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A Case Study of Middle- and Upper-Class Black Professionals Electing to Reside in the City of Atlanta from 2000 through 2010
No full textGentrification functions as a facelift for Atlanta, as highlighted by the New York Times in its March 6, 2006, article titled “Gentrification Changing the Face of New Atlanta.” This revitalization effort has brought about an expanding tax base and the elimination of blight (defined as dilapidated and abandoned buildings not meeting city code standards). However, alongside these changes, there has been a demographic shift, with the working class and working poor facing increased taxes and cost of living during the revitalization period. Formerly, African Americans predominated the surrounding and inclusive neighborhoods of downtown Atlanta, but now they share residential spaces with professional and wealthier African Americans.
This economic transformation leads to the emergence of impoverished areas in and around central Atlanta. The Atlanta Beltline, a 22-mile circular greenspace repurposed from unused and abandoned railroad lines, serves as a physical manifestation of this change. During the Civil Rights Era from the 1950s to the early 1970s, affluent and middle-class Black people reside throughout Atlanta. However, the Atlanta Beltline has further constrained the boundaries. Despite the existence of a limited body of literature addressing gentrification by middle- to upper-class Blacks in Atlanta, the narrative often overlooks the impact of Black professionals on the city through gentrification. While previous research has identified two waves of gentrification in Atlanta, the focus has primarily been on the first wave, involving pioneer gentrifiers who purchased property in Atlanta proper after white flight pushed many white residents to the northern suburbs. The second wave consisted of young, urban, mostly white professionals who relocated to Atlanta following the 1990 Olympic bid. However, little attention has been given to a potential emergency of another wave of gentrification in Atlanta involving Black gentrifiers post-Olympic bid. This research aims to address this gap by examining Black gentrifiers, sometimes classified as Black urban dwellers, who resided in Atlanta Proper from 2000 to 2010.
While residents and businesses congregate in downtown Atlanta, the redevelopment and restructuring of the city comes at a cost. This dissertation delves into the residential housing dynamics of middle- and upper-class Blacks moving into six case study neighborhoods in the city of Atlanta, Georgia, from 2000 through 2010. Survey analysis revealed that many Black people who relocated to the city disclaim responsibility for the shift in neighborhood quality of life and the resulting changes in the tax bracket, while simultaneously benefiting from aesthetic and commercial service upgrades. Moreover, this dissertation illuminates the dual narratives of race in Atlanta and the innate human tendency to deflect blame for displacement while striving to achieve the American dream
Understanding Perspectives on Nonstructural Strategies in Louisiana\u27s Southwest Coastal Project
No full textThe Southwest Coastal Louisiana Storm Risk Management and Ecosystem Restoration Project (referred to as the SW Coastal project) is a project run by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (Corps) to reduce hurricane and storm damage risk in a 4,700 square mile area located in Calcasieu, Cameron, and Vermilion Parishes. Due to the low elevation, flat terrain, and proximity to the Gulf of Mexico in these Parishes, the people, economy, environment and cultural heritage are at risk of flooding from tidal surge and waves from tropical storms. Land subsidence, combined with sea-level rise, is expected to increase the potential for coastal flooding, shoreline erosion, saltwater intrusion, and loss of wetland and Chenier habitats in the future. The Corps intends to combat both chronic and acute weather events by a series of measures including nonstructural measures and ecosystem restoration
Oral History Interview with Daniel Castellanos (Part 1)
No full textDaniel Castellanos is a reconstruction worker and organizer who was born in Lima, Peru, on November 21, 1970. He grew up in Lima, where his family worked in a wholesale fruit market, an experience he described as his first university. He studied industrial engineering at the Universidad Nacional Federico Villarreal but did not complete his degree due to increasing political violence and personal circumstances. He later became a successful entrepreneur in the textile industry before facing financial ruin. He immigrated to the U.S. in 2004, first to Virginia and then to New Orleans in 2006. In New Orleans, he became a prominent labor organizer, co-founding the New Orleans Workers\u27 Center for Racial Justice and the Congresso de Jornaleros, drawing on his personal experiences with exploitation as a guest worker.https://scholarworks.uno.edu/ejrloh/1023/thumbnail.jp
Oral History Interview with Greg Wilson (Part 1)
No full textGreg Wilson is a native of New Orleans, born in 1971 and raised in the Algiers neighborhood. He comes from a family with a history of community activism, with his grandfather and father both involved in local politics and organizing. Wilson was active in various student organizations in high school and college, which laid the groundwork for his later career in labor and community organizing.https://scholarworks.uno.edu/ejrloh/1014/thumbnail.jp
