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The Hypocrisy of Democracies: Unveiling Fake Democracies and Criticizing the Reasons for Their Existence
No full textDemocracies have been "popping up" everywhere in the world today. The West is trying to get the East, South, and North up to date with this fairly new concept of a Democratic World. However, one must question whether or not forming a Democratic World is really the best thing. The definition of democracy will be examined and democratic theorists will be questioned, along with setting up criteria for democratic nations to be compared to. Three countries: Pakistan, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Sri Lanka will be compared to the criteria set. The reason for their existence as democratic nations will be criticized. The intended result will be to prove that forcing nations to become democratic to meet international wants, only leads to fake democracies, which hurts the people of those nations and the international community rather than helps them.The Hypocrisy of Democracies:
Unveiling Fake Democracies and Criticizing the Reasons for Their
Existence
Hillary Anne Harms
Senior Thesis
Professor Jill Locke
December 18, 2003
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Abstract
Democracies have been "popping up" everywhere in the world today. The West is
trying to get the East, South, and North up to date with this fairly new concept of a
Democratic World. However, one must question whether or not forming a
Democratic World is really the best thing. The definition of democracy will be
examined and democratic theorists will be questioned, along with setting up
criteria for democratic nations to be compared to. Three countries: Pakistan,
Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Sri Lanka will be compared to the criteria set. The
reason for their existence as democratic nations will be criticized. The intended
result will be to prove that forcing nations to become democratic to meet
international wants, only leads to fake democracies, which hurts the people of
those nations and the international community rather than helps them.
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Table of Contents
Introduction .......................................................................... 4
Literature Review .................................................................. 6
Pakistan .............................................................................. 9
Road to Democracy ....................................................... 10
Human Rights Violation ................................................. 12
Dahl's Criteria Applied to Pakistan ................................... 13
Role in the International Community ................................. 14
Bosnia-Herzegovina ............................................................... 15
Road to Democracy ........................................................ 15
Human Rights Violations ................................................. 18
Dahl's Criteria Applied to Bosnia-Herzegovina ..................... 19
Role in the International Community .................................. 20
Sri Lanka ............................................................................. 21
Road to Democracy ......................................................... 22
Human Rights Violations ................................................. 23
Dahl's Criteria Applied to Sri Lanka .................................. 24
Role in the International Community ................................. 25
Conclusion ........................................................................... 26
Bibliography ......................................................................... 28
Appendix I ............................................................................ 32
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Introduction
The term democracy has become a universal term in the international
community. The world has seen a major surge of nations trying to become
democracies in the last thirty years. In 1999 there was a reported 120 countries
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(63 percent) that claimed to be democracies; this is the highest number of reported
democracies ever. (Diamond & Plattner, 355) However, one must question the
validity of these so-called democracies. Are all of the democracies reported truly
a democracy, or are they just claiming to be so in order to please the international
community? Does forcing non-democratic nations into democratic submission
really help those countries, or does it just leads to "fake democracies" that just put
on the front of a true democracy? And what is the reason for this sudden surge of
democratic nations? It seems to be the constant pressure that countries, such as
the U.S., and International Governmental Organizations, such as the UN, puts on
non-democratic nations to become the "norm"; whether it be for economical,
social, or political reasons. Most pro-democratization theorists claim that a
"democratic world" will lead to world peace and stability since, they claim it has
shown, democratic nations do not go to war with on another and are more
economically, socially and politically stable. However, despite what these popular
theorists may think, democratic nations have come close to going to war with each
other and have used other non-democratic countries to go to war for them.
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In this paper, three "democratic" nations will be analyzed and critiqued.
First of these countries will be Pakistan whose democratic abilities have shown to
be extremely flawed and are now on the verge of a dictatorship. The second
country to be analyzed will be Bosnia-Herzegovina. Their road to democracy
after the fall of the Soviet Union has indeed been a bumpy one. After the Dayton
peace treaty in 1995 Bosnia has been completely dependent on foreign countries
for their survival and as a foreign official for the New York Times stated, "It
troubles me that the less democratically we [Americans] act, the more success we
have .. .I mean, here we are with 32,000 foreign soldiers demanding that a country
do what we want," speaks perfectly of how a country needs to establish their own
form of government without the international community forcing their ideals on
another country. (Chandler, 3) The final country that will be analyzed is Sri
Lanka, which since their independence in 1948, has been a country that has used
the claim of being a democracy to the major ethnic group's advantage. Minorities
in Sri Lanka have been extremely underrepresented for years. The country has
gone through almost four constitutions and still has seen very little progress.
