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Mind the gap:Barriers to high-quality music provision in English special schools
No full textWhilst music education is recognised as a fundamental right for all children in England, pupils with learning disabilities in special schools face persistent barriers in accessing high-quality musical opportunities. This study provides a post- pandemic examination of music provision in special schools in England, updating earlier research while offering new insights into why implementation challenges persist despite policy commitments to inclusion. The lived experiences of music provision for pupils with learning disabilities were examined through interviews with 21 special school educators across three key groups (generalist teachers, music curriculum leads and visiting music specialists). Two key barrier types emerged: resource challenges (budget constraints, limited resources and staffing limitations) and staff-related factors (narrow ideas about music, low confidence and gaps in specialised knowledge). Using ecological systems theory, how these barriers operate across multiple levels—from individual teacher confidence to national funding decisions—was analysed, revealing interconnected patterns resistant to simple solutions. The findings demonstrate how seemingly individual barriers are in fact products of broader systemic issues that reflect fundamental mismatches between policy intentions and special school realities. Multi-level intervention strategies are proposed that focus on leveraging generalist teachers' existing pedagogical strengths, reframing how music is conceptualised, and reconsidering how policies are framed
Implications of genetic and epigenetic aberrations to the tumorigenicity of human pluripotent stem cells
No full textHuman pluripotent stem cells (hPSCs) hold immense promise for cell replacement therapies due to their capacity to give rise to derivatives of the three embryonic germ layers and their ability to divide indefinitely in culture. Since their first derivation less than 30 years ago, multiple hPSC-derived cell products are already in clinical trials for a range of pathologies. Nevertheless, hPSCs also possess an intrinsic tumorigenic potential and have been shown to acquire recurrent genetic and epigenetic aberrations strongly associated with cancer initiation and progression. These properties cast doubt on the safety of hPSCs and raise concerns regarding their use for transplantation. In this review, we summarize the different kinds of genetic and epigenetic abnormalities repeatedly observed in hPSCs, how they emerge, and their potential implications for the tumorigenicity of hPSC-based products. We also discuss shared and unique abnormalities found in hPSCs derived from different sources. Finally, we suggest possible methods for reducing the occurrence of these aberrations and managing their effects once they arise
Beyond the projection postulate and back:Quantum theories with generalized state-update rules
No full textAre there consistent and physically reasonable alternatives to the projection postulate? Does it have unique properties compared to acceptable alternatives? We answer these questions by systematically investigating hypothetical state-update rules for quantum systems that Nature could have chosen over the Lüders rule. Among other basic properties, any prospective rule must define unique post-measurement states and not allow for superluminal signalling. Particular attention will be paid to consistently defining post-measurement states when performing local measurements in composite systems. Explicit examples of valid unconventional update rules are presented, each resulting in a distinct, well-defined foil of quantum theory. This framework of state-update rules allows us to identify operational properties that distinguish the projective update rule from all others and to put earlier derivations of the projection postulate into perspective
Pathogen diversity of the non-native narrow-clawed crayfish (Pontastacus leptodactylus) in a UK water body
No full textBiological invasions are intrinsically linked to introducing associated symbiotic organisms, some of which can be parasitic or pathogenic. The pathogenic risk of an ‘invasive parasite’ (aka. exotic pathogen) stems from its potential to infect native hosts and induce behavioural change or mortality, with the pathogen potentially presenting a greater risk than the host. Conversely, parasites translocated by invasive hosts may also reduce the impact of their host, indirectly curbing the hosts impact on the invaded ecosystem. In this study, we develop a pathogen profile for the narrow-clawed crayfish, Pontastacus leptodactylus. This is a non-native species in the United Kingdom, and poses a possible risk as a sink for invasive parasites. We use histopathology, metagenomics and metratranscriptomics to outline the symbiotic diversity harboured by a P. leptodactylus population from West Yorkshire, England.
We discovered several protozoan and bacterial species that appear to be putatively commensal with this invader, as well as several RNA viruses (Hepelivirales; Picornavirales; Nodaviridae, and others) that may be more pathogenic in nature. Microsporidia and Nudiviridae were absent in our population sample set, as were all metazoan obligate parasites, such as trematodes and acanthocephalans. Using the novel genomic and pathological data available to us, we have explored the evolutionary history of each symbiotic species and provided an initial assessment on the putative risk to native species
High Educational Attainment and Low Political Participation in the United States: Exploring the Paradox
No full textWhen they decided to create a government of the people, by the people, and for the people, the Founders of the Constitution undoubtedly presumed that "the people" whom they were granting complete political power, possessed the competence and willingness to assume such an enormous responsibility. Competence demands knowledge. Throughout history, education has been emphasized as a crucial component in determining whether the democracy will fulfill its potential and serve the needs of the majority of the population rather than serving the desires of a select few elites. Producing informed citizens who are educated on both political issues and processes is theoretically thought to enhance democracy by increasing the interest and participation of the general population in its government. If political participation and education are positively correlated, then the political activity in America should be more vivacious than ever. According to the U.S. Bureau of the Census, the percentage of young adults completing high school was 87 percent in 1995, a 12 percent increase from 1970. The percentage of young adults completing college has also risen substantially, from 16 percent in 1970 to 25 percent in 1995 (Littman, 1998). Ironically, however, though the percentage of the population that pursues higher education has steadily increased over recent years, most aggregate indicators of political participation have held steady (Verba, Schlozman, & Brady, 1995) and voter turnout, the most elementary form of political participation, has actually declined. Is America producing masses of politically enlightened but indifferent citizens? Some theorists have attributed this decline to weaker political parties, the increasing complexity of politics, a general skepticism towards politics, and the rise of television as a means of obtaining political information. In my thesis I will explore potential causes and attempt to answer the question: why have citizens' higher levels of educational attainment not been followed by an increase in voter turnout?High Educational Attainment and Low Political Participation
in the United States: Exploring the Paradox
Amy Uhlenbrauck
Senior Thesis
Dr. Don Ostrom
6June 1999
Gustavus Student Repository
When they decided to create a government of the people, by the people,
and for the people, the Founders of the Constitution undoubtedly presumed that
"the people" whom they were granting complete political power, possessed the
competence and willingness to assume such an enormous responsibility.
Competence demands knowledge. Throughout history, education has been
emphasized as a crucial component in determining whether the democracy will
fulfill its potential and serve the needs of the majority of the population rather
than serving the desires of a select few elites. Producing informed citizens who
are educated on both political issues and processes is theoretically thought to
enhance democracy by increasing the interest and participation of the general
population in its government. If political participation and education are
positively correlated, then the political activity in America should be more
vivacious than ever. According to the U.S. Bureau of the Census, the percentage
of young adults completing high school was 87 percent in 1995, a 12 percent
increase from 1970. The percentage of young adults completing college has also
risen substantially, from 16 percent in 1970 to 25 percent in 1995 (Littman, 1998).
Ironically, however, though the percentage of the population that pursues higher
education has steadily increased over recent years, most aggregate indicators of
political participation have held steady (Verba, Schlozman, & Brady, 1995) and
voter turnout, the most elementary form of political participation, has actually
declined. Is America producing masses of politically enlightened but indifferent
citizens? Some theorists have attributed this decline to weaker political parties,
Gustavus Student Repository
the increasing complexity of politics, a general skepticism towards politics, and
the rise of television as a means of obtaining political information. In my thesis I
will explore potential causes and attempt to answer the question: why have
citizens' higher levels of educational attainment not been followed by an increase
in voter turnout?
The State of Political Participation in America
Low Voter Turnout Rates
In the years from 1840 to the beginning of the twentieth century, voter
turnout averaged 77.7 percent (Teixeira, 1992). Today, however, as we prepare to
enter the next century, voter turnout has reached an all-time low of 45.8 percent,
representing over a 30 point drop since 1840 and a 17 point drop since 1960
(Teixeira, 1992; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1998).
In addition to being low by historical standards, recent voter turnout rates
in the United States are also extremely low by international standards. In the
1980s (Teixeira, 1992), when the average turnout in the US was 54.1 percent,
Belgium, Austria, and Australia had turnout rates of 90 percent and above, West
Germany, Denmark, and the Netherlands had rates between 80 and 90 percent,
and Finland, France, the United Kingdom had rates in the seventies. In fact, in
comparison with twenty advanced industrial democracies, the US ranked second
to last, trailed by only Switzerland.
