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Schematism and Technology from Kant to Simondon: Towards an Experiential Schematism of the Imagination
Get PDFThis article explores the evolution of the concept of \u27schematism\u27 from the work of Emmanuel Kant to that of Gilbert Simondon. It focuses on how these philosophers link imagination to the understanding of images and technical objects. Kant defines schematism as the process by which the imagination connects pure concepts with sensory information obtained through experience, thereby creating a link between understanding and intuition. In contrast, Simondon reconceptualises schematism as a process central to the dynamics of invention and technological experience. He critiques the traditional notion of imagination as a mental faculty for producing internal images. Instead, he argues that imagination is primarily a mode of reception and interaction with external images, whether material or mental. According to Simondon, images and, by extension, objects possess an autonomy and dynamism, acting as mediators between humans and the world. To further explore this concept of imagination, we will demonstrate how Simondon reinterprets Kant\u27s schematism in the context of technological invention. He thus redefines imagination as participatory and experiential engagement with material reality. His philosophy offers an original version of Kant\u27s schematism by positioning technology as a metaphysical field of openness, through which imagination becomes the key to understanding invention as a co-creative process between humans and the dynamic world of things.
Résumé (french)
Cet article explore l\u27évolution du concept de « schématisme » d\u27Emmanuel Kant à Gilbert Simondon. Kant définit le schématisme comme le processus par lequel l\u27imagination lie les concepts purs aux data sensibles issues de l’expérience, établissant ainsi un pont entre l’entendement et l\u27intuition. Simondon reconceptualise le schématisme comme un processus central à la dynamique de l\u27invention et à l\u27expérience technologique. Il remet ainsi en question la notion traditionnelle de l\u27imagination en tant que faculté mentale permettant de produire des images internes. Il soutient plutôt l’idée que l\u27imagination est avant tout un mode d’accueil et d’interaction avec des images provenant de l\u27extérieur du sujet, que celles-ci soient matérielles ou mentales. Selon lui, les images et, par extension, les objets possèdent une autonomie et un dynamisme qui leur permettent d\u27agir comme médiateurs entre les humains et le monde. Pour nourrir cette pensée de l’imagination, nous souhaitons montrer que Simondon réinterprète le schématisme de Kant à la lumière de l’invention technologique. Il en vient ainsi à redéfinir l\u27imagination comme un engagement participatif et expérientiel avec la réalité matérielle. Sa philosophie offre ainsi une version originale au schématisme de Kant, en positionnant la technologie comme un champ métaphysique d\u27ouverture par lequel l\u27imagination devient la clé pour comprendre l\u27invention comme un processus co-créatif entre les humains et le monde dynamique des choses
Phantasia in Aristotle: The embodied nature of imagination.
Get PDFThis text explores Aristotle’s concept of phantasia, or imagination, as a distinct cognitive faculty that mediates between perception and thought. Unlike perception, which is always tied to the immediate presence of sensory objects and is inherently true, phantasia allows for the voluntary creation of mental images that can be false or imagined. Imagination is closely linked to memory, desire, and motivation, playing a crucial role in anticipating pleasure and pain, thereby driving animal movement and human action. Aristotle’s analysis reveals imagination as an active and flexible faculty that bridges sensory experience and thought, highlighting its importance in embodied cognition
Generation of hypotheses and problematic portions of phenomena
Get PDFIn this paper, we present our inferential and dynamic conception of surrogate reasoning in scientific modeling. To this end, we redefine the notion of hypothesis generation and delve deeper into distinctions that we consider fundamental, such as that of the problematic portion of phenomena. We conclude by pointing to a precedent for our approach in Constructive Type Theory
Silence on Xinjiang: Freedom of Expression on Chinese Social Media
