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Kelsey Fleming
No full textMy association with the Arlin M. Adams Center provided a number of opportunities to apply what I have learned in the classroom to real-world situations. During the summer prior to my senior year, I received support from the Adams Center that allowed me to participate in the Pennsylvania Commission on Sentencing’s County Parole Guideline Research Initiative. My role in the project required that I work daily at the Adult Probation Department in Northumberland County, Pa., to compile data on a total of 82 mid-level offenders. To do so required reading through files of convicted offenders to gather demographic and other types of information pertinent to understanding the fate of Pennsylvania’s lawbreakers. In particular, we were interested in collecting information about the causes and consequences of probation or parole revocation. Ultimately, the data we collected will be used by the state to rethink its sentencing policies. Over the course of the summer, I learned a great deal about the practical consequences of Pennsylvania’s sentencing policies and about procedures associated with crime and punishment in the U.S. more generally. Perhaps most importantly, I observed the ways in which socioeconomic status seems to play a role in how individuals experience state punishment. For example, it was impossible not to note how many times offenders found themselves before the court based on their inability to pay fines and penalties associated with probation/parole stemming from previous offenses. It seems that a cycle of revocation and reincarceration can often be understood as a function of offenders’ economic disadvantage. I also found it very interesting to observe how probation officers themselves interacted with their probationers/parolees and how they understood their position and duties as enforcers of the law. Moreover, my experiences in the context to the sentencing commission project have led me to take a more critical approach to how I understand the penal system in particular and the organizations and institutions that most of us understand as “egalitarian” more generally.https://scholarlycommons.susqu.edu/adams_scholars/1006/thumbnail.jp
The Adams Center Presents: Charles Ogletree
No full textIs America Post-Racial in the Age of Obama? Charles Ogletree, the Harvard Law School Jesse Climenko Professor of Law and Founding and executive director of the Charles Hamilton Houston Institute for Race and Justice, is a prominent legal theorist who has earned an international reputation by taking a hard look at complex issues of law and by working to secure the rights guaranteed by the Constitution for everyone equally under the law. He has examined these issues in the classroom, on the Internet, in the pages of prestigious law journals, as a public defender and in public television forums. Ogletree is the Founding and Executive Director of Harvard Law School’s new Charles Hamilton Houston Institute for Race & Justice. He is the author of several books including, most recently, The Presumption of Guilt: The Arrest of Henry Louis Gates, Jr. and Race, Class and Crime in America. Ogletree has served as faculty director, associate dean and vice dean of the Harvard Law School Clinical Program. He holds honorary doctorates of law from North Carolina Central University, New England School of Law, Tougaloo College, Amherst College, Wilberforce University and the University of Miami School of Law. Awards include the first ever Rosa Parks Civil Rights Award from the city of Boston; Morehouse College’s Gandhi, King, Ikeda Community Builders Prize; and the Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Legacy Award for National Service. Ogletree earned a Master of the Arts and a Bachelor of the Arts (with distinction) in political science from Stanford University. He earned his law degree from Harvard Law School
To ‘Graze Freely in the Pastures of Philosophy’: The Pedagogical Methods and Political Motives of Socrates and the Sophists
Get PDFMetacide: In the Pursuit of Excellence
No full textIf philosophy addresses concrete ethical challenges, then what shifts in basic concepts must be made to the discipline in the darkness of our genocidal world? What anti-genocidal strains are in Western philosophy? Are we really rejects and/ or still of intrinsic worth when we fail our excellence tests? How are we represented and how do we participate in representations? Are representational forms historical in origin and development? Is genocide indissolubly linked to our degradation and destruction of animals? Can one slaughter and eat one\u27s partners in a social bond? If so, what does this tell us about the socio-political world we have formed? Is there a deep center-metacide-in our culture from which genocide receives its impulse? These are some of the pivotal questions addressed in the thirteen thought-provoking essays of this volume.https://scholarlycommons.susqu.edu/facultybooks/1050/thumbnail.jp
Populism in Twentieth Century Mexico: The Presidencies of Lázaro Cárdenas and Luis Echeverría
No full textMexican presidents Lázaro Cárdenas (1934–1940) and Luis Echeverría (1970–1976) used populist politics in an effort to obtain broad-based popular support for their presidential goals. In spite of differences in administrative plans, both aimed to close political divisions within society, extend government programs to those on the margins of national life, and prevent foreign ideologies and practices from disrupting domestic politics. As different as they were in political style, both relied on appealing to the public through mass media, clothing styles, and music. This volume brings together twelve original essays that explore the concept of populism in twentieth century Mexico. Contributors analyze the presidencies of two of the century’s most clearly populist figures, evaluating them against each other and in light of other Latin American and Mexican populist leaders. In order to examine both positive and negative effects of populist political styles, contributors also show how groups as diverse as wild yam pickers in 1970s Oaxaca and intellectuals in 1930s Mexico City had access to and affected government projects.https://scholarlycommons.susqu.edu/facultybooks/1070/thumbnail.jp
