Polish Communication Association Journals
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European Elections National Agenda: Facebook in the 2019 Romanian EP Elections
No full textPoliticians and political campaigns are not inadvertent to the development of social media platforms as environments that allow access to a larger audience. Not relying solely on the traditional media as a mouthpiece for their messages and taking matters into their own hands offers new segues for analyzing political communication. However, not all elections are of equal interest, both for the electorate and for the candidates, as second-order election theory suggests (Reif & Schmitt, 1980; Hix & Marsh, 2004). Th is paper investigates the area situated at the intersection of these two research directions. This quantitative study aims to analyze how Romanian political parties and candidates used Facebook in the electoral campaign for the European Parliament, in May 2019. The study follows the correlation between Facebook metrics, like frequency of posts and the popularity of the pages, and the political agendas refl ected in each party’s Facebook posts. The conclusions are consistent with second-order elections theory, but raise questions about the dependable nature of Facebook metrics
Vera Slavtcheva-Petkova (2018). Russia’s Liberal Media. Handcuffed but Free. New York-London: Routledge, pp. 221, ISBN: 978-1-315-30019-1 (ebk).
No full textEditor’s introduction: Media and information literacy research in countries around the Baltic Sea
No full textDouglas Kellner & Jeff Share (2019). The Critical Media Literacy Guide: Engaging Media and Transforming Education. Leiden: Brill Sense 125 pp. ISBN: 978-90- 04-40452-6.
No full textConference of the European Media Management Association (emma) “Media Management and Actionable Knowledge: The Relationship between Theory and Practice” Limassol Cyprus June 5–7 2019
No full textMeme literacy in Russia: Perceptions of internet memes by a student audience and issues of critical thinking
No full textInternet memes, which constitute a significant portion of social-media content and an important vector of users’ communicative exchange, have by now turned from mere entertainment to a news source. However, they are still approached rather uncritically by young audiences. A survey was conducted among Russian students (N = 138) at the National Research University Higher School of Economics, and it identified not only the “problem spots” of the Russian memosphere but also a number of skills in decoding information, which are necessary today as part of “Meme Literacy.” These skills range from an adequate assessment of the type of message and verification of the news topic to the fact-checking of the verbal and visual content the meme is based on
Media literacy as a cross-sectoral phenomenon: Media education in Finnish ministerial-level policies
No full textIn international comparisons, Finland has often appeared as a frontrunner in promoting media literacy, especially from the perspective of national-level policies and structures. In this study, our aim is to broaden knowledge about the meaning of media education in the Finnish ministerial-level policy framework by examining in which administrative sectors policy documents concerning media education have been published and how the concepts of media education and media literacy have been framed. The results suggest that media education and media literacy are addressed widely across the different administrative sectors in Finland, but mostly by the Ministry of Education and Culture. There is also variance in the ways in which the concepts are presented in the policies. In the article, eight identified frames of media literacy are discussed, including protectionism, cultural participation, future working competences, inclusion, broad media education, democracy, national security, and cosmopolitanism. The article highlights the importance of nuanced understanding of the meanings and limits of media education and research-based policy development
Media education in the common interest: Public perceptions of media literacy policy in Latvia
No full textAlthough the academic interest in media and information literacy (MIL) is ever increasing, there are not many studies that analyze the public perception of media literacy. This article analyses the interrelations between encouragement measures implemented by media policy and the perception of media literacy in society. The research employs data from a national representative survey (May 2019; N=1,017 respondents). The study explores the respondents’ media literacy perceptions; opinions on risks potentially caused by insufficient media literacy skills; and respondents’ experience with MIL activities. The survey results are compared with survey data on media literacy encouragement measures, aims and target audiences obtained from the Media Policy Unit at the Ministry of Culture media literacy partners. The theoretical background is supported by the media literacy ideological model, which explains media literacy within relationships with the social institutions in which it is practiced, as well as social processes. The data results are controversial. Even though more than half of Latvia’s population view their media literacy knowledge as insufficient, 52% of the respondents are not interested in MIL issues. Concerning the consequences of insufficient media literacy skills within society, the respondents focused mostly on threats to children (40%) and general public safety (28%), decrease in welfare (28%), societal regress (25%), fewer opportunities for high-quality education (26%) and Latvia being behind other EU countries (24%). Even though the media literacy encouragement measures in Latvia include activities aimed at various audiences, they have been noticed by only a slight number of respondents (7–10%)
