Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties - Publications
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The Second Mayor’s Forum on Conservation of Historic Settlements in Kathmandu and Kavre Valley on 26 Dec. 2017 at Lalitpur Municipality, Proceedings
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Present Condition of the Manufacturing Technique for Tokoro-aoi from the Point of View of Cultural Property: Through the Case of Omitama-shi, Ibaraki Prefecture
Get PDFTororo-aoi（黄蜀葵：Abelmoschus manihot）is a plant similar to okura that produces a yellow flower. Viscous liquid extracted from its root is called “neri” and has been used in the production of handmade Japanese paper. In April 2019, it was reported that the manufacture of tororo-aoi will be terminated. This report brought about fear among persons concerned that it will no longer be possible to obtain tororo-aoi. In the present study, then, the present condition of the manufacture of tororo-aoi and its system in Omitama-shi, Ibaraki Prefecture were explored and the reasons for the decrease in its manufacture was debated. In addition, by searching into the question of how much handmade paper has been protected as a cultural property of Japan ever since the enactment of the Law for the Protection of Cultural Properties, the necessity for the protection of the technique of manufacture of its raw materials is considered.
As a result, the following has been made clear. First, tororo-aoi is clearly noted as one of the designated conditions for the manufacture of handmade Japanese paper, which is an important intangible cultural property. Second, Mr. Uekubo Ryoji, a manufacturer of misu paper who is selected as a holder of the technique for the manufacture of handmade Japanese paper for mounting, and Mr. Ebuchi Eikan, a manufacturer of paper for restoration, both manufacture handmade paper using tororo-aoi. Stable procurement of raw materials is necessary for the continuance of the technique.
In the system of distribution of tororo-aoi in the 1950s there was a group of people called “neriya” who dealt with the buying of seeds and acted as “go-betweens” who were entrusted by the neriya. These go-betweens encouraged and guided the manufacture of tororo-aoi and were engaged even in the transport and testing of the materials. The existence of neriya was effective in the maintenance of the quality of tororo-aoi. But such a system no longer exists, and today a farmer sends the product to Japan Agricultural Cooperatives (JA) which in turn sends it to groups or individuals engaged in the manufacture of handmade paper.
Tororo-aoi rots easily so that by the time it reaches the paper manufacturer, there is bound to be loss due to damage. For stable procurement, some measures should be taken in the system of transport so that damage will not occur. Furthermore, there are some processes in the cultivation of tororo-aoi that cannot depend on machinery and must be done by hand. Even though it costs manpower, the manufacture of tororo-aoi alone does not bring so much income as to make it a livelihood. It has also become clear that since tororo-aoi cannot be cultivated on the same land successively, a farm needs to have a large piece of land to produce tororo-aoi consecutively. In the present circumstances, other products require less work and can bring in as much profit. In other words, the continuance of the manufacture of tororo-aoi currently depends much on the intention of the persons manufacturing.
It is thought that a new system of support is necessary for the stable manufacture of tororo-aoi. Persons concerned currently sincerely wish the local governing bodies and people associated with JA to have a correct understanding of the importance of tororo-aoi and the significance of the fact that it is being manufactured in Omitami-shi today. Active discussion toward protection is necessary in the future.departmental bulletin pape
Research Note: An Investigation of Hira-makie Technique and Materials as Seen Primarily in Namban Lacquer - The Analysis of Gold Forms via Scanning Electron Microscope
Get PDFThe term Namban lacquer refers to a type of Japanese export lacquer characterized by a set style. Namban lacquer was commissioned by Europeans during the Momoyama period, from the latter half of the 16th century through the first half of the 17th century, and was carried to Europe by sea trade routes. While numerous studies have addressed the issues related to Namban lacquer style and decorative motifs, conversely, numerous gaps remain in our understanding of the hira-makie (flat makie) techniques used to create Namban lacquer. In other words, there has only been fragmentary study of the lacquer techniques used and what shape gold materials was used. As a result, we are not fully cognizant of the actual hira-makie techniques used on Namban lacquer. While at first glance hira-makie appears to use the same type of gold colored adornment, the question remains, was the gold used in powder form, or gold leaf form, and this difference in terms of material quality and format may be an important tool in differentiating production workshops. Thus knowing the details about what types of gold were used in the hira-makie provides important information regarding the maker's intentions, gold powder production techniques and the monetary and social value of the works produced. There has been no research, however, which gives an accurate grasp of the materials and form of gold powder used in these hira-makie works, and thus the gaps in our overall understanding of hira-makie techniques. Given this research background, here I have focused on the material quality and form of the gold used on this previously little discussed hira-makie. Unlike the previous use of the stereomicroscope, in this study I used a scanning electron microscope (SEM) that provides an understanding of gold materials, and I observed a few other laquer work types for comparison with the study's main focus on Namban lacquer examples.