Other Forms of Political Participation
Though voter turnout in America is lower than most other modem
democracies, Americans are politically active in other ways. In fact, when other
forms of participation such as assisting political campaigns, contacting
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governmental officials, and becoming active in community affairs are examined,
Americans citizens are far more likely to participate than those in other
democracies.
Nevertheless, according to the Roper Organization, other modes of
participation have also declined. Since 1973, those who report that they have
attended a public meeting regarding community affairs has declined from 22
percent in 1973 to 13 percent in 1993. The number of respondents reporting that
they attended a political rally or speech, served on a committee of a local
organization, or worked for a political party also has also significantly declined
(Putnam, 1995).
Who Cares?
Thomas Jefferson spoke for the Founders of American democracy when
he said" We think, in America, that it is necessary to introduce the people into
every department of government as far as they are capable of exercising it, and
that this is the only way to insure a long continued and honest administration of
its powers" (p.89). Within his words, one can hear the echoes of a nation that
fought for independence, a nation that is skeptical of authority and fiercely
opposed to tyranny. Most Americans today agree with the basic principles
agreed upon by the Founders, particularly with the assertion that the primary
power ofgovernment is best vested in the governed. In fact, according to Joseph
Nye (1997) 90 percent of Americans say that they are satisfied with their
democratic form of government.
Despite their satisfaction with the form of their government, however,
many Americans are becoming increasingly dissatisfied with the government
itself. Some theorists believe that skepticism towards the government is a
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healthy part of democracy-a check against governmental tyranny. However,
this dissatisfaction manifests itself in different ways. Some citizens attempt to
challenge the system, voicing their disapproval to officials, organizing around
common causes, supporting candidates with similar beliefs, and confronting the
system every way they can. Others simply withdraw from politics altogether,
refusing to campaign, run for public office, or even vote. Because it translates
politically into support for the status quo, their silence is often misconstrued as
satisfaction.
The significance of their discontentment with the government cannot be
undermined. A democracy is dependent upon the People for its survival. Not
only do the People provide financial support in the form of taxes, but they also
lend the government legitimacy. Since citizens have virtually no choice but to
pay taxes and abide by laws, their support is best expressed through voluntary
means such as voting and other forms of political participation. Without citizen
support, the governments' laws and policies are meaningless. Without laws and
policies, national security is severely threatened.
A lack of support for the government also threatens international security.
In this so-called "melting pot", a nation characterized by diversity, the federal
government acts as a unifying force by which people of different races, ethnic
origins, and religions can assume a common identity. Out of this common
identity, pride and patriotism emerge. Without this common identity, we not
only have no military to fight on our behalf; we have no country to fight for.
While the deterioration of the nation clearly represents an exaggerated,
worst case scenario, the manifestations of low political participation rates,
particularly voter turnout, are bleak. Ruy Teixeira (1987)
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explains:
The failure to participate means that the proportion of the population to
which political elites must respond declines over time. This, in turn,
allows narrower interest groups to assert their priorities, since
proportionally fewer voters are necessary to influence an election, and
gives political elites more freedom to do what they want. The result is a
decay of the democratic link between governmental actions and popular
wishes (p. 4).
Democracy is supposed to minimize inequalities by giving everyone an
equal vote regardless of their sex, race, religion, ethnic origin, age, and economic
status. However, the true potential of democracy to achieve this ideal has not
been realized. The current state of political participation, by contrast, has served
to reinforce the dominantposition of those who already hold power. This
paradox can further be understood through an examination of the psychological
and demographic characteristics of the participants.
Who Participates?
To a limited extent, everyone participates politically. We choose where
we want to live. Then, we obey the laws and pay the taxes which the
government has established in return for security and social services. Whether
consciously or unconsciously, we are supporting the government; however, these
are acts are merely compliant in nature rather than autonomous (Milbrath, 1965).
When the definition of political participation is limited to include only those acts
which are directed towards influencing a governmental official or policy,
political activism is not nearly so widespread.
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If the non-voting, non-activists shared similar interests and profiles with
their more participatory counterparts, their lack of participation would affect
neither outcomes nor society. In reality, however, the participants and nonparticipants
are hardly mirror images. According to the National Household
Education Survey conducted by the US Department of Education (1996), those
who are at the top of the socio-economic hierarchy are the most likely to report
having voted in national or state elections.
Yet this fact alone does not mean that the voices of the poor and
uneducated members of society are not heard. Perhaps they participate in other
political acts which are more direct and geared towards a particular outcome.
Evidence suggests otherwise. Across the board, those of higher socio-economic
status were more likely to be engaged in some form of political activity over the
past five years: contributed to or worked for a candidate, political party, or
political cause; wrote, telephoned, or signed a petition about an issue; attended a
public meeting; participated in a boycott or protest. They were also more likely
to report having participated in multiple activities; therefore, the same people
that vote are often the same people who participate in various other form of
political activity. Of the socio-economic factors correlated with political
participation, the educational level attained was the biggest predictor of
participation across the board, followed by household income and race. In
general, middle aged, white males with a at least a bachelor's degree and an
income of over 15,000-those who are responsible for a mere 14 percent of the votes, 12 percent
of contacts, and 13 percent of the hours dedicated to campaigns-contribute only
2 percent of the total dollars raised for a campaign. If the old saying holds true
and "money talks," the affluent are heard loud and clear while the poor are
barely audible.
An Equal Voice
Because the wealthy and more educated members of society possess the
resources to more effectively participate in many forms of political participation,
voting is an increasingly important means of participation for the poor and
uneducated. Political scientists Ginsberg and Stone (1986) explain:
Elections help to equalize citizens' capacities to influence rulers' conduct.
In the absence of such an institutional mechanism, popular influence can
be derived only from private activities and personal resources whose
distribution in any population is certain to be unequal. The capacity to
influence officials' actions will therefore vary-with wealth, social
position, or even the propensity to riot. Elections, by introducing a
formal, public means of influencing official conduct, can compensate for
private inequalities in political resources (p.5).
Yet, despite the potential for elections to minimize the inequalities in politics,
voter turnout remains low, particularly among the poor and uneducated. In
order to understand why those of lower socio-economic status do not seize the
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opportunity to influence the government, we must examine the motivations
behind political activity.
Why do People Vote?
Instrumental vs. Expressive
Typically, it is assumed that the citizen engaging in some form of political
participation is attempting to influence the government;
A Comparison of the Progression of Events Involving Russia's Requests for International Financial Assistance and Russia's Position Regarding the Kosovo Conflict
No full textOn March 24, 1999, the United States joined NATO in a bombing campaign with the goal of ending the ethnic conflict in Kosovo. On this very day, Russian Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov had scheduled a meeting with the International Monetary Fund to negotiate further loans in order to aid in the ending of Russia's current economic crisis. Upon hearing that NATO had begun its air-strikes, Primakov's plane was turned around in mid flight, heading back to Russia as the bombing began because of Russia's disagreement with the use of Western force in the Balkans. On this day, the issue of Russia's attempt to receive foreign aid to rescue it country from economic woe, and the issue of Russia's feelings towards the conflict in the Balkans, could be recognized as having a relationship. These two seemingly unrelated issues could suddenly be considered to exist in accordance with one another, giving each a new complication, and a new importance. With this correlation between the two events having been recognized by the Russian Prime Minister, it became a possibility that the relationship was much deeper than an initial glance would indicate. Keeping this in mind, the question can be asked, to what extent have these events affected one another? Will they continue to affect one another, and, if so, how subtle will this effect be? Will this effect even be noticeable? And if so, are there enough examples for us to be sure that this effect was due to the relationship between the two events, and not merely a coincidence? Having set out with these questions to be answered, before the two events themselves can be analyzed, the background of the situation must be introduced, so as the context of the situation can be completely realized. After this background is understood, it will provide justification for the possibility of a correlation between the development of Russia's success in its attempt to gain foreign aid, and the view that Russia holds on the situation in the Balkans. Having justified such a correlation, the theory that, as the possibility of international funding (particularly from the U.S.) for Russia becomes more promising, so does Russia's cooperation with NATO become more suitable to the views of the United States, will become plausible.A Comparison of the Progression of Events
Involving Russia's Requests for International
Financial Assistance and Russia's
Position Regarding the Kosovo Conflict
Scott Schneweis
P099 Thesis
May 24, 1999
Gustavus Student Repository
On March 24, 1999, the United States joined NATO in a bombing campaign
with the goal of ending the ethnic conflict in Kosovo. On this very day, Russian
1
Prime Minister Y evgeny Primakov had scheduled a meeting with the International
Monetary Fund to negotiate further loans in order to aid in the ending of Russia's
current economic crisis. Upon hearing that NATO had begun its air-strikes,
Primakov's plane was turned around in mid flight, heading back to Russia as the
bombing began because of Russia's disagreement with the use of Western force in the
Balkans. On this day, the issue of Russia's attempt to receive foreign aid to rescue it
country from economic woe, and the issue of Russia's feelings towards the conflict in
the Balkans, could be recognized as having a relationship. These two seemingly
unrelated issues could suddenly be considered to exist in accordance with one
another, giving each a new complication, and a new importance. With this correlation
between the two events having been recognized by the Russian Prime Minister, it
became a possibility that the relationship was much deeper than an initial glance
would indicate. Keeping this in mind, the question can be asked, to what extent have
these events affected one another? Will they continue to effect one another, and, if so,
how subtle will this effect be? Will this effect even be noticeable? And if so, are
there enough examples for us to be sure that this effect was due to the relationship
between the two events, and not merely a coincidence? Having set out with these
questions to be answered, before the two events themselves can be analyzed, the
background of the situation must be introduced, so as the context of the situation can
be completely realized. After this background is understood, it will provide
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justification for the possibility of a correlation between the development of Russia's
success in its attempt to gain foreign aid, and the view that Russia holds on the
situation in the Balkans. Having justified such a correlation, the theory that, as the
possibility of international funding (particularly from the U.S.) for Russia becomes
more promising, so does Russia's cooperation with NATO become more suitable to
the views of the United States, will become plausible.