With these countries in mind one may see how democratizing the world
may not be the only solution to the world's problems. As we will see, these fake
democracies are much worse off than some of the worse non-democratic nations
of the world. At least when a country is ruled by a dictatorship or by communism,
the UN automatically keeps an eye on these countries and sanctions them
immediately when there are wrongdoings. However, with a fake democracy the
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country is less closely watched and is more likely to receive funding from other
democratic nations. In other words, the international community looks the other
way when in comes to fake democracies because of their claim of
democratization. This in tum leaves room for those countries to continue their
non-democratic ways and leaves their obvious international violations un-watched.
Also, too much intervention from international actors hinders a nation's resolve to
become their own independent nation. At first, it may seem necessary for the
international community to assist other nations in times of conflict. However,
after the conflict is resolved, international actors force their democratic ideals on
these often weak nations in turn creating fake democracies in countries that may
need to create their own specific government based on their individual needs.
Theses countries end up becoming puppet states for the more powerful nations,
which hinders their need to become a stronger, homogenous nation.
Literature Review
Before one can claim that a country is a fake democracy, one must set
criteria in which a comparison can be made. Many theorists have come up with
different types of criteria that classify a true democracy, but Robert Dahl's criteria
in his book On Democracy fits the norm of what most people would think a
democracy should consist of. Dahl sets out five basic criteria for determining a
true democracy.
1. "Effective Participation" This simply means that all members must be able
to participate in any kind of legislation.
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2. "Voting equality," This obviously means that every member has the right
to vote and that every vote will be counted equally.
3. "Enlightened understanding" This means that every one has the right to
learn and understand policies and their likely consequences.
4. "Control of the Agenda" This means that every member has the equal right
to choose what is to be discussed on the agenda.
5. "Inclusion of adults" This simply means that all adults must be included in
the process of government whether you are female, male or of a minority
racial, religious or ethnic group. (Dahl, 37-38)
Robert Dahl's criteria may seem simple, however, they describe basic
freedoms that all democracies should have. Along with Dahl's criteria there is
another issue that should be considered when determining the validity of a
democracy and that is the upholding of basic human rights. For this, the UN
Charter for Human Rights will be used as a comparison. This is done because
democracies are usually known to be strong advocates for human rights and if a
democracy seems to have a long history of violating even the most simple of these
rights, their validity as a democracy must be called into question. Seven of the
thirty stated human rights in the UN Charter will be looked at more closely. These
rights discuss issues of equality in rights and the law, due process of law, freedom
of speech and press, treatment of minorities and fair and equal elections.*
The reasons for the international community to make the world more
democratic are many. The most popular reason is that democratic nations do not
•Fora full list on the human rights in the UN Charter, see Appendix I.
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wage war against one another. However, "this approach cannot yield robust and
convincing results .... because the number of democratic regimes has been small
and the duration of most of them comparatively short, any conclusion derived
from the evidence of their behavior toward each other must be tentative" (Lakoff,
298). In other words, the significance of the statement, "democratic nations do not
wage war against one another" is questionable. Research has also suggested that,
"democracies are no less likely to become involved in foreign wars, crises, or
potentially violent disputes than states organized under alternative governing
arrangements" (Lakoff, 306). It is believed that it is only a matter of time before
democratic nations do wage war against one another. Democratic nations are by
no means pacifist nations (Vietnam War for example), and they are ready to jump
into a war when popular demand seems fit. Nations will consider war justifiable if
their economic or domestic safety is at risk, democratic country or not. Sanford
Lakoff makes a compelling point in his book, 1 in that "[I]f the fulfillment of
international obligations requires acceptance of sacrifices without a compelling
national interest, democratic electorates may well prove unwilling to live up to
democratic professions" (307). What Lakoff is trying to say is that democracies
may well give up their democratic ideals when it seems fit for them to do so. For
example, in 2002, Russia was caught selling weapons to Iran, a country George
W. Bush mentions as part of the "Axis of Evil" in his famous State of the Union
Address in 2001. Now here is a democratic country assisting a non-democratic
nation in possibly building illegal nuclear weapons that could prove dangerous for
1 Democracy: History, Theory and Practice
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Russia's supposed ally, the U.S. Russia ceased to conform to their democratic
ideals for their own financial gain, and they in tum, put other countries at risk in
doing so. (Isachenkov, 1) So, for these reasons it is superficial to say that forcing
other countries to become democratic really is going to ensure a peaceful world.
