Mitchell Hamline School of Law
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Sex Offenders and Internet Speech: First Amendment Protections for America\u27s Most Reviled Outcasts
Get PDFThe Missouri Birth Certificate Statute: How it Strips Transgender Service Members of Fundamental Rights and Hinders Their Ability to Serve Openly in the U.S. Military
Get PDFMinnesota Statutes Section 243.166 Subdivision 1(b) Has Got to Go: Why Requiring Predatory Offender Registration Based on a Charge as Opposed to a Conviction Violates Procedural Due Process
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Engaging in Equity-Centered Policymaking: State-Level Racial Equity Impact Assessment Trends, Lessons Learned, and Future Directions
Get PDFRestorative Justice and the Rights of Nature: Using Indigenous Legal Traditions to Influence Cultural Change and Promote Environmental Protection
Get PDFKenneh v. Homeward Bound, Inc: Potential Impacts of the Minnesota Supreme Court’s Not-So-Severe “Severe or Pervasive” Standard to Race Harassment Claims Under the Minnesota Human Rights Act
Get PDFCopyrighting Brain Computer Interface: Where Neuroengineering Meets Intellectual Property Law
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Get PDFIn 2020 and 2022, multiple Republican county canvassers refused to perform their ministerial duty to approve election returns, obstructing the official certification of the results. The canvassers latched onto false claims of fraud and other conspiracies advanced by election deniers. They eventually relented because of court orders and public pressure. The elections produced official winners, and crisis was averted. But, as long as election denialism rots our political discourse, election obstruction by canvassers will be a persistent risk with significant dangers for our democracy. This Essay provides a brief history of election obstruction by canvassers, examines the modern link between election denialism and election obstruction, and proposes two solutions to minimize the risk of election obstruction—diversifying canvassing institutions and bypassing county canvassers for national and statewide race