considerable proportion of the illustrated handscrolls of the 14th century. Not only must we consider them in the framework of the Yugyô shonin engi-e, it is also essential to position them in a broader sense within the development of illustrated handscrolls during this period. In such a study we must consider how handscroll development continued into the 15th century. There has previously been a tendency to consider that the production of these major extant versions of the Yugyô shonin engi-e, including the Konrenji version, extended over the considerable time period of the 14th through the 17th century. However, there must be a reconsideration and reevaluation of the 14th century characteristics and trends in the painting elements themselves that form the basis for such judgment. Thus, in addition to the Konrenji version, the group of Yugyô shonin engi-e works must not be neglected in any consideration of 14th century handscroll paintings.journal articl
Materials for Art Research: Letters from Yamamoto Hôsui to Kuroda Seiki and to Sugi Takejirô: Reproductions, Transcriptions and Interpretations
Get PDFThis article reproduces, transcribes and introduces the content of letters from Yamamoto Hôsui addressed to Kuroda Seiki and Sugi Takejirô, today preserved at the Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties.
The correspondence consists of 13 items addressed to Kuroda and one to Sugi, consisting of 11 sealed letters and three postcards in all. Of those, seven letters are dated 1895, referring to Hôsui’s activities immediately after he returned to Japan from serving as a painter in the military during the Sino-Japanese War. These will provide content that aids future research on Hôsui. The year 1895 saw the production of his major work Urashima, and others. This was the period that saw him develop full artistic production, and thus is an important year in a consideration of his oeuvre. There had also been few materials dating to this year regarding Kuroda, and thus these letters are important for their suggestion of his activities at the time. That year saw Kuroda mixed up in the nude painting debate. In addition, there was the opposition between the new and old schools in the 7th Meiji Bijutsukai exhibition, thus making it a transitional period in the history of Japanese modern Western-style painting. These letters exchanged between the two men during that year provide important information. The letters also touch on Morning Toilette, the painting that lit the flames of the nude painting controversy, and mention many of the other issues of the Western-style painting circles of the period. These materials are useful not only for their insight into Kuroda and Hôsui, but are also noteworthy for conveying one aspect of the period.
The information written in the letters adds new events to Hôsui’s timeline, such as the time when he returned from military duty and the process involved, his interactions with those involved in the Sino-Japanese War after his return, and background information on his painting Records of War: Meiji 27-28. The painter also touches on the poverty at the time, and so reveals the production environment surrounding the painter at the time.
As well, these letters provided Kuroda, then living in Kyoto, with an update on Hôsui’s activities in Tokyo. He asked about Kuroda’s progress in his painting, and even included a message for Kuroda’s new wife at the end of the letter. These factors show that Hôsui was concerned about Kuroda on both a public and private front. Hôsui had guided Kuroda on the path to becoming a painter during his study period in Paris. While their relationship is widely known, there have been few known examples of their correspondence. These letters provide a detailed view of the exchange between Hôsui and Kuroda, and their correspondence indicates the closeness of the relationship.
As indicated above, these letters provide an actual image of Hôsui and his interactions with Kuroda, and thus are extremely meaningful materials for art historical research.journal articl
Conference on the Preservation of Historic Settlements in Kathmandu Vallery on 30th November 2016: Proceedings 60th Anniversary of Diplomatic Relations Japan & Nepal
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研究資料 黒田貞子書簡 影印・翻刻
Get PDFThe Kuroda Seiki-related materials housed at the Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties include important letters recording his interactions with his family, such as letters from his adoptive father Kuroda Kiyotsuna (1830-1917), his adoptive mother Sadako (1842-1904) and his birth father Kuroda Kiyokane (1837-1915).
During his first study period in France, from 1884 through 1893, Seiki wrote regularly to his adoptive parents in Japan, as they had requested. The majority of his mother’s replies received by Seiki while in France were included in envelopes that his adoptive father sent to him. Seiki’s letters to Sadako were written in kana so that she could easily read them. Sadako would convey the content of Seiki’s letters to Kiyotsuna, and then in response to their contents, Sadako would write long letters in kana to Seiki, conveying Kiyotsuna’s thoughts and news about the family. The letters exchanged between adoptive mother Sadako and Seiki thus served as conduit between father and son, who directly exchanged only a few letters.
This article introduces more than 70 letters from Sadako to Seiki that wished him well on his path to learning more about painting and becoming a painter, speak of the warm encouragement he received from Kiyotsuna and Sadako, and provide information about his family.journal articl
Primary Study of a Thousand-Armed, Thousand-Eyed Avalokitesvara Mural Excavated at a Buddhist Temple Site in Domoko, Khotan – Including a Comparison with Dunhuang
Get PDFThe Quanyin (Avalokitesvara) belief system and Quanyin-related art developed earlier in Khotan than in other Central Asian regions. Khotan had its own Quanyin belief system and related art until around the 7th century. From the 8th century onwards, Khotanese Quanyin worship and related art were greatly changed thanks to the tabilization of the Tang Empire and its stronger presence in Central Asia. While maintaining the Khotanese view of Quanyin as a protective deity, Tang interpretations of the deity were added to those of Khotan.
In terms of art, Chinese styles dominated in Quanyin images, as demonstrated by the portable gilt bronze Quanyin images that were prevalent in Khotan, and the Thousand-Armed, Thousand-Eyed Avalokitesvara mural excavated at Buddhist Temple No. 1 at Khaladong. The portable Tang-style gilt bronze Guanyin images can be thought to reproduce the Arya-Avalokitesvara imagery prevalent in the High Tang. With the exception of its drawing methods, the Khaladong mural is surely based on the Tang iconography then prevalent in the Central Plains, namely the Tang capital Chang’an and surrounding area. A further comparative analysis of the iconography in the mural indicates that its source copybook likely came from Dunhuang. Thus this Esoteric image of Quanyin can be regarded as evidence that Tang Esoteric sects had been introduced in Central Asia. Given that this thousand-armed, thousand-eyed Avalokitesvara image derived from a Central Plains Tang iconography system, it appears that construction on Buddhist temple No. 1 at Khaladong was not begun any earlier than the 8th century.
This paper stands as a case study that enriches our knowledge of the interactions in Buddhism and Buddhist art between Khotan and the Central Plains, and between Khotan and Dunhuang. In terms of interactions between Khotan and the Tang capital region, previous scholars have focused more attention on how Khotanese Mahayana Buddhism and Mahayana sutras were introduced to the Tang dynasty Central Plains, and how Khotanese painting schools influenced that area. However, this paper demonstrates that the art of the central region had already had a great effect on Khotanese Buddhist art as early as ca. the 7th century. In terms of the exchange and interactions between Khotan and Dunhuang, previous studies have focused more on the late Tang, Five Dynasties and early Song dynasty. This paper shows, however, that by ca. the 7th century, there was a specific internal relationship between Buddhist art in Khotan and Dunhuang, and that art at Dunhuang greatly influenced Khotanese Buddhist art during the High Tang.journal articl