Given the scarcity of Namban lacquer fragments, it was difficult to obtain works to examine under the SEM. However, I was fortunate enough to be able to examine five Namban lacquer works using this method. As a result, I was able to show the strong possibility that finely powdered gold leaf was used in four out of the five examined Namban lacquer works. This examination clarified that gold leaf worked in a metallic foil application method was used on one other Namban lacquer work. Given that at present only a few works have been examined by SEM, we cannot clearly state that gold powder was used on Namban lacquer, but at the very least, we can confirm the presence of decoration that used powdered material made from gold leaf in the hira-makie examined in this study. We must be aware that powder derived from gold leaf was used to decorate Momoyama period Namban lacquers, and I would like to emphasize the importance of further detailed examination of the types of gold materials were used. My study process has shown the effectiveness of SEM observation for the further deepening of the discussion of hira-makie decorative methods. In the future, I would like to examine more Namban lacquer works, while also broadening the scope of the investigation to include the SEM observation of other forms of hira-makie use, such as that seen in Kôdaiji makie works, and thus confirm the relationship between these different lacquer types.journal articl
Research Note: Two Paintings of Fudô Myôô: The Zenrinji and the Kôkiji Versions
Get PDFFudô Myôô was a Hindu deity adopted by Buddhism, whose fearsome aspect was aimed at assisting Dainichi Nyorai teach Buddhism to the masses . Widely worshipped in Japan from the Heian period onwards, this worship led to diverse painted and sculpted images of the deity. This article is a detailed examination of the iconography and style of two paintings of Fudô, namely Fudô Myôô and Two Child Attendants handed down at Zenrinji, Kyoto, and the Fudô Myôô with Four Child Attendants handed down at Kôkiji, Osaka. Both are Japanese medieval period images of Fudô Myôô. The central iconography of Fudô Myôô flanked by two dôji (child attendants) is the same in the two paintings. The Kôkiji version with a total of four child attendants is a rare iconography which is thought to be a new iconography conceived in the medieval period. When we consider the process by which this novel iconography was created, we can see that the resemblance between the Zenrinji version and the Kôkiji version is extremely important. This article suggests the possibility that a work like the Zenrinji version was used as a model in the creation of the Kôkiji version.
The Zenrinji version is painted in color on silk, measuring 110.6 cm tall and 40.5 cm wide. Fudô Myôô is shown in the center of the composition, flanked to left and right by two child attendants, with all three figures standing on rocks above the ocean. Fudô Myôô's left eye is half-shut, he holds a rope in his left hand and a sword in his right hand. This iconography is essentially faithful to the 19 aspects (jûkyû sôkan) considered appropriate for a Fudô Myôô image in the Heian period. Judging from other examples and the characteristics of each figure described in the sutras, the figure on the left of each version is Kongara Dôji, while that on the right is Seitaka Dôji. An examination of their stylistic features indicates that the designs painted on the garments of each deity are consistent with examples from approximately the end of the Kamakura period through the Nambokuchô period, and we can consider the Zenrinji version to date from around that time.
The Kôkiji version is painted in color on silk, with a height of 121.0 cm and width of 57.4 cm. The darkening of the painting surface over time has meant that it is hard to discern with the naked eye, making reference to infrared photographs essential. Fudô Myôô stands in the middle of the composition, with two figures each to right and left, for a total of four child attendants. The central figure and two child attendants who stand in the right and left foreground are essentially the same iconography as the Zenrinji version. The painting style suggests that the Kôkiji painting was created around the end of the Nambokuchô to Muromachi period. However, the Zenrinji and Kôkiji versions differ in size and there are some differences in the depiction of their details, and thus it is hard to consider that there was a direct model-copy relationship. We can surmise that the Kôkiji version was based on iconography and examples similar to those seen in the Zenrinji version, with the addition of two child attendants.
There are no examples of Fudô Myôô with four child attendants in the sutra texts, but references to four child attendants, Kongara, Seitaka, Renge and Kissho, can be found in iconography compilations by Kamakura period priests. If the two figures in the front right and left of the Kôkiji version are Kongara and Seitaka, then the figure to the left back holding a lotus flower would be Renge Dôji and the figure to the right left would be Kissho.