Another, not so publicized, reason for democratization is creating a democracy
for economical or personal reasons. In other words, making a vulnerable state
become a democracy so those involved will reap the benefits of that country's
natural resources. This has been a reason that has been highly speculated in terms
of the Gulf War and the more recent Iraqi conflict. Many have questioned the
motives for the United States' insistence of ousting Saddam Hussein in order to
get a hold of Iraq's oil supply.
The argument for creating a more democratic world is particularly flawed. In
order to prove this, one must look at specific examples of how the system has not
work.
Pakistan
Pakistan is by far the most significant case of a fake democracy. Since its
independence from Great Britain in 1947, Pakistan has had a long history of
political upheaval, from becoming a democracy to a military state, to again a
pseudo-democracy that we see today. Pakistan now "possesses nuclear
weapons ... has become a major source of terrorist training and financing ... could
soon fight a major (even nuclear) war with a powerful neighbor [India], and its
ruling military leaders are less inclined than the elected civilians they displaced to
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seek a negotiated solution to the problem in Kashmir" (Diamond, 356). One <j
could make a long list of reasons why Pakistan would not be considered a
democracy, but first one must realize the way and reason they became a so-called
democracy in the first place.
Pakistan's road to Democracy Pakistan became a state in 1947, after the
British Empire began to fall. Pakistan was once part of India, but after the
religious strife between Muslims and Hindus became apparent, Pakistan broke off
from India to become its own independent nation. While Pakistan was now
independent, Great Britain assisted them in creating their own government based
on the British model of democracy. The next few years after their independence
were difficult ones. Pakistan had to deal with millions of Muslim refugees
pouring into the country from India while trying to establish their own
government. It took nearly ten years for them to establish a constitution and it was
not until 1954 that they were to have their first elections under the new
constitution, however, this never took place. Despite their efforts to establish a
working democracy, Pakistan soon came under martial law and became a military
state under the rule of Muhammad Ayub Khan from 1958-1969 and General Agha
Muhammad Yahya Khan from 1969-1971. The 1954 constitution was abolished
under Ayub; however, the military dictatorship would soon end under Agha whose
goal was to establish a working democracy. Pakistan had its first ever-national
elections in 1970, twenty-three years after their independence from Great Britain.
(Kux, 13-18)
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Pakistan's claim to democracy was their enactment of the 1971 Legal
Framework Order, which established fair elections, a working legislative body and
an elected prime minister. Although this was the only democratic institution that
Pakistan had established thus far, it was on its way to becoming a democratic state.
However, these institutions never really gained a lot of support and power. And in
the elections of 1977, the current Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto rigged the
elections for a landslide victory; he was eventually caught, charged, and executed.
The Chief of the Army, General Zia ul-Haq who ruled for another eleven years,
imposed martial law for the third time. With his death in 1988, Pakistan was again
restored to the people. Bhutto's daughter, Benazir Bhutto and ul-Haq's son,
Nawaz Sharif were up for election against each other and Bhutto soon became the
first woman prime minister. Her term as PM lasted until 1996 when she was
dismissed and replaced with Sharif. (Kux, 18-22)
By 1997 Pakistan's justice system was extremely corrupt and began to
break down as a result of N awaz Sharif' s administration. Sharif needed to ensure
his power, so he used the justice system to undermine his opponent and many civil
liberties were abused. Meanwhile, in the name of the fight against terrorism, the
courts were used to try people without fair trials and the military was frequently
brought in to subdue riots in a violent manner. Human rights abuses were frequent
and Pakistan practically became a military state once more. People were
frequently denied even the most basic of freedoms. (Diamond, 357)
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In 1999 General Pervez Musharraf came into power creating another
military state. Initially Musharraf came into power in order to create a gradual
transition into democracy. He pledged to only rule for three years, however, he
broke his promise in October 2002 when he appointed himself president despite
refutes from the national assembly and international community. (Kux, 23-24)
Human Rights Violations Pakistan has long been frequently
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divided among ethnic and religious lines. Minority religious groups have
constantly been discriminated against and underrepresented in the government for
many years. Religious fundamentalist groups, such as the MQM (Muttahida
Qawmi Movement) have frequently emerged causing violence and terror
throughout the country. These groups have even brought their terror into the
government forming popular political parties. (Diamond, 357)
In the name of the recent U.S. led "war against terrorism," Pakistan has
arrested and detained hundreds of people who were suspected to having any links
with terrorist groups. This had led to many innocent people going to jail, often
going for weeks without knowing why they were arrested. And they remain in jail
for months without a trial of any kind. There have been many deaths in custody
and extra judicial killings as a result of this. (www.amnesty.org) There is no
regard for due process of law or a fair trial.