In order to understand and determine that there is a feasible correlation
between the views of Russia towards the Balkan conflict and their attempt to gain
new credit loans from the International Monetary Fund, certain elements of
background must be established. These elements include a description of United
2
States and Russian relations around the time in question, an analysis of interests that
United States would have in providing Russia with aid, a determination of why Russia
needs to ensure that it keeps the United States satisfied as they attempt to gain
monetary help, and a realization of what, if anything the United States will expect in
return for any financial support that is given to Russia. All of these issues surrounding
these events help provide the framework of any correlation, and help to warrant the
possibility of this relationship having an interdependence worthy of examination.
Before any relationship between the two issues in question can be measured, it
is necessary to establish the quality of the relations between the United States and
Russia as a reference point to begin from. Dating as far back as October of 1998, the
relationship between Russia and the United States began to have a negative side to it,
as "Russia's dialogue with the West, had taken on a sharper, even bullying edge, on
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issues ranging from bad debts to foreign policy."' With Russia now demanding
changes in foreign aid and policy, it seemed conflicting opinions about the Kosovo
situation would erupt into an angry relationship between the two countries. This
possibility of an extremely bitter association between the United States and Russia
would only give Milosevic confidence as he continued to create conflict in the
Balkans. At this point, in January 1999, U.S. analysts described this now bitter
relationship between Russia and the United States as reaching its "chilliest point in
years," as disagreements over US air strikes in Iraq, military threats against Kosovo,
and sanctions against Russian research facilities" only added fuel to the fire.
2 In
regards to the Kosovo conflict, Russian Prime Minister Y evgeny Primakov compares
the situation in the Balkans to Russians coming to Mexico "without taking into
consideration the opinion of the United States."3 Primakov goes on to remind the U.S.
that Russia has "been in the Balkans for 200 years," and that Russia knows the
situation much better than the U.S. ever will.4 However, even with all of these
disagreements between the two countries about their foreign policies, Madeline
Albright still assured Russia that the U.S. '"will not walk away
"'
from Russia's need
for monetary support, and that the United States' goal was to help Russia achieve
"economic prosperity."5 From these statements about the relations between the two
countries, it can be seen that, while the Russian and United States governments
1
Bohlen, Celestine. "Russia Vows to Block the U.N. From Backing Attack on Serbs," New York Times
International October 7, 1998.
2
"Albright Visits Russia Amid Strained Relations," The Bulletin's Frontrunner January 25, 1999.
3 Gordon, Michael R. "Russian With Many Faces May Get Lift in U.S. Visit," New York Times March 21,
1999.
4 Gordon, Michael R. "Russian With Many Faces May Get Lift in U.S. Visit," New York Times March 21,
1999.
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strenuously disagreed on several key international issues, it seemed clear that these
disagreements had no effect on the completely separate issue of Russia's economic
instability. Thus, the examination of this relationship between the U.S. and Russia
before the crisis in Kosovo ever escalated to a war, reveals an important aspect about
the situation. This aspect, which is the reference point by which the events can be
measured, is very important to the discovery of any correlation between the views of
Russia on the conflict in Kosovo, and their attempt to gain financial support from the
United States and the IMF.
While the nature of the relations between the United States and Russia reveal
the starting point of the questions that are set to be answered in this essay, there are
other determinations that must be made before the events themselves can be
examined. It must also be determined why it is that Russia would have to worry about
upsetting the U.S. government, and why the issue of not wanting to upset the United
States even pertains to these events. Before the bombing in Kosovo, the International
Monetary Fund was skeptical of lending money to the Russian's because of
allegations that "billions of dollars of the Central Bank's foreign currency reserves
were funneled through" a financial company, and some of the profits turned up
missing.6 Also, the fact that the United States expects Russia to prove that it is
"making headway with reforms and that [it] is a partner that could be trusted " before
5
Lippman, Thomas W. "Albright Chides Russians," The Washington Post January 26, 1999.
6 Hoffman, David. "Russian IMF Loans Routed Through Offshore Company; Issue Could
CloudPrimakov's U.S. Visit," The Washington Post March 23, 1999.
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it would approve any money lending must be considered.7 The United States leads
this IMF committee that has trouble justifying the allocation to more funds for Russia,
after they mishandled the last allocation so poorly. But, since "Russia desperately
needs foreign aid to keep its sinking economy afloat and simply can't afford to sever
ties with the West," Russia must be willing to compromise on several subjects so that
it can appease the American skeptics, and ensure the economic solidarity of their
country. 8 Without the support of the U.S. government, foreign aid from both the IMF
and the World Bank, along with direct assistance from the U.S., won't be possible. It
is this support that Russia needs to begin to repair the damage that occurred from the
drastic devaluing of the ruble, and their faulting of billions of dollars in repayment of
loans to the IMF. In fact, "Russia's total debt due [in 1999] is $17.2 billion, or 80
percent of its national budget," and it has already missed some payments on "debt that
dates to the Soviet era. "9 This predicament that the Russian government has put itself
in reveals not only a need for Russia to show its desire to satisfy the US, but also
helps justify the feasibility of them changing their views towards the Kosovo situation
in order to gain favor from the United States, and ultimately, from those who can
prescribe Russia with financial support.
Having justified Russia's desire to earn the support of the United States
government, it also becomes necessary to determine any reasons that the United
States would benefit from the financial and political support of the Russian
7 Hoffman, David. "Russian IMF Loans Routed Through Offshore Company; Issue Could
CloudPrimakov's U.S. Visit," The Washington Post March 23, 1999.
8 "Russia Considers Helping Serbs," The Bulletin's Frontrunner March 29, 1999.
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government. Along with the discovery of these benefits to the United States, it can
then be determined if any of them justify the United States making concessions
towards their leniency of lending financial support to Russia. After a visit to Moscow
on December 5, 1998, U.S. Senator Richard Lugar explains that unless the United
States provides Russia with the financial and agriculture support it needs to survive in
the 21st
century, the possibility of Russia beginning to sell off the weapons to nations
that the U.S. would not want outfitted with nuclear missiles and bombs becomes a
realistic one. 10 This idea of Russia pirating its dismantled and intact nuclear weaponry
as a desperate effort to gain financial stability is supported by several US analysts.
