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China in Africa: A Critical Examination of Its Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding Activities
Get PDFThe objective of this analysis is to examine and critically assess the peacekeeping and peacebuilding efforts of China in Africa generally. In other words, what level of support does China provide to African peacekeeping efforts? What is China\u27s rationale for engaging in peacekeeping and peacebuilding in SSA? What is the nature of its activities in those areas? What does it emphasize in its peacebuilding and peacekeeping activities
Of Corruption and Anti-Corruption Strategies in Nigeria: The More You Look the Less You See
Get PDFThis statement from the president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria reflects the outcome of the regime\u27s efforts at fighting corruption in its first four years (1999-2003) in office: Some members of the Nigerian public have expressed their opinion to the effect (that) our anti-corruption crusade in the last four years has been deficient in credibility because it appeared to lack the support of the Federal Executive Council who only rarely expressed their support in public. The situation has to change with the new cabinet. Each and every one of you must do more than give a nodding support for the anti-corruption crusade, to which the government is unequivocally committed. You must all be apostles of the anti-corruption crusade by your deeds and utterances at all times. You must set up anti-corruption units in your ministries and departments. Our determination to fight corruption is infinite, and we will leave no stone unturned
The Persistence of High Fertility in Sub-Saharan Africa
Get PDFThis paper examines the factors that have contributed to the persistence of high fertility in sub-Saharan Africa. It begins with an overview of the current fertility situation. It then traces historical colonial trends that are still influencing population growth in present-day Africa and examines traditional cultural supports for high fertility, such as the practice of polygyny and the strong aversion to childlessness. Some countries in sub-Saharan Africa already have begun a transition to lower fertility, whereas in others, women still bear an average of seven or eight children.
Even if there were greater demand for family planning services, the disruptions brought about by wars and conflicts on the African continent make it difficult to obtain and use contraceptives, as people are displaced and supplies are cut off. The recent emphasis on a reproductive health agenda that provides comprehensive health care for women, rather than simply focusing on fertility reduction, may inadvertently lead to larger families, at least in the short term. Finally, the HIV/AIDS epidemic is gathering momentum in many countries in sub-Saharan Africa; it has already had seismic effects on life expectancy and is expected to slow but not reverse population growth in many countries of the region. The effect of AIDS on fertility can be both positive and negative and requires further data and analysis. The last section of the paper addresses the future of fertility in sub-Saharan Africa and offers some tentative predictions
Waste of Colossal Oil Revenues, Corruption and Lack of Development in Nigeria: Five Decades of Self-Governance and Four Decades of Oil-Driven Economy
Get PDFThe study examines the circumstances that have continually plagued the Nigerian state to remain in its doldrums of underdevelopment after five decades of self-governance and four decades of oil driven economy. The nation has not been able to catapult itself from a Third World to that of developed nation such as South Korea, Singapore and Malaysia - all of which are less naturally endowed than Nigeria. The nation\u27s economy has been supported by oil over the last 40 years. However, successive administrations both the generals and civilian rule have continued to follow similar patterns of squandering vast resources of the golden era of the nation\u27s prosperity in terms of oil windfall that could have contributed to a significant socioeconomic transformation of the nation. In the meantime, most of the infrastructures—roads, bridges, railways airports, seaports, education—are in a state of perpetual disrepair. At this stage of Nigeria\u27s self-governance, the electrical power fails in an unnerving frequency, so much so that most of the manufacturing companies have been relocated to other West African countries. In the face of this, there is a wholesale looting of the nation\u27s treasury, and this state of affairs have been emboldened by the poorly functioning bureaucracies and weak public administration that does not hold public officials accountable for their malfeasance. As a consequence, today, Nigeria with its enormous resources and oil wealth remains significantly less industrialized than other West African countries of Ghana or Sierra Leone with no adequate resources like Nigeria. The Nigerian state was underdeveloped in 1960 when it was decolonized from Britain, and it remains essentially the same 50 years later
An Empirical Analysis of the Microfoundation of Demand for Money Theory in Nigeria
Get PDFThe study examines the microfoundations of money demand function specifically the Sidrauski model of money in the utility function was adopted for Nigeria. Data for the study were extracted from the Central Bank of Nigeria Statistical and Economic Review Bulletin (various issues) and used Error Correction Specification which tied the short run to the long run relationships. The result of the study confirms the Sidrauski conclusion that consumption expenditure has positive impact on money demand. The study then concludes by recommending that for a developing country like Nigeria monetary policy requires careful examination of the microfoundations behavior underpinning monetary economics at the individual and market level
Anchor States in U.S. Africa Policy and the Big States Controversy
Get PDFA question in African international relations is whether or not big states are capable of exercising hegemony in African sub-regions. U.S. policy towards Africa has included a focus on anchor states that appear to possess both the size and the capability of playing a lead role in stabilizing and leading their respective sub-regions. One of the criticisms of the policy focus is based upon the argument that big states are weaker and less stable than small states and that big states are bound to be destabilized by the burden of sub-regional hegemony and leadership in peace and stability operations. The argument is deficient in terms of a weak theoretical basis, no definition of a big state, and faulty case selection. It is not made clear how regional leadership might cause big states to be weakened and is not proven empirically. In fact, three of the four anchor states (South Africa, Nigeria, and Ethiopia) have proven to be more capablt; than other African states or regional organizations in projecting power and maintaining regional peace and security without much adverse effect. Three of the four anchor states, (South Africa, Ethiopia, and Kenya), are stable. The fourth, Nigeria, may be inherently unstable but has done more to maintain stability beyond its borders than any other African state. South Africa, Ethiopia and Kenya have not suffered the same stress levels as Nigeria. However, they have not done as much as Nigeria in the way of deploying large numbers of peacekeepers and peace enforcers. Furthermore, involvement in regional peace and security has not seriously weakened Nigeria and has in fact has helped to upgrade its military. Therefore, the U.S. anchor state policy is valid