Pakistan also hinders the freedom of speech and religion, in that blasphemy
laws are still enforced. Blasphemy laws prohibit the slander of the Muslim
religion. Anyone caught defaming Islam will be put to death. As a result of
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blasphemy laws, the practice of other religions is almost impossible. Christians,
Hindus, Buddhists along with other practitioners of a minority religion, are heavily
discriminated against and harassed. There have been numerous incidences of
bombing churches and temples along with the killing of innocent minorities.
These crimes often go unpunished and the criminals are practically thanked for
their effort in the name of Jihad. All men and women are not created equal in
Pakistan. Women's rights are extremely hindered, despite the fact that a recent
Pakistani prime minister was a woman. "Honor killings" occur frequently in that
if a woman "shamed" her family, they had the right to kill her to protect their
honor. Women adulterers were often stoned to death, and spousal abuse remains a
serious problem. The rape among women and young girls is also frequent and
remains unpunished. (www.amnesty.org)
Dahl's criteria applied to Pakistan On the surface, Dahl's
criteria seems to fit into Pakistan. Pakistan has made efforts to even out the
gender bias in government by allotting a certain percentage of seats in the
legislative to women. However, minorities are completely underrepresented in the
government and have no real voice as a result of the blasphemy laws. The
majority of the government consists of Muslim males, and despite the
government's efforts to include females; minority populations are not represented
in the government and hold no positions. Elections in Pakistan have proven to be
flawed and unfair. And Musharraff's self-appointment to a second term as
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president hinders any kind of fair elections for a new president.
(www.amnesty.org)
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Pakistan's Role in the International Community Now one might ask
why the international community has not stepped in? The main reason may be
that Pakistan is a large country and has been considered a swing vote in the UN.
Pakistan is an example of a country that puts on the front of being a democracy
and the international community, especially the U.S., ignores their very heavily
government. Democratic nations can use Pakistan for their own advantages and
support Pakistan' s government for their own needs. The U.S. has already given
Pakistan millions of dollars for their fight against terrorism, when in reality their
fight against terrorism has lead to many innocent people being arrested for reasons
unknown. Pakistan is the United States' largest ally in the middle east so it seems
that they are inclined to "turn the other cheek" when it comes to Pakistan' s
numerous human rights and civil liberty violations. (Kux, 65-73) As a result of
Pakistan' s claim to democracy the UN puts them on the "back burner" while it
faces other pressing issues concerning non-democracies. Pakistan's violations go
unnoticed, while the people of Pakistan are denied even the basic of human
rights.
The reasons behind these democratic failures again are many. The class
divide in Pakistan is extreme with the majority of the population living under the
poverty line. The corrupt government frequently fails to provide even the basic
necessities to its people including gas, electricity and water. (www.amnesty.org)
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Extreme terrorist and religious groups have sprung because of the
The Northern Ireland Conflict: When Will It End?
No full textThroughout the centuries there has been a conflict that has continued to further develop between England and Ireland. This ugly conflict has affected Catholics in a manner that has seen them oppressed in many ways. The political and economic injustice has had a major influence on this region of the world. The political and economical stranglehold put upon Catholics in Northern Ireland is the main reasons that there is such turmoil still today. England has maintained its rule over the north of Ireland, which is its own country, Northern Ireland. This conflict has had many more troughs then it has had peaks. It has affected everyone, yet the republican party (mostly Catholics) have seen many barriers put in their way throughout the years. There have been religious, economic and social issues that have all occurred during this time. There does however seem to be a glimpse of hope for these two nations, and one hopes that there may be a way to relieve the tension and restore a united Ireland. One of the key factors to understanding how this conflict may be resolved is to know where it came from.The Northern Ireland Conflict
When Will It End?
Keith Thomas
Thesis
Prof. C. Gilbert
5-26-03
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Introduction
Throughout the centuries there has been a conflict that
has continued to further develop between England and Ireland.
This ugly conflict has affected Catholics in a manner that has
seen them oppressed in many ways. The political and economic
injustice has had a major influence on this region of the
world. The political and economical stranglehold put upon
Catholics in Northern Ireland is the main reasons that there is
such turmoil still today. England has maintained its rule over
the north of Ireland, which is its own country, Northern
Ireland. This conflict has had many more troughs then it has
had peaks. It has affected everyone, yet the republican party
(mostly Catholics) have seen many barriers put in their way
throughout the years. There have been religious, economic and
social issues that have all occurred during this time. There
does however seem to be a glimpse of hope for these two
nations, and one hopes that there may be a way to relieve the
tension and restore a united Ireland. One of the key factors
to understanding how this conflict may be resolved is to know
where it came from.