These analysts reveal that without financial support, the economic crisis in Russia,
where the ruble loses value every day and the state is completely bankrupt, has the
possibility of causing a complete shift in leadership, becoming a "Russia with
thousands of nuclear weapons, taken over by people who will do anything for
money-from Iraq, Iran or say, a gang of terrorists." 11 With this threat of outfitting of
the enemies of the U.S. with weaponry, it becomes apparent that "the most serious
foreign policy challenge facing the United States ... is the deterioration inside
Russia."12 And that, "because of Russia's powerful nuclear arsenal left over from the
Cold War, any sort of instability in Russia is very dangerous."13 Along with this idea
9 Hoffman, David "Russian IMF Loans Routed Through Offshore Company; Issue Could Cloud
Primakov's U.S. Visit," The Washington Post March 23, 1999.
10
Smulevitz, Howard M. "Lugar Says Price of Safety is Aid for Russia," The Indianapolis Star December
5, 1998.
11 Zuckerman, Mortimer B. ''Weighed Down by Debt," U.S. News and World Report April 5, 1999.
12
Kempster, Norman. "World's Hot Spots to Test Clinton in New Year," Los Angeles Times December 26,
1998.
13 Kempster, Norman. "World's Hot Spots to Test Clinton in New Year," Los Angeles Times December 26,
1998.
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of supporting the Russian government for the sake of the United States own national
security, another idea justifying the same need for financial assistance from the U.S.
7
is to repair the damages that some Americans feel that the Clinton administration is
responsible for. To this point, American aid to Russia has been seen as a failure
because of the economic turmoil of the country, and as a waste of money, because the
country is worse off economically now than it was when the aid was granted. 14 Thus,
in order to save face on this issue, it is in Clinton's administration's best interest to
repair any damages done, restoring both the economy of Russia, and the faith of the
American people. While these two ideas regarding the need for the U.S. support of
Russia may make some sense, they by no means justify any desire by the U.S. to
make concessions in its aid packages to Russia that it would not otherwise make. In
the case of the security of the nation, this is true because if, at any point in time, if
Russia began to sell off its military weaponry to countries that might cause harm to
the U.S., the United States could respond by either buying these weapons themselves,
or with trade sanctions that would outweigh any funding that Russia might receive for
its remaining dismantled and outdated weaponry. Also, if Russia's economy was to
become so weak that it depended on the sale of these weapons, wouldn't they become
a target of the very nation's they were selling the weapons too? If so, why would they
provide the instruments that would cause their own destruction? With these reasons in
mind, the idea of the United States supporting Russia financially because it is a threat
to national security if without financial support isn't believable enough for it to be the
justification for such a compromise that could potentially be a large waste of
14
McFaul, Michael. "Russia's PR Coup," The Washington Post May 8, 1999.
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American tax dollars. Along the same lines, the idea of the Clinton Administration
needing to gain public support also would not justify such a financial sacrifice. Any
small amount of change in public opinion that would result from the supporting of the
Russian economy would be outweighed by the public opposition to spending
American tax dollars abroad. Having realized that these two reasons for the United
States government to financially support the Russian government are not substantial
enough to justify the United States compromising its standards for Russia to receive
monetary support from the IMF and other organizations, this leaves the U.S. desire
for Russia to side with NATO in the Kosovo conflict as this justification. Russian's
position regarding the issue of Kosovo before the bombing was one of complete
opposition to the United States. Not only would Russia veto any attempt by the
Security council of the UN to support the Kosovars militarily, but Russia also
threatened to aid Slobodon Milosevic in the form of weapons and troops, and even
hinted at the possibility of Russia and the U.S. going to war. With such consequences
being threatened if the United States were to try to force the Serbs into submitting to
NATO's sanctions, it is completely feasible that the United States would search for a
way to change Russia's opinion about the conflict. In regards to the ability of the
United States to influence the position of Russia in the Balkans, the United States is
not concerned about Russia's desire or ability to stand up for its interests because "the
government in Moscow is now so weak it can be convinced, using American aid for
leverage."15 Also, along these same lines, German Chancellor Schroeder's spoke of
how Russia should respond to IMF funds with its handling of the Kosovo situation by
15 "Albright Confronts Russians Over Several Issues," The Bulletin's Frontrunner January 26, 1999.
Gustavus Student Repository
saying, "support is never something that goes one way only."
16 He added "It is a titfor-
tat business" and we expect Russia to begin to "lean our way."17 Supporting this
position by the German Chancellor, upon announcing that they were considering
9
more aid to Russia through the IMF, "White House officials 'went out of their way to
make sure that [Russian Prime Minister] Mr. Primakov understood' that the IMF aid
and Russian's opposition to the NATO bombings in Kosovo' were closely linked."'18
With this opinion concerning the debt that Russia would owe for the United States
role in the releasing of international funding for a new credit loan, it becomes obvious
that the possibility of this political "give-and-take" would warrant the enticement of
Russia to change their opinions about the crisis in the Balkans with the promise of
international funding in order to fulfill their economic void. This enticement, and the
concessions that the U.S. would have to make in order to deliver monetary support to
Russia, would be a small price to pay if it meant erasing any chance of military
conflict with Russia over Yugoslavia, and the possibility of even acquiring the
Russians as diplomats for peace in the situation. This theory of such a compromise on
both sides of this issue is much more plausible than claims of the need for public
approval from the American people. This theory also makes more sense than lowering
standards for loans insure the safety from third party buyers of weapons, as it
outweighs any consequences of small changes in the logistics of loaning Russia
billions of dollars. Having determined that this compromise is for the benefit of the
16 "Stakeout Remarks by Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder of Germany at the White House," Federal News
Service, February 11, 1999.
17
"Stakeout Remarks by Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder of Germany at the White House," Federal News
Service, February 11, 1999.
Gustavus Student Repository
United States, it still remains to be revealed whether or not such compromises took
place, and if so, to what extent they can be connected to one another.
10
After determining that both the Russian and the United States governments
would benefit from a two-way compromise surrounding the events of Russia's quest
for international financial support and the conflict in the Balkans, it still remains to be
seen if such a compromise has occurred. Such a discovery will be made through the
examination of the events that take place surrounding any change in the status of
either issue. That is, any change in the status of the possibility of International
Monetary Fund loans for Russia can be compared to see if it either triggers, or is
triggered by, the Russian position on the war in Kosovo. Using the relations between
Russia and the U.S., along with the justifications for any such cause-and-effect
changes in policies, an examination of the accounts of each event can begin. First,
Russia's position in regards to the possibility of war in the Balkans must be
established as it was before Russia's newest attempt for IMF funding began in
February of 1999. On June 17, 1998, after the U.S. flew "aerial military exercises"
over the Balkans as a show of force in an attempt to intimidate Slobodon Milosevic,
the Russian Defense Minister claimed to have not been previously informed about the
tests, which contradicted United Nations claims that he was told of the test two days
before they were run.19 This demonstrates Russia's support for Serbia in the summer
of 1998, as they wanted to appear in the eyes of the Yugoslav government as if they
weren't as cooperative with the United States as they really were. This defiance by
18
"IMF OK's Aid to Russia, US Issues Warning," The Bulletin's Frontrunner March 30, 1999.
Gustavus Student Repository
1 1
Russia was an early indication that they would not only refuse to support any U.S.
military action in the Bal
Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children
No full textThe commercial sexual exploitation of children is not an easy problem to
solve. So many factors are tangibly connected in creating today's situation. There is no
single cause to this very complex problem. Therefore, the solution to end the commercial
sexual exploitation of children will be as complex as the problem.Commercial Sexual
Exploitation of
Children
ND92 Independent Study (Senior Thesis)
Prof. Norman Walbek
Miholhara
May 25, 1998
Gustavus Student Repository
Contents
Introduction 1
L What Is the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children? 3
The Scale of the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children 4
Trafficking Routes I I
IL Child Victims as Individuals-Case Studies of Some Children 16
m. The Impact of the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children 22
Human Rights Violation of Children 22
Psychological Damages of Child Victims 23
Spread of HIV (AIDS) 26
The Role and Impact of Child Pornography 30
IV. Why Does the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children Exist? 32
Supply Factors 32
Demand Factors: Where Does the Demand for Children Come from? 36
Other Contributing Factors 47
V. What Has Been Done to Solve the Problem 51
ECPAT (Background) 51
What ECPAT Has Achieved 54
The Efforts Made by the United Nations 63
World Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children 67
VL What Needs to Be Done to Save Children 75
Conclusion 91
Annex 1. Convention of the Rights of the Child 92
Annex 2. Percentage of Foreign Sexual Abusers Arrested in Asian Countries 101
Annex 3. ECP AT' s Multi Disciplinary Strategies 102
Annex 4. Republic Act No. 7610 (the Philippines) 103
Annex 5. Crimes (Child Sex Tourism) Amendment Act 1994 (Australia) 105
Gustavus Student Repository
Early on the morning of May 14, 1987 a neighbour was wheeling his
cart when he saw a commotion among a group of people. Walking
over he saw Rosario on the ground writhing in agony with a green bile
coming out of her mouth. He lifted the girl onto his cart and pushed
her to the general hospital. Doctors found the girl's abdomen
distended and globular. Her pain was so intense they could not touch
her. After administering pain killers, they were able to operate on her
the following day. The operation removed from her uterus a broken
vibrator about nine centimetres in length and as large as a battery. It
had a ragged edge where it had broken and a rusty screw still hanging on
the side. It had lodged inside her body for five months. 1
Ihara 1
The preceding case describes only one of the countless number of victims of the
commercial sexual exploitation of children in the world. There exist many children who
live as disposable sex toys for adults-they do not live as human.