Get PDFThis research investigates whether Chinese netizens possess the freedom to express political opinions, particularly opinions that disagree with the Chinese state media narrative on controversial news, due to the cybersecurity policies in place since President Xi Jinping came into power in 2012. Previous literature notes how countries, with either democratic or authoritarian government models, have used fears of fake news to silence political commentary opposing the government-curated view. Literature also observes the rise of self-censorship among netizens in response to government threats of punishment for violating censorship regulations. To discover the state of the global media narrative and the Chinese state media narrative, this research found patterns in topics and framing of articles from Chinese state-supported news agencies and independent global news agencies to represent each narrative. Using these narrative frames, this research thematically coded hundreds of social media posts from the Chinese social media site Weibo and the global social media site Twitter posted between 2012 and 2022 to determine which posts align with which narrative and if politics could be discussed freely on Chinese social media in comparison to global social media. This research project predicted netizens on Chinese social media would self-censor political opinions opposing the Chinese state media narrative to avoid punishment. However, the overwhelming lack of political discussion on Weibo made the reason behind the lack of data, either censorship or self-censorship, difficult to determine. Analyzing why netizens on Chinese social media cannot or do not discuss controversial political topics on Weibo can aid in the creation of new policies meant to reduce censorship in China and increase freedom of expression
Geology and Ground-Water Resources of Clay County, Kansas
Get PDFThis report describing the geography, geology, and ground-water resources of Clay County, in north-central Kansas, is based on hydrologic and geologic information obtained in the field during the fall of 1953 and the summer of 1954. The field data are given in tables; they include records of 143 wells, chemical analyses of water from 35 representative wells, logs of 28 test holes, and results of pumping (aquifer) tests. In addition, 110 holes were augered to determine the depth to water.
Clay County has an area of about 660 square miles and lies in the Great Plains and Central Lowlands physiographic provinces. Most of it is drained by Republican River; small areas are drained by Fancy Creek and Chapman Creek, which are not tributaries of Republican River. The normal annual precipitation at Clay Center is 27.92 inches, and the mean annual temperature is 55.1° F. Agriculture is the principal occupation in the county.
The rocks that crop out at the surface in Clay County are sedimentary and range in age from Permian to Recent. The oldest formation exposed in the county is the Barneston Limestone. The Dakota Formation, the youngest Cretaceous rock in the county, crops out over a large part of western and northern Clay County. The Permian and Cretaceous rocks are mantled in many places by unconsolidated continental deposits of fluviatile and eolian origin representing four stages of the Pleistocene Epoch.
The unconsolidated sand and gravel deposits of Pleistocene age form the principal aquifer in the county. These deposits are thickest and most extensive in the valley of Republican River. The Dakota Formation yields moderate quantities of water to wells in western and northern Clay County. The Barneston Limestone yields small to moderate quantities of water to wells in eastern Clay County. Ground water in the area is recharged principally from local precipitation; underflow from adjacent areas contributes significantly, however. Ground water is discharged mainly by seepage into streams and by transpiration by plants. All municipal and industrial water supplies and most domestic and stock supplies are obtained from wells. Irrigation from wells is practiced extensively in the valley of Republican River
Sounds and Silences on the Neva Shores: US Diplomats about the Soundscape of Imperial St. Petersburg
Get PDFThis article argues that multisensory approach to studying cultural communications and urban history yields productive results. Using memoirs, diaries, and letters penned by US diplomats, the author explores how records of their aural experiences help reconstruct a fuller picture of life in Imperial St. Petersburg and what new light they shed on the cultural communications between Americans and the population of the Tsar’s capital
На пользу Советского Союза: собственные корреспонденты New York Times в Москве в годы Второй мировой войны
Get PDFThe New York Times was one of the first American newspapers to have its own foreign correspondent in Soviet Russia in the 1920s. From August 1921 to the mid-1930s, its first reporter in Moscow was Walter Duranty, who had a favorable view of the Soviet experiment and praised the development of the Soviet Union under Stalin. This admiration granted him exclusive access to high-ranking Soviet officials. After Duranty, two other reporters covered prewar Moscow for The New York Times: Harold Denny (1934-1939) and G.E.R. Gedye (1939-July 18, 1940).