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Chapter 1
History
In 1170 the Ulster region of the north was conquered by
the Anglo Normans. This is vital because it also was the time
that Protestantism established ascendancy. This attack was led
by Richard FitzGilbert de Clare, known to many as "Strongbow"
for his tough war tactics. This Anglo rule was in effect all
the way until 1691, when a new problem presented itself for
Ireland, the Great Famine. The famine affected the rule in
that it killed many of the people involved. This catastrophe
greatly scarred the Irish people and it took many years for
them to recover from the loss. This was a major time in Irish
history as many people were trying to escape the country and
many lost family members to starvation (Moody and Moore,273).
In 1850 the battle for Home Rule began. Ireland felt
that it needed to be ruled as one island from the inside and
England needed to leave. Around the time that the idea of a
revolution began and the idea of an English boycott was
introduced (Rose,112)
Charles Parnell was an advocate of Irish home rule in the
late 1800's. He developed into one of the greatest leaders
that the nation ever saw. He was a protestant landowner who
inherited nationalist pride from his parents. He was
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conservative in temperament but always conveyed an impression
of exciting extremism. His main focus was to have just enough
change that would give Ireland the ability to solve its own
problems (Moody and Martin, 283).
In 1916 there was the first military uprising, known as
the Easter Rising in Dublin City. The uprising was
unsuccessful and many of its leaders were executed. This
gained a lot of sympathy for the political wing of the Irish
Republican Army and Sinn Fein. Sinn Fein, which was founded in
1904, continued to rise until 1920 when it firmly had
established itself. This began the partition of Ireland (BBC
News, 2). In 1918 the rising led to the northern counties
wanting exclusion from any Home Rule arrangements that were
being made.
Until 1921 it was hard to see significant shifts in the
Irish problem. It had been viewed as an Irish-English Problem,
focused on Ireland's quest for independence from England. Then
a shift occurred. The emphasis was placed on the inter-island
relationships, those involving Northern Ireland and the
Republic. At this time there was civil war that erupted in
Ireland in the southern 26 counties. One group favored
settlement of Home Rule and one did not, and the latter viewed
it as a betrayal. This created a division in which most of the
loyalty for the union with England lay in the North
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(http://cain. ulst. ac. uk/othelem/facets. htm, 4). The idea of
Home Rule still to this day draws bitter opposition from some
of Ireland's Protestant community, who have vowed to resist
the movement with violence if necessary
(www. washingtonpost. com/wpsrv/
inatl/longterm/nireleand/overview. htm).
After the partition of the early 1920's there was sporadic
violence that usually coincided with the downturns of the local
economy, although when the economy was doing well there was
relative silence. In the 1950's when the economy was at its
peak the IRA was unsuccessful in gaining support for secession.
This was mainly due to apathy in the Catholic community, yet
the separation of settlements, school districts and employment
between Catholics and Protestants in the nation still remained
(http://cain. ulst. ac. uk/othelem/land on. htm, 4). This seemed to
show that the problem had not gone just into hiding and waiting
to reappear. A key point that should be noted is that church
attendance is very high in Northern Ireland and that the church
provides the community with most of its social structure.
In the 1960's a civil rights movement began. There was a
pleading for better access to political power and social
provision. The movement met with a lot of resistance and
division within the union. Then in 1969 the London government
brought English troops into the north in hopes of restoring
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order. Many people saw this as another sign of the English
oppression, with their troops on Irish soil, while many of the
Protestant right wingers saw the action of the Northern Irish
government as selling out (Moody and Martin, 347-348).
In 1970 the Social Democratic and Labor party was formed.
Its goal was to unite Ireland by consent and put more stress on
Northern Ireland to reform. It did not move as quickly as the
S. D. L. P. would have liked. A big reason for the slowdown was
that one part of the reform involved restructuring local
government, an issue that was not completed until 1973. While
the government reformation was occurring the English troops had
been reinforced and had been involved with many small
confrontations with Catholic rioters in Belfast and Derry
(Moody and Martin, 344-46).
In 1971 the conflict erupted with the IRA going on the
offensive. They attacked police, soldiers and started bombing
campaigns that would increase on a monthly basis. The
unionists cried out for strong measures to be taken, and were
screaming for internment of any person suspected of being an
IRA member. The unionist government decided that it was time
once again to invoke internment camps. This time the camps had
almost no effect, as the English arrested people who were
innocent of any IRA connections, and the English were found to
have been mistreating many of the people that were under
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arrest. This did nothing more than incite more action from the
IRA and in fact many people flocked to join (Moody, Martin,
344-46).