The situation in which these poor children struggle is more terrible than many
people could ever imagine, and their rights as human beings are severely violated. The
victimized children can not survive physically, or even if they survive and are rescued, they
suffer severe emotional damage. In addition, this prostitution promotes the wide and fast
spread of AIDS all over the world because many people who have sex with children are
from abroad. Therefore, this problem, child prostitution, must be solved as soon as
possible.
However, the commercial sexual exploitation of children is not an easy problem to
solve. So many factors are tangibly connected in creating today's situation. There is no
single cause to this very complex problem. Therefore, the solution to end the commercial
sexual exploitation of children will be as complex as the problem.
Gustavus Student Repository
Ihara2
Because of the scale and the complexity of the problem, the time when the
commercial sexual exploitation of children is eliminated seems very far away, if even
possible. However, there are many NGOs, lawyers, religious leaders, and social workers
which/who have been working to save children in the sex industry. Thanks to their efforts,
some progress has started to be seen, although it is still not even close to the end of the
problem. The biggest achievement, so far, is the fact that the problem is internationally
recognized, and that the international community finally started to take actions towards
solving the problem. The international awareness about and recognition of the problem
can be seen in the fact that the first Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of
Children was held in Stockholm, Sweden, from August 27 to 31, 1996, sponsored by the
Swedish Government, UNICEF, ECPAT (NGO) and some other NGOs. The fight against
the commercial sexual exploitation of children just started. It will be a very difficult
struggle, and will need the efforts of many more people. However, the fight will have to
be continued until the last child is saved.
1 Ron O'Grady, The Child and the Tourist (Bangkok: ECPAT, 1992) 24.
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Ihara 3
According to the World Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of
Children held from August 27 to 31, 1996, the commercial sexual exploitation of children
is defined as:
the use of a child for sexual purposes in exchange for cash or in-kind
favours between the child her or himself, the customer, intermediary or
agent and others who profit from the trade in children for these
purposes.2
A child, as mentioned in the above quote, means a person under 18 years of age with
reference to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (See Annex 1 ). The three kinds of
the commercial sexual exploitation of children have been determined by the United
Nations as follows:
1. Child Prostitution: Child prostitution is the act of engaging or
offering the services of a child to perform sexual acts for money or
other consideration with that person or any other person:
2. Trafficking and sale of children across borders and within
countries for sexual purposes: The 1956 Supplementary Convention
on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and
Practices Similar to Slavery defines the sale of children as "the
transfer of a child from one party to another for whatever purposes in
exchange for financial or other reward compensation." Sexual
trafficking is the profitable business of transporting children for
commercial sexual purposes. It can be across borders or within
countries, across State lines, from city to city, or from rural to urban
centre.
3. Child Pornography: Child pornography is any visual or audio
material which uses children in a sexual context. It consists of"the
visual depiction of a child engaged in explicit sexual conduct, real or
simulated, or the lewd exhibition of the genitals intended for the
sexual gratification of the user, and involves the production,
2 "Document Descriptions: World Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children: Background
Document," Online. Internet. 22 Feb. 1997. Available: : n.
pag ..
Gustavus Student Repository
distribution and/or use of such material." ... The purpose of audio
pornography is similar. Because of easy and inexpensive access
through computer based information networks, child pornography has
increased in recent years and appropriate legislative remedies have
become increasingly difficult. 3
Ihara 4
It is estimated that more than one million children, throughout the world, are being forced
into child prostitution, trafficked and sold for sexual purposes or used in child pornography
each year.4
The Scale ofthe Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children
Although it is difficult to find out the exact number of children who are being
made victims of the commercial sexual exploitation because of its criminal nature, it is
possible to obtain some idea of the scale of the child sex industry from some NGOs,
national governments, the United Nations and some of its agencies, which have been
working for protection of children's rights. Since the Asian region has been studied more
closely than any other region around the world for its outstanding phenomenon of child
prostitution, it is possible to obtain more accurate data about Asian countries. The
estimated number of child victims differs depending on sources, yet it is not an
exaggeration to say that at least one million children are working as prostitutes in Asia, and
"it often seems that Asia is the worst affected region. "5
3 "Document Descriptions: World Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children: Background
Document."
4 "Document Descriptions: World Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children: Background
Document."
5 "Document Descriptions: World Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children: Scope of the
Problem," Online. Internet. 22 Feb. 1997. Available: : n. pag ..
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Ihara 5
There are many people who believe that the commercial sexual exploitation of
children does not happen in his/her country. June Kane, a spokesperson for the World
Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children (which will be discussed in
Chapter V) and a lecturer and journalist who has worked in the humanitarian area for many
years and currently advises a number of organizations including UNICEF, states: "Until the
paedophile ring sandal that shocked Belgium in August 1996, most people who had heard
about so-called 'child prostitutes' ... believed that children being sold for sex was something
that happened only in Asia, and only in the poorer parts of Asia at that. "6 Even a
professor who recently publishes a book on sexual exploitation of children states in his
book, "Unfortunately, the existence of child prostitution in Taiwan is a unique
phenomenon among modern capitalist societies."7 It, however, is a false understanding.
Asian countries are not the only ones which have the problem of the commercial sexual
exploitation of children. Unfortunately, it is a question of whether there are any countries
where it does not take place.
There exists a lot of different information regarding the number of child victims of
the commercial sexual exploitation depending sources. In this paper, however,
information published by the United Nations (UN), End Child Prostitution in Asian
Tourism (ECPAT), a NGO which has been actively working and taking initiatives for the
elimination of the commercial sexual exploitation of children, and June Kane, who advises
UNICEF regarding the problem, will be used to present the scale of the phenomenon. The
6 June Kane, Sold for Sex (Hampshire, England: Arena, Ashgate Publishing Limited, 1998) 2.
7 Arny H.L. Shee, Legal Protection of Children Against Sexual Exploitation in Taiwan: A Socio-Legal
Gustavus Student Repository
Ihara6
following is the infonnation published by them:
Asia and the Pacific
• Bangladesh: About 10,000 child prostitutes (UN). 8 An estimated 200,000 women
including girls as young as nine years of age have been trafficked for sexual purposes
in the last ten years (ECPAT). 9 Ten thousand children are prostituted (Kane 10)_10
• Burma (Myanmar): Approximately 10,000 Bunnese girls and women are trafficked
into Thai brothels each year (ECPAT).
• Cambodia: The number of prostitutes in Cambodia is unknown, although it is
thought that there are at least more than 10,000. In 1994, nearly 35 percent of sex
workers in Phnom Penh were under eighteen years of age (ECPAT).
• China: 200,000 to 500,000 children are in the sex industry. Since 1989, about
5,000 Chinese girls have been trafficked into Bunna and sold as prostitutes. Also,
more than 10,000 women and children are abducted and sold each year in Sichuan
alone (ECPAT). More than a 250,000 children are reported to be prostituted (Kane
10).
• India: 40,000 child prostitutes (ECPAT). 100,000 children are prostituted in major
cities, and between 30,000 to 200,000 Nepalese minors are prostituted in the cities
(Kane 10).
• Indonesia: Indonesia's sex industry involves many young girls in brothels. Even
though the average age of girls in prostitution is between 17 and 20 years, many of
them have been working there for several years. Also, street children are selling sex
for survival (ECPAT). Forty-two thousand children are prostituted (Kane 10).