This article explores previously unresearched aspects of the complex and often opaque interactions between American journalists and Soviet diplomats during World War II. A month after the start of the Winter War, Soviet authorities reintroduced strict press censorship, rendering the presence of American newspaper correspondents in Moscow largely ineffective. Foreign correspondents wererestricted to sending home English-translated prefabricated news authorized by Soviet censors. Consequently, by the fall of 1940, leading American newspapers had closed their Moscow bureaus. The remaining correspondents operated under heavy censorship, preventing them from fully reporting what they learned in the Soviet Union. This censorship coincided with the deterioration of Soviet-American relations in 1940 and the first half of 1941.The situation changed swiftly after Germany invaded the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941. As this article demonstrates, American diplomats and reporters were aware of the possibility of a German attack on the USSR in advance, though they could not confirm when or if it would occur. Alongside diplomatic and military support from the United States and Great Britain, the Anglo-American pressadopted a more favorable stance toward the Soviet Union. Leading newspapers covering international affairs returned, and The New York Times re-established its Moscow bureau in July 1941. In the private talks with the Soviet officials the represenatives of The New York Times sought to position itself as closely aligned with President Roosevelt. This status allowed it to maintain correspondents in the Soviet Union throughout the war. However, The New York Times failed to regain its prewar status as the premier source of exclusive news and semi-official rumors.In this regard, its correspondents in Turkey and Europe had significantly greater access to diplomatic and military sources than those in Moscow.The New York Times was one of the first American newspapers to have itsown foreign correspondent in Soviet Russia in the 1920s. From August 1921 to themid-1930s, its first reporter in Moscow was Walter Duranty, who had a favorableview of the Soviet experiment and praised the development of the Soviet Unionunder Stalin. This admiration granted him exclusive access to high-ranking Sovietofficials. After Duranty, two other reporters covered prewar Moscow for The NewYork Times: Harold Denny (1934-1939) and G.E.R. Gedye (1939-July 18, 1940).This article explores previously unresearched aspects of the complex andoften opaque interactions between American journalists and Soviet diplomatsduring World War II. A month after the start of the Winter War, Soviet authoritiesreintroduced strict press censorship, rendering the presence of American newspapercorrespondents in Moscow largely ineffective. Foreign correspondents wererestricted to sending home English-translated prefabricated news authorized bySoviet censors. Consequently, by the fall of 1940, leading American newspapershad closed their Moscow bureaus. The remaining correspondents operated underheavy censorship, preventing them from fully reporting what they learned inthe Soviet Union. This censorship coincided with the deterioration of Soviet-American relations in 1940 and the first half of 1941.The situation changed swiftly after Germany invaded the Soviet Union onJune 22, 1941. As this article demonstrates, American diplomats and reporterswere aware of the possibility of a German attack on the USSR in advance, thoughthey could not confirm when or if it would occur. Alongside diplomatic and militarysupport from the United States and Great Britain, the Anglo-American pressadopted a more favorable stance toward the Soviet Union. Leading newspaperscovering international affairs returned, and The New York Times re-establishedits Moscow bureau in July 1941. In the private talks with the Soviet officials therepresenatives of The New York Times sought to position itself as closely alignedwith President Roosevelt. This status allowed it to maintain correspondents in theSoviet Union throughout the war. However, The New York Times failed to regainits prewar status as the premier source of exclusive news and semi-official rumors.In this regard, its correspondents in Turkey and Europe had significantly greateraccess to diplomatic and military sources than those in Moscow
Ideology and Identity in Teaching about Russia in the United States: 1945-1950
Get PDFIn 1945, predominantly white and male academics at elite postsecondary institutions, bolstered by nineteenth century industrialist wealth and connected to government and military elites, shaped and influenced the teaching of Russian in the United States in ways that remain traceable in the field today.Through critical inquiry the study finds that the field’s progenitors reacted to war and McCarthyism in ways that were color-blind, politically-averse, and self-preservational, exposing the roots of white supremacy and Russocentrism in Russian language textbooks. Critical race theory helpfully frames matters of anti-discrimination law and interest convergence regarding de jure and de facto forms of educational exclusion. The study locates and illuminates significant developments in Russian language instruction during and after the war. It also assesses and presents ideologies about teaching and learning Russian that were expressed contemporaneously by practitioners