The demonstrations against internment camps led to one of
the most famous days in Irish history and one that played a
large role in advancing the republican cause. In Derry, on
January 30th 1972, 13 people were killed, shot dead by English
troops because they were speaking out against the use of the
internment camps. This is the day known as Bloody Sunday, and
it led to anger throughout Ireland as the English embassy in
Dublin was burnt to the ground. All of this led to a very
angry time in Ireland and Northern Ireland. In 1972 the
violence was at the highest level ever. The IRA had gained
confidence and decided to double their bombing efforts. They
took their attacks to English soil and bombed many places
there. This in turn led to a Protestant uprising and the
creation of the Ulster volunteer force. This force was created
in 1905 by Sir Edward Carson to oppose the evolution of Home
Rule (wwwwvms. utexas. edu/~jdana/history/parties. html). The
Ulster volunteer force felt that it was necessary to kill
Catholics in retaliation for what the IRA had been doing (Moody
and Martin, 346-47).
Over the next twenty years, 1974 to 1994, there were
seven attempts to reach a political and constitutional
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settlement. Every single one of the initiatives was brought
forth from London, and involved a power sharing structure that
involved the Catholics and the Protestants. In 1985 there was
no apparent end in sight as both parties could not agree and
just continued with the paramilitary violence. This forced
England to go over the heads of the people of Northern Ireland
and make a deal with the Republic of Ireland. The Anglo-Irish
Agreement gave the Republic a consulting role in the Northern
Irish affairs. This agreement meant that there was going to be
cooperation between the two governments if the troubles were
going to be solved. It was also the first sign that the
English realized that they could not secure a political
settlement on their own
(http://cain. ulst. ac. uk/events/peace/darby03. htm, 5). This was a
key agreement because it gave a national voice to the
nationalists and guaranteed them a voice. As part of the
agreement the Republic of Ireland had to recognize the
existence of Northern Ireland as a state for the first time.
At this time there were still violent acts that were happening,
but they were somewhat on hold until this agreement was worked
out (http://cain. ulst. ac. uk/events/peace/darby03. htm, 6).
Another key event in this 20-year span was the start of
the peace process. Finally after all these years there was a
hint that peace might be attained. The first idea of peace
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began in the early 1990's when the English government released
the Birmingham Six, a group that was convicted of IRA bombings
in the English town of Birmingham and later were found to have
no ties to the terrorist group
(http://news. bbc. co. uk/1/hi/events/northern ireland/history/def
ault. stm, l).
Meanwhile, the Northern Ireland Secretary of State, Sir
Peter Brooke, was having secret communication with the IRA to
find out if there were any terms by which the republicans would
consider calling a ceasefire. A monumental event occurred on
December 15th • 1993, when the English and Irish governments came
to an agreement. It was known as the Downing Street
Declaration, and it stated:
The English Government agree that it is for the people of
the island of Ireland alone, by agreement between the two
parts respectively, to exercise their right of selfdetermination
on the basis of consent, freely and
concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a
united Ireland, if they wish
(http://cain. ulst. ac. uk/events/peace/darby03. htm, 5)
This was the first time in 22 years that the political
wing of the IRA, Sinn Fein, and democratic loyalists parties
were invited to join talks about the future of Northern
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Ireland. This led to Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams telling the
IRA to halt military action.
In 1996 former U.S. Senator George Mitchell became
involved with the advancement of peace. Mitchell offered a
compromise to get people to the negotiating table. He
developed six principles for non-violence for entry into all-party
talks. It took until 1997 for everyone to agree on
these principles but finally both Sinn Fein and Ulster
Unionists agreed to Mitchell's principles and began talks. It
should also be noted that the IRA renewed its cease fire
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpsrv/
inatl/longterm/nireland/overview.htm ,4).
After 21 months of negotiations Ireland's political
leaders reached the Good Friday Agreement in May 1998. This
was a new form of self rule. It gave minority Catholics a
greater voice but also met the Protestant demands that the
province remain a part of England. This agreement was voted on
by the people and had overwhelming support in both Northern
Ireland and the Republic.
But the violence did not stop there, unfortunately. In
August of 1998 a car bomb killed 28 in the market center of
Omagh. Responsibility for the bombing was claimed by a
splinter group that called themselves the "Real IRA". This
upset many people on both sides as they hoped that the 30-year
9
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struggle was finally coming to an end. This conflict had
killed more than 3,400 people over that time frame
(www. cnn. com/specials/1998/nireland/referendum).