• Nepal: An estimated 200,000 Nepali girls under sixteen years of age are to be found
in Indian brothels. About 5,000 to 7,000 new girls are trafficked each year
(ECPAT).
• Pakistan: Between 20,000 and 40,000 children are prostituted (Kane 10).
• The Philippines: 60,000 to 100,000 children are involved in the sex industry
(ECPAT). Between 60,000 and 600,000 children are prostituted (Kane 10).
• Sri Lanka: Over 2,000 child prostitutes (UN). Around 10,000 children aged six to
fourteen are virtually enslaved in brothels and a further 5,000 aged ten to eighteen are
working independently in tourist resorts (ECPAT). Twenty thousand to 30,000
children are prostituted (Kane 10).
• Taiwan: Between 40,000 and 60,000 children involved in child prostitution (UN).
Perspective (Dartmouth, England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 1998) 9.
8 The United Nations, General Assembly, Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Children: Sale of Children,
Child Prostitution and Child Pornography: Note by the Secretary-General (New York: The United Nations,
1997). The information marked (UN) in the following country reports, except the ones which have a
footnote number, refers to this source.
9 ECPAT, "Country," Online. Internet. 23 Feb. 1997. Available: : n.
pag.. The information marked (ECPA T) in the following country reports refers to this source.
10 Kane, Sold. The information marked (Kane page#) in the following country reports refers to this
source.
Gustavus Student Repository
Ibara 7
100,000 children are working in the sex industry (ECP AT). Up to 60,000 children
are prostituted {Kane 10).
• Thailand: 150,000 to 200,000 prostitutes, of which no more than 20 percent are
children (UN). ECPAT estimates that there are some 250,000 prostitutes under the
age of 18 (Kane 7).
• Vietnam: Up to 20percent of the commercial sex industry constitutes of children
under eighteen years of age (ECP AT). Forty thousand children are prostituted
{Kane 10).
• Australia: There is evidence of child prostitution (ECPA T).
Africa
• Angola: Girls as young as 12 sell sex to survive. In the capital, Luanda, alone, there
are 4,000 children involved in the sex trade {Kane 40).
• Ethiopia: There are more than thousands of children involved in the sex trade (Kane
44).
• Gambia: Middle-aged European women seek sex with young Gambian men
(ECPAT).
• Ghana: Young girls are tricked into prostitution in the belief that they will be
housemaids (ECPAT).
• Kenya: Commercial sexual exploitation of children in Nairobi, the coastal towns of
Mombasa, Malindi and Lamu, and some game towns is recognized. Street children
use sex to supplement their income from other activities such as begging and
scavenging (ECPAT). There are thousands of children who are prostituted. Both
boys and girls are involved in the sex trade, but most of them are girls between the
age of six and 16 (Kane 44).
• Liberia:. There are thousands of children prostituted. It is recognized that children
are also prostituted in refugee and displaced people's camps (Kane 44-46).
• Libya: Commercial sexual exploitation of children is recognized (ECPAT).
• Mauritania: Foreign pedophiles at work and an increase in boy prostitutes are
reported (ECPAT).
• Senegal: Sexual exploitation of children is recognized (ECPAT).
• Sierra Leone: Homeless children sell their bodies to Portuguese, Spanish and
Russian fishermen for survival (Kane 40).
• South Africa: In Hillbrow, the central Johannesburg district, black underage street
boys make their living occasionally with prostitutionc Black schoolchildren from
the outskirts hitchhiking downtown are being abused and prostituted on their way to
school. Women and young girls from Thailand, Taiwan, and Russia work in
brothels in the suburbs of Johannesburg. Estimation of the number of child
prostitutes range from several thousands to several ten thousands (ECPAT). More
than 26,000 children are sexually exploited on the streets of Johannesburg (Kane 42).
• Sudan: Commercial sexual exploitation of children is recognized (ECPAT).
• Zambia: There are more than thousands of children involved in the sex trade (Kane
44).
Gustavus Student Repository
!hara 8
• Zimbabwe: Sexual exploitation of children related to the sex trade near the border is
identified (ECPAT).
Eastern Europe
• Czech Republic: Children entering prostitution, being sexually exploited by foreign
visitors, trafficked to brothels in Western Europe, disappearances of children, and the
production of child pornography are reported (ECPAT).
• Georgia: The number of street children and children in prostitution is growing.
There are approximately 1,000 street children in the capital, Tbilist, and these
children are in danger of being forced or recruited into child prostitution (UN).
• Hungary: Young children are involved in so-called "road prostitution," in which
children are prostituted at truck stops along the M l motorway between Vienna and
Budapest (Kane 32).
• Poland: According to Interpol, Polish orphans have been sold to the Netherlands,
Canada. Children are also sold to Sweden (Kane 32).
• Romania: Children entering prostitution, being sexually exploited by foreign visitors,
trafficked to brothels in Western Europe, disappearances of children, and the
production of child pornography are reported (ECPAT). Romanian boys dominate
the trafficking of boys for se in Europe (Kane 31 ).
• Russia: Children entering prostitution, being sexually exploited by foreign visitors,
trafficked to brothels in Western Europe, disappearances.of children, and the
production of child pornography are reported (ECP AT).
Latin America and the Caribbean
• Argentina: The child sex trades, connected with sex tourism sectors, are welldocumented
(Kane 13).
• Brazil: Street children in the tourist resort areas ofRecific are being exploited in
massage parlors and clubs. Acartel of powerful business and political interests
controlling around 1,000 girls aged eight to fifteen has been identified (ECPAT).
There are about 15,000 abandoned children and teenagers on the street of Fortaleza, a
city on the north-east coast of Brazil, and at least 2,000 of them are sexually
exploited. It is reported in 1996 that the age of children who sell sex for survival in
Fortaleza is lowering, and it is reported that some 20 percent were 15 or 16, 31
percent were 13 or 14, 30 percent were 11 or 12, 17 percent were between eight and
ten, and more than 1 percent were even younger (Kane 12).
• Chile: It is identified that the commercial sexual exploitation ofchildren is strongly
connected with the drug trade.
• Columbia: In 1995, the police discovered 52 girls between age of 10 and 12 working
as prostitutes in Bogota, the capital (ECPAT). It is reported that 5,000 children are
working as prostitutes on the streets of Bogota (Kane 13).
• Costa Rica: About more than 30,000 Americans and several thousand more
Canadians have retired to Costa Rica. Many of them have chosen the country
because of the easy access to under-aged prostituted children (ECPAT). It is almost
Gustavus Student Repository
impossible to estimate because many women and children work as prostitutes
temporarily (Kane 14 ).
• Cuba: The child sex trades, connected with sex tourism sectors, are welldocumented
(Kane 13).
Ihara 9
• The Dominican Republic: In 1990, there were nearly 60,000 children aged between
seven and eighteen living on the streets of the cities, and they are targets of sexual
exploitation (ECPAT). The child sex trades, connected with sex tourism sectors,
are well-documented (Kane 13).
• Ecuador: The child sex trades, connected with sex tourism sectors, are welldocumented
(Kane 13).
• Guatemala: The use of street children in prostitution is a serious problem. It is
estimated that there are between 1,500 and 5,000 street children (UN). It is
recognized that children are also prostituted in refugee and displaced people's camps
(Kane 44-46).
• Haiti: Sex between adult male tourists from the United States and Europe and local
boys has been a feature of the tourist industry for many years (ECP AT).
• Peru: Half a million children under 14 live in poverty, and many of them enter the
sex industry to survive (Kane 13).
• Venezuela: The child sex trades, connected with sex tourism sectors, are welldocumented
(Kane 13).
Middle East and North Africa
• Egypt: Children on the streets are known to be prey to tourists and local men in
Cairo (Kane 50).
• Jordan: Twenty thousand Sri Lankan women and girls are employed as domestic
servants, and such servants are often expected to supply sexual services to the men of
the household (Kane 50).
• Morocco: Children on the streets are known to be prey to tourists and local men in
Casablanca and Marrakech (Kane 50).
• Oman: In the Nizwa area, 27 percent of girls are married before the age of 11 in
exchange for dowries and gifts for the family (Kane 51).