A comparison of the Zenrinji and Kôkiji versions indicates that the unusual composition of Fudô and four child attendants in the Kôkiji version would have been created on the basis of existing iconography. Given the rarity of their shared Fudô Myôô iconography, these two scrolls can be seen as art historically greatly important.journal articl
Materials for Art Research: Religion and Society in Southern Song Ningbo, as Seen in the Illustrated Manuscript of the Lotus Sutra (Miaofa lianhua jing)
Get PDFThe Illustrated Manuscript of the Lotus Sutra (妙法蓮華経変相図, Seikado Bunko Library) is a transcription of the 28 sections of the Lotus Sutra accompanied by illustrations, handed down in the form of a one-volume folding book. The dedication which appears at the end of the book indicates that Xue Daoyin (薜道因, 1090-1167), a Tiantai sect priest at Yanqing Temple (延慶寺) in Mingzhou (Ningbo), was the priest in charge of donations for the book's creation and that he gathered the powerful people of the region to act as the sponsors for each of the sutra sections. Further, the illustrated title bears a cyclical year date of 3rd day of the 3rd month of the ""gengshen"" (庚申) year. Daoyin's period of activity indicates that this refers to 1140 (紹興 10). Given that the production environment and date of this work are known, it can be used as an important tool in the clarification of the regional society in Southern Song dynasty Ningbo and the state of religious worship at the time. The book also provides information useful in the search for the source of Buddhist narrative pictures in Japan. This article is made up of three sections, with the first and second sections providing a detailed introduction to the materials and the third section suggesting topics for further study on this book.
Section 1 analyzes the textual information in the transcribed sutra text. It is unclear when this book was brought to Japan, but the note written in ink on the accompanying box indicates that it was owned by Kawai Hiroomi (河合道臣, 寸翁: Sunnô, 1787-1841), a chief retainer of the Himeji Domain. The main text not only includes the Lotus Sutra itself and apocryphal sutras, it also transcribes general audience-aimed sutra texts describing the efficacy of dharani (Buddhist magical spells), mantras and mystic spells towards the acquiring virtues in the real world. The beginning of the transcription includes the mantra used to invite the White Robed Guanyin from the Mount Potalaka paradise, thus standing as evidence of the link between the group which transcribed the sutra and Mount Putuo, located in the sea to the east of Ningbo. Judging from the fanjia (梵夾, wooden binding boards), epigraphy and dedicatory prayer, Daoyin of Yanqing Temple was the driving force behind its creation. Many of the donors were local scholar-bureaucrat class individuals who held official positions, and the many female names in the dedications include some of their wives and daughters.
Section 2 analyzes the iconography and painting style of the illustrations. The chosen illustrations include examples of the Enlightenment of the Dragon King's Daughter and Manjusri Crossing the Sea scenes, both rare in China. We can indicate that this selection reflects a production environment that included numerous female donors and the regional influence of this site located near Mount Wutai, sacred to the worship of Manjusri. There are no clues to the identity of the painters involved in the process, but given the relatively swift brushwork and intricacy of details, and the fact that there are almost no traces of corrections, clearly the painter was someone who fully understood the sutra contents and was practiced in the production of Buddhist paintings or sutra pictures.
Section 3 notes two issues for future study on this work. First, this work is an actual example of a group Buddhist project carried out by people related to overlapping networks, namely the priests and laypeople centered on Yanqing Temple, and the Tiantai teachings and Nembutsu worship. An analysis based on the recently advanced theory of the priest-lay network centered on Yanqing Temple would provide an indispensable vantage point for a deepening of research on the work. Second, the selection of depicted scenes and iconographic characteristics share aspects with medieval Japanese Buddhist narrative pictures. Thus, the influence of Song dynasty Buddhist paintings on Japan was not simply a question of forms or styles, but also should be considered in terms of the social groups that created such works and their belief systems. Thus, this work with its rich array of information about its production background will help address these issues from a variety of vantage points. The Japanese receipt of worship forms that linked the Lotus Sutra with mantras and magical spells can also be considered, and at the same time, help deepen our understanding of the religious and artistic links between Ningbo and Japan at the time.journal articl
Research Note: The Organization and Utilization of Archives Related to Postwar Japanese Art– UCLA Library's Yoshida Yoshie Collection as Example
Get PDFThe author took the opportunity to observe the archive-related institutions at University of California (UCLA) while attending the “Engaged Critic, Radical Art: Yoshida Yoshie in Art and Performance” symposium, held at UCLA on February 20, 2018 to commemorate the gift of the materials donated by the art critic Yoshida Yoshie (1929-2016).
As more and more of those who played important roles in Japan's postwar art have died, frequently their archives have been received by public institutions. On the other hand, those involved in the arts and their descendants have often turned not to Japanese institutions, but rather to overseas institutions with more experience in handling archives and offering more opportunities for their utilization, when they decide on donations and transfers of archives. One of the biggest reasons for such decisions is the fact that Japan has yet to create a fully functional system whereby archives related to modern and contemporary art can be received and utilized as research materials. For this reason, the author set out to personally experience the practices of overseas institutions that are leaders in the field and then reflect on those findings in this project.
This article is a report on the UCLA Library's Yoshida Yoshie Papers. The efforts of those involved meant that the materials were not scattered prior to their receipt by the UCLA Library and other appropriate institutions. I further confirmed the entire scale of the Yoshida Yoshie Papers, based on the currently publicly available information and my own observations. This article presents the methods used at the UCLA Library, specifically how they described their archival materials in the finding aid which utilizes ISAD(G) and how information is presented on their website.journal articl