This action did not cause the Good Friday Agreement to
fold, and in 1999 the Protestant and Catholic negotiators
turned their efforts to trying to dispose of both groups' arms
and munitions. There have been intense discussions but no
agreement was formally reached.
Throughout the history of this conflict there have been
many groups that have been involved in the hope that they may
be able to end this conflict and others that have been involved
in trying to maintain it.
10
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Chapter 2
The political make up of Northern Ireland region is
something that needs to be examined at for further
understanding of this conflict. This is important because it
shows insight into why these groups act the way they do.
Sinn Fein
Everyone knows that Sinn Fein has been the political
wing of the IRA. What many people do not know is that Sinn
Fein have been around for quite a long time. This is not just
a group that popped up in the 1950's or 60's to terrorize
people. In fact Sinn Fein has been around since 1918. In the
election of 1918 Sinn Fein replaced the old Irish Parliament
and created its own Irish Parliament. (Darby,7)
Sinn Fein is one of the political organizations that
wants a unified Ireland. The reason that it has such an
opposition is that it is the political wing of the Irish
Republican Army. Many people feel that by not condemning the
IRA that Sinn Fein is more of a hindrance to the peace process
than it is a positive contributor. Its military stance has met
many objections and is one of the main reasons that Sinn Fein
has not been invited to any major political talks. People feel
that republican spokespeople are just as bad as any bomb
makers, and they cannot be recognized as a political
organization. This creates issues obviously, because political
11
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groups such as the Social Democratic and Labor Party will not
sit down with an organization that they do not recognize. I
understand that this is a problem , but Ireland has been in this
conflict for too long , and it is petty not to explore all
avenues for a solution even if it means becoming involved with
people you many not respect.
Gerry Adams the leader of Sinn Fein has been involved in
many talks both unofficial and official in trying to unify
Ireland and stop the violence. He was a major participant of
the IRA ceasefire in 1993 and worked hard to keep that
ceasefire upheld until 1996. He had many meetings with
President Clinton and they both discussed what it was going to
take for peace to develop further. It was agreed that another
ceasefire would be the best form of action and would show that
Sinn Fein was interested in the peace process. They signed
another ceasefire in 1997 and this act allowed them to become
involved with the multi-party peace talks
(www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/1998/nireland/troubles/.
One of the major issues that developed in this process
is that there are many splinter groups that have broken off
during the years and have created problems for Sinn Fein and
the IRA. Many of these groups have no political affiliation.
In 1990 political communication or lack there of led to
further violent acts. This issue is a sensitive one and if
12
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there are any opinions or outcomes that the citizens do not
like there is usually a backlash. These are the problems one
comes across when a nation is invaded. There is a lack of
trust and paranoia that appears. Ireland is not a third world
country and has the capabilities of sustaining itself both from
and economic standpoint and political one. It is time that
England gives back what it has taken. There will be some
backlash if that occurs but it will be a large step in the
right direction.
Loyalist Party and Involvement
The loyalist party is the political wing that supports
English involvement in Northern Ireland. The group is mainly
of Protestant background and are loyal to the Queen of England.
This organization has been around since the conquering of
Ulster by Strongbow, which led to the creation of Protestantism
in Ireland. The Protestantism has since survived over the
centuries, and maintains strong support politically to this
day.
There have also been many paramilitary groups that have
come forth on behalf of the loyalist side of the argument. In
1970 there was the Ulster Defense Association, which committed
many killings in January of 1992. The Ulster Volunteer Force
has been around since 1912 when it opposed Home Rule. It
13
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stated that its main objective was to kill IRA members
(ww w. cnn. com/SPECIALS/1998/nireland/troubles/).
Politics in Northern Ireland have always been dominated
by a necessity and requirement for Protestant control in
government. The loyalist view even was taken into account when
the boundary line was drawn for Northern Ireland. Three of the
counties that were in the Ulster region were not included in
Northern Ireland; they were made a part of the Republic Of
Ireland. This was because those counties were majoritly
Catholic and were considered a threat to the loyal Protestant
following. It also meant that Loyalist Protestants would have
been in the minority and that would have affect political
matters. This led to an economic struggle for Catholics that
will be discussed later.
The Loyalists have over the decades also had a strong
hold on most if not all of the positions in the judicial
system. In 1968 Protestants outnumbered the Catholics 68 to 6
in positions on the judicial board. In 1972 some of these
positions were filled by Unionist political party members.
This in turn gave even more strength to the political control
that was being created.