• Tunisia: Children on the streets are known to be prey to tourists and local men in
Tunis (Kane 50).
• Turkey: Romanian boys trafficked for sex are reported (Kane 31 ).
• Yemen: The majority of girls are married between the age of 12 and 15 in exchange
for dowries and gifts for the family (Kane 51 ).
North America
• Canada: Thousands of teenage girls are being prostituted by organized pimp rings.
In Montreal alone there are several thousands juveniles involved in the sex trade
(ECPAT). There are 10,000 children living on the street of Tronto, and many of
then work for pimps. In Montreal, between 600 and 3,000 minors are involved in
the sex trade. Also, more than 400 children-som
NATO Enlargement In Eastern Europe: Political and Strategic Consequences
No full textThe main purpose of this analysis is to attempt to introduce, explain and forecast the recent political phenomenon of the process of NATO enlargement in Eastern Europe. The main focus of the analysis will be concentrated on the specific case of Bulgaria and her bid for NATO membership and the possible following consequences of this decision. The research question is titled "NATO enlargement in Eastern Europe - political and strategic consequences'', in order to reflect the interest of the author in the most recent political developments between the former political and ideological enemies. It also will discuss the monumental developments in the Post-Cold War era in Eastern and Central Europe. The analysis will focus through the prism of the formal intent and actions taken by the governments of the nation states of Central and Eastern Europe in regards joining the NATO alliance. The initial hypothesis implies that the process of NATO enlargement into Eastern and Central Europe will yield regional geopolitical and social stability. The implied logical derivative is that the process of NATO expansion is a sufficient guarantee for the improvement of the democratic process and economic prosperity in the region. It is based on the notion of Bruce Russett and Anthony Lake's ideas of democratic enlargement and peace. In other words it will be based on the premise that countries with developed democracies do not enter into intensive conflicts with each other on the same scale when compared with other systems of political governance. The study will concentrate mainly on the relationship and between NATO and its member states and the nation-states formally seeking admission in the alliance. It also will examine the requirements for NATO membership and the socio-political conditions of the expected new members. From this departure point the study will examine the structure and inner logic behind the idea of enlargement and compare the conditions of the expected new members with the conditions in the so-called second wave (Bulgaria, Slovenia and the Baltic States) that are expected to join after year 2000. Main accent will be put on the specific case of Bulgaria, which will serve as a representative case for the rest of the countries seeking admission in the Alliance.
Portions of this digital file were compromised. Text following the last available page is no longer available.NATO Enlargement In Eastern EuropePolitical
and Strategic Consequences
Kiril A. Avramov PO 99 Thesis. Professor Richard Leitch
Spring 1999
Gustavus Student Repository
Table of Contents:
I. Introduction ............................................................. 1
II. The Security Debate ................................................... 3
III. Case of Republic of Bulgaria ......................................... 6
IV. NA TO - Organizational Change .................................... 15
V. Strategic Balance between NATO and Russia .................... 21
VI. Integration of Republic of Bulgaria in
VI.A. Political Effects of Integration ........................ 26
VI.B. Economic Effects of Integration ..................... 29
VI.C. Social Effects of Integration .......................... 35
VI.D. Legal Effects of Integration ........................... 36
VII. Conclusion .. - ........................................................... 37
VIII. Bibliography ............................................................ 39
Gustavus Student Repository
I. Introduction
The main purpose of this analysis is to attempt to introduce, explain and forecast
the recent political phenomenon of the process of NATO enlargement in Eastern Europe.
The main focus of the analysis will be concentrated on the specific case of Bulgaria and
her bid for NA TO membership and the possible following consequences of this decision.
The research question is titled "NATO enlargement in Eastern Europe - political and
• •• • strategic consequences'', in order to reflect the interest of the· author i • the most recent
political developments between the former political and ideological enemies. It also will
discuss the monumental developments in the Post-Cold War era in Eastern and Central
Europe. The analysis will focus through the prism of the formal intent and actions taken
by the governments of the nation states of Central and Eastern Europe in regards joining
the NATO alliance. The initial hypothesis implies that the process of NATO enlargement
into Eastern and Central Europe will yield regional geopolitical and social stability. The
implied logical derivative is that the process of NATO expansion is a sufficient guarantee
for the improvement of the democratic process and economic prosperity in the region. It
is based on the notion of Bruce Russett and Anthony Lake's ideas of democratic
enlargement and peace. In other words it will be based on the premise that countries with
developed democracies do not enter into intensive conflicts with each other on the same
scale when compared with other systems of political governance. The study will
concentrate mainly on the relationship and between NATO and its member states and the
nation-states formally seeking admission in the alliance. It also will examine the
Gustavus Student Repository
requirements for NATO membership and the socio-politial conditions of the expected
new members. From this departure point the study will examine the structure and inner
logic behind the idea of enlargement and compare the conditions of the expected new
members with the conditions in the so-called second wave (Bulgaria, Slovenia and the
Baltic States) that are expected to join after year 2000. Main accent will be put on the
specific case of Bulgaria, which will serve as a representative case for the rest of the
countries seeking admission in the Alliance.
The type of the analysis employed in this study is correlative where it will attempt
• •••• to correlate specified independent variables with the dependent one. The independent
variables could be summarized, as follows:
-Political conditions in Bulgaria/ present political leadership
-Economic level of prosperity /financial aspects of integration
-Strategic and military preparedness of Bulgaria
-Popular social attitudes towards NATO
-Legal aspects of possible integration
-NATO's strategy for individual states seeking admission
The dependent variable is the level of improvement of the existing political, social, legal
and economic conditions in the Central and Eastern European states in the region. It
seems appropriate to employ the case study research design given the ecological level of
analysis. The aggregate level of analysis will permit the use of deductive method to derive
common trends in the specific case and then induce a pattern that would be applicable
towards the whole region. These examples will yield an illustration of the spillover
effects of NATO membership and developments connected to the process.
2
Gustavus Student Repository
II. The Security Debate
The departing point of this research needs to be located in the so-called "security
debate" that has taken place in the Post-Cold War era in the ex-communist countries of
Eastern Europe. The big concern in this debate was the strategic consequences of the fall
of the Warsaw pact and the disintegration of the Soviet Union. In the light of the bipolarity
the strategic choices of the Eastern European countries was reduced to sole
military dimension and its relation to the other big strategic player - Russia. It is fair to
• mention that the security debate has many aspects and that are influenced by the level of
economic development, popular political attitudes, the stand of the political elites and the
legal framework of the country seeking admission in alternative security structure. The
strategic debate question is important because it implies that a regional stability will
necessarily yield positive effects on the economic and political stability of the country
joining the supra state entity. The products of the security debate could be grouped into
three main categories that represent the main options for the countries from the
disintegrated Warsaw pact. 1 These categories are based on the only feasible alternatives
to the past strategic arrangement, namely:
1) neutrality in regards of the common European strategic architecture
2) integration in the future European defense identity in the European Union -
illID
3) integration and full membership in the structure of the North Atlantic Alliance
and becoming a part of the larger plan for collective security in Europe
1 Ratchev, Valeri Bulgaria in NATO: Aspects of motivation (pg.1)
3
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These options evolved from the historical and empirical experience of the Eastern
European countries and became predominate political sentiments that represent the
internal political debate on the issue of foreign policy formation. The historical
experience of the foreign policy formation can be expressed in the following timeline
format2
:
1) Timeline for the modern historical post-Cold War developments:
19451955 1989-2000
Beginning of bipolarity End of bipolarity
Formation of the socialist countries in Disappearance of socialist countries in
Eastern Europe Eastern Europe
Establishing Warsaw Treaty Disbanding Warsaw Treaty
Arms race Disarmament race
Establishing NATO Reforming NATO
Division of Germany Reunifying Germany
New security structure New security structure
The empirical experience evidence of the proposed choices for foreign policy formation
stems from the failure of the national political elite to conduct and maintain efficient and
independent foreign policy strategy. This is argument is well illustrated in the case of
Bulgaria which obtained the negative results of the Allies war, the First World War,
2 Nagy, Laszlo Integration of Republic of Hungary in NATO (pg.3)
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Second World War and arguably the Cold War, as well. This pattern is common in the
rest of the former socialist countries with minor variations and is illustrated by the
Hungarian uprising in 1956 and the Prague's Spring events. The detection of these main
trends that are a common feature in the internal security debate in the former socialist
countries allows us to use a specific case that will provide an illustration for the
mechanics behind the decision making process in regards to the future foreign policy
formation. The specific case that will provide this opportunity is the case of Republic of
Bulgaria, which strongly exhibits all of the aforementioned features and is on the
crossroads, seeking an alternative to its previous policy. The fall of communism in 1989
left a power vacuum and created an uncertainty to where should the country place itself in
the wider strategic landscape. Its decision depends on all of the factors, ranging from
national psychology to legal framework for future foreign policy formation. It also
represents the concern of the European countries in regards with the common security and
stability, national minorities and human rights on the Balkans. Bulgaria also lies on the
Samuel Huntington's "fault lines" of the different civilizations, namely Islam and
Christianity and has national minority composed largely of ethnic Turks. Thus, the test
case of Bulgaria exhibits all of the characteristics that are of common concern for the
European strategic architecture, including the prevention of human rights violations and
preserving the territorial status quo in South Eastern Europe. The test case yields the three
specific alternatives for its foreign policy from their internal political debate and provides
similarities with all of the other "second wave" applicants, such as Slovenia, the Baltic
States and possibly Romania (a rather specific case, with uncertain NATO decision
whether it should be placed, as a "second wave" applicant country.)
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III. Case of Republic of Bulgaria
The case of Republic of Bulgaria provides an inside look of the internal political
debate over the future foreign policy and its orientation and direction. The main
arguments could be grouped into three categories:
1) neutrality
2) European integration and strategic correlation with EU policy structures
3) NATO integration and full membership in the Alliance structure, following the "first
wave" model of Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic
These options yield two political camps that represent opposing views. They could be
described, as "pro-European" and pro-NATO choice camp and the "neutral" policy camp.
In terms of the political spectrum these opinions are supported as follows: the political
Right and Center (The Ruling Union of Democratic Forces coalition composed by
Christian Democrats, Democratic Party, People's Union - Bulgarian Agrarian National
Union and Democratic Party) strongly supports the so-called process of "Eurointegration",
which involves EU and NATO integration. The counterbalance force is the
opposition of NATO integration and preserving the policy of neutrality. This argument is
presented by the Bulgarian Socialist Party and partially by the Euroleft coalition ( one time
fraction of the Socialist party). The supporters of the "neutrality" argument are eager to
put the determination of the future of the Bulgarian foreign policy on the test by
introducing a single question public referendum, in the light of some of the most recent
developments in the region. The common denominator for all of the represented
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Parliamentary forces becomes the post 1989 axiom that Bulgaria belongs in Europe and
needs to overcome its isolation in the European periphery. The removal of the isolation
barriers would accelerate the increase of direct foreign investment, revitalization of the
economy and the influx of new technology much needed for the country's social progress.
Therefore, it will be reasonable to conclude that there is a stable national consensus
regarding the role of Bulgaria in the process of the European consolidation and further
integration. From this departing point it is necessary to examine the arguments for
possible future foreign policy choices.
The neutrality argument presents a very tempting discourse since in the provided
timeline it is obvious that the Bulgarian national policy has brought numerous failures
and national catastrophes. The string of bad choices and coalition with the losing sides in
the world wars reinforces the public opinion on entering any form of wider military and
political agreements involving the former bipolar powers. In Bulgarian case it is possible
to distinguish between two types of neutrality, namely "structural neutrality" and
"satellite neutrality" policies. (Ratchev, Valeri Bulgaria In NATO: Aspects of Motivation,
pg.2). The main problem with "neutrality" concepts however, is the fact that for such
political stand it is necessary to obtain a span of forty to fifty years of active neutral
policy, which Bulgaria lacks. The traditional type of neutrality displayed by Switzerland
and Sweden has a history of active non-involvement stand and proves to be very costly
economically. The first type of structural neutrality, which served in the Austrian model
since 1955, and partially Yugoslavia since 1949 is desirable but unattainable in the recent
international political developments. This type of policy is based on careful balance
between the poles of the realpolitik model and was developed during the times of the
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bipolar model. Since the disintegration of the bipolar model the main tendency of the
continental politics is towards greater integration and clarification of the role of United
Europe. In other words, currently not many strategic players in Europe are interested in
creating neutral zones in the periphery of the Continent because of their own interests.
The tendencies of developing small internal coalitions within the uniform structure of the
EU, serves as a proof to the aforementioned point. Moreover, the country will not obtain
any feasible guarantees for its strategic interests, territorial integrity and political stability
from its Western European and Russian partners. The review of this type of policy
implies the derivative of impossibility of following such model because the lack of
resources, possibilities and sufficient guarantees for national security.
Another tempting type of neutrality would be the "satellite neutrality" policy.
According to some authors, like Valeri Ratchev: " The satellite neutrality is relatively
favorable (disregarding its moral dimension) type of participation in the international
system. This is especially valid for small countries in difficult situation, which lack
resources for stable long-term solutions of their domestic economic, political and
including international problems. This may lead to receiving a serious support from one
or several factors of the international relations but will require that the country in question
supports strictly the interests of the international factor or factors it has chosen as a means
of defense of its own national interests. Bulgaria has a long history of precisely
reproducing such a type of neutrality as well as in the direct attachment to one or another
great power. The typical example of satellite neutrality during the second half of the
Twentieth century was Finland. Its neutrality and international status were guaranteed by
the direct linkage with the interests of the USSR from political and strategic point of
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view." (Ratchev, Valeri Bulgaria in NATO: Aspects of Motivation, pg.2). This type of
neutrality advocates the direct linkage to a superpower and closely following the pattern
of its international policy. This automatically means partial loss of independent decisionmaking
and blind reliance on the political will of the superior power. This type of policy
surely brings sad historical reminders of political disasters and national catastrophes. In
other words, the dynamics of the international relations, especially after the disintegration
of the bipolar model does not allow a reliance on some of the old structures from the Cold
War. It is too soon to predict a stable partner and attach the foreign policy to such
determining international factor. With the review of this option it is logical to conclude
that the "neutrality" options for the case of Bulgaria are exhausted and provide no feasible
alternative for such development. It is rather obvious that the political stand of the
Bulgarian Socialist Party, which supports these options, is seeking to derive a short term
political dividends for electoral purposes. This political standpoint provides a short term
populist sentiment but doe not establish a long- term reliable strategy for the future
developments of the national foreign policy concept.
The second proposed choice for foreign policy framework within the derivatives
of the so-called "security debate" is the integration within the strategic structures of the
common European identity. Here the most important pole for decisions is provided by the
concept of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) within the European Union.
This option is particularly interesting because it provides an added incentive for Bulgaria
to participate in the Common European Identity. This option can be seen on two separate
levels: one is the intra-European trend of federalization and removal of obstacles for
smooth operation of the three EU poles, (which are the free movement of goods and
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people, cooperation in the field of foreign policy, and common defense mechanism),
which will reduce the importance of the American role on the Continent. The second
level, is the continuing process of European integration that leads to rapid modernization
of the Eastern European countries seeking admission into the European Union. These two
factors combined provide a tempting alternative for countries like Bulgaria because of the
complexity of the gained benefits, if they choose to participate. It also will reassure their
image, as full- fledged members of the European community of states from which they
were artificially separated during the Cold War era. This reassurance in tum would
increase the desire of the local political elites to support the European initiatives and
monitor more carefully the fight against organized crime, the illegal traffic inflow of
drugs and immigrants originating in this region. This integration within the larger
European strategic scheme would increase the influx of new technology that is necessary
for Bulgaria to fully participate within the European Union. Another argument proEuropean
choice is the idea of supporting continental "strategic society" and hence
avoiding attachment to the foreign policy of the U.S. and thus, maintaining sovereign
position on the vital strategic problems facing the country. This choice of foreign policy
orientation would inevitably bring close cooperation between the members of the
European Union and the test case country. This development in turn would provide the
opportunity for full development of the Bulgarian potential based on highly qualified
workforce, existing industrial base, continuing process of privatization and strong
political will to follow the example of the countries from Central Europe. The analysis
suggests that this pursuit would increase the chances of Bulgaria to became a member of
the European Union and hence use all of the advantages provided to its members. It
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would be appropriate to compare the situation with the choice Greece, Portugal and
Ireland made in regards with their participation in the Union. Even with GDP
conside