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John Coxe\u27s Exchequer Reports
John Coxe was born circa 1695. He was the eldest son of Charles Coxe (c. 1661-1728), a bencher and treasurer of Lincoln\u27s Inn and member of Parliament. John Coxe matriculated at Magdalen College, Oxford, on 23 January 1712, and he was admitted as a student at Lincoln\u27s Inn on 27 January 1712; he was called to the bar in 1718, and made a bencher in 1743. On the death of his father in 1728, he inherited Nether Lypiatt, in Gloucestershire, an imposing manor house that his father had built in 1717. He was the Clerk of the Letters Patent from 1728 until his death. In 1749, he was elected Member of Parliament for Cirencester in a by-election, but was not re-elected. He married sometime before 1728 Theodora Eyre, the daughter of Thomas Eyre of Huntercombe, Burnham, Buckinghamshire, and they had a son. He died on 27 January 1783
Citizen or Professional: Exploring Heroic Moral Choice Motivations in Photojournalism
Photojournalists make serious and often heroic split-second decisions when covering scenes. One of the dilemmas they might encounter is the choice between humanitarianism, which favors the subject in need, versus professionalism, which focuses on telling the story. This exploratory study aims to understand the moral decision-making situations encountered by professional photojournalists and how they process decisions in these situations. We interviewed nine professional photojournalists and surveyed the moral intensity of the situations they encountered. The results identified three types of situations where photojournalists encounter citizen vs. professional moral dilemmas. We found that most participants situationally prioritized the subject’s needs and emotions in line with postconventional moral development, and preferred to act as concerned citizens rather than exclusively acting as committed professionals
Supplemental Jurisdiction and § 1367: The Good, The Bad, and the Ugly
Among the outstanding accomplishments of Judge Joseph F. Weis, Jr. was his work chairing the Federal Court Study Committee. Appointed by Chief Justice Rehnquist at the direction of Congress, the committee undertook a fifteen month study of the problems in the federal court system. The final report was issued in 1990 and made a series of recommendations addressing a broad range of topics including tax jurisdiction, narcotics prosecutions, habeas cases, sentencing reform, disability adjudications, and diversity jurisdiction, which the committee recommended eliminating entirely..
A Review of Virginia\u27s 2024 Economic Development Legislation and the Legacy of the Commonwealth\u27s Economic Policies
In 2024, CNBC designated Virginia as the nation’s “Top State for Business,” marking a record sixth win for the Commonwealth in receiving this annual designation. CNBC’s annual rankings measure states’ success in creating friendly, supportive environments for businesses and workers by analyzing ten key categories of competitiveness. Numerous sources substantiate the Commonwealth’s recent achievements across these categories, with notable accomplishments in education, wage growth, infrastructure, and commerce and trade. In light of Virginia’s most recent win, this article examines the initiatives that have successfully advanced economic development in Virginia over many years.
This article introduces key economic development initiatives through the lens of legislation introduced in the 2024 General Assembly session. The bills discussed in this article sought to supplement existing economic policies and programs. Thus, they provide insight into the efforts that have fostered economic growth in the Commonwealth for years before this legislative session. This article also addresses demographic shifts in Virginia that may prompt state leaders to realign economic policies with a population that appears to be more fluid than ever. Lastly, this article contemplates economic development legislation that the 2025 General Assembly may take up and that may impact economic development in the future
The General Assembly Must Act to Protect Victims of Sexual Abuse Following the Supreme Court of Virginia\u27s Recent and Significant Circumscription of Vicarious Liability
Few doctrines are as ingrained in the American civil justice system as that of vicarious liability: holding a principal liable for an agent’s tortious conduct. Public policy, further bolstered now by modern economic theory, provides the foundation for this doctrine. With respect to a principal’s liability for an agent’s intentional tort, the modern view has been to hold a principal just as liable for such an act as a negligent one. Virginia had largely been in step with this trend. However, beginning in 2018, the Supreme Court of Virginia reversed the Commonwealth’s course, particularly with respect to cases of sexual abuse. The net effect of the Court’s recent decisions is that it is now virtually impossible for sexual abuse victims to have their civil causes of action heard by a jury, shifting the cost for these egregious acts away from the principal and back onto the innocent victim. This is not right. This article seeks to highlight the evolution of this area of law in Virginia and proposes immediate action by the General Assembly
Selecting Lower Court Judges in the Senate Lame Duck Session
When Congress reconvened in November, Donald Trump had won a second term in the White House and Republicans had secured a majority in the upper chamber. The federal judiciary thus became a salient point of contention in the Senate lame duck session. During Trump’s initial four years as chief executive, he and the Republican chamber majority rejected or substantially deemphasized longstanding requirements and customs of judicial selection to fill all the levels of the federal courts with young, highly conservative jurists, including thirteen whom they seated after Trump had lost the 2020 election to President Joe Biden. These phenomena threatened ideological balance and many diversity parameters on the federal courts while undercutting public confidence in the selection process, impartial administration of justice by the courts, and the rule of law. Moreover, Trump seems poised to additionally depart from venerable selection norms in his second term, as certain observers are encouraging the new administration to nominate and confirm jurists who will be loyal to Trump and promote his political agenda. Therefore, during this year’s lame duck session, the razor-thin Democratic Senate majority has redoubled efforts to safeguard the integrity of the judiciary by confirming highly qualified, mainstream judicial nominees who increase experiential, ideological, racial, gender, and sexual orientation diversity. This article suggests how President Biden and senators can seat accomplished, centrist nominees during the remainder of the lame duck session