The domination by the Loyalist Protestants not only
affected the judicial branch of the government but it also had
its hand firmly in the public sector as well. Many of the
14
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Protestants were given better jobs, houses and education; this
all led to discrimination which in turn added more tension to
years of turmoil.
In England this issue is not as cut and dried as it
seems. There are many English that feel they have a right to
be in Ireland and do not agree with any thoughts of giving it
back. These people do think that there should be any dealings
with Sinn Fein. Paul Bew, a professor of Irish Politics at
Queens University says, that:
Gerry Adams will be involved in the government in some
shape or form, people find that offensive because of the
3000 people that have been killed by this conflict , and
most were killed by the IRA. Many believe that he should
be put in jail not brought into government
(www. cnn. com/SPECIALS/1998/nireland/referendum).
This was in response to the signing of the Anglo Irish
Agreement, which gave the Irish Republic a consulting role in
the British province. The hard line Unionists were outraged ,
and opposed the agreement stating that London had sold out from
its entitlements.
This was a good step for Ireland. It meant that it could
be closer to the political action and would have a voice. I
believe that this was one of the key events on the road to
peace. If Ireland could have a voice that was recognized on a
political spectrum it would be easier to voice opinions and try
to work internally instead of being dictated to from across the
15
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sea. It was also make some of the oppression and discrimination
a little bit harder for England to get away with because there
would be a voice that could speak out against it. The unjust
oppression of Catholics was something the unionist exploited
for many years.
Catholic Oppression
When England became involved in Northern Ireland there
became an obvious divide between Catholics and Protestants.
Many people feel that this is a religious conflict. It just
happens that political ideals happen to fall in line with
certain denominations. The Protestant aspect is loyal to
England, while the Catholics want a unified island.
Protestants, although a minority in the whole country do have
most of the power in the North, with English backing. This is
a scenario that needs to be fixed, and to this day it still
creates unneeded tension.
Throughout the years the Protestant religion has
received many benefits for supporting the English crown. This
occurred officially in 1800, when the Act of Union bill was
passed, which gave rule of Northern Ireland to London. This
histo
School Prayer: Will it ever be legally instituted
No full textSchool prayer has been a controversial topic in American politics and society for many years. Some think that religion in school will provide some moral basis for the education that children are receiving while others think that religion is something that does not nor should not be combined with the public institution of education. It is a matter of interpretation of the 1st Amendment-- if we have the right to practice religion, where can we practice it? Anywhere? What does it mean to establish a religion? How far can the separation of church and state can be taken? Will we go so far as to protect the one minority student in an otherwise homogenous school? Is that one student's different set of religious beliefs enough to stop others from having a school prayer or blessing of food at lunch? What about a moment of silence? Is that implying that you should take that moment to think about a god and if so, which one? What about a prayer with no mention of a particular god? In my thesis I will examine these questions, the main question being will school prayer ever be legally instituted? How far will we go to protect the minority?School Prayer:
Will it ever be legally instituted?
J enel Anderson
PO 99; Thesis
Dr. Paul Djupe
Spring 1998
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Table of Contents
Introduction ..................................................................... 1
Chapter 2- Court Cases ........................................................ 7
Chapter 3- Statistics from the 1996 National Election Study ............ 18
Conclusion ...................................................................... 31
Bibliography .................................................................... 34
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Introduction
School prayer has been a controversial topic in American politics
and society for many years. Some think that religion in school will
provide some moral basis for the education that children are receiving
while others think that religion is something that does not nor should
I
not be combined with the public institution of education. It is a matter
of interpretation of the 1 rt Amendment-- if we have the right to practice
religion, where can we practice it? Anywhere? What does it mean to
establish a religion? How far can the separation of church and state can
be taken? Will we go so far as to protect the one minority student in an
otherwise homogenous school? Is that one student's different set of
religious beliefs enough to stop others from having a school prayer or
blessing of food at lunch? What about a moment of &ilence? Is that
implying that you should take that moment to think about a god and if
so, which one? What about a prayer with no mention of a particular
god? In my thesis I will examine these questions, the main question
being will school prayer ever be legally instituted? How far will we go ' '
to protect the minority?
School prayer, or the influence of religion, is still prese,p.t in
public schools today. It is present at the very beginning of a student's
day when he recites the "Pledge of Allegiance"; the student recites, "one
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2
nation, under God ... ". That is a definite religious influence. Prayer is
also used before meals to bless the meal or to say thanks for the meal.
Religion is often controversial at high school graduations when some of
the students would like a moment of silence or a prayer for the
graduates. Would this be considered crossing the line between church
and state? It is a very fine line, a line very difficult to define. Some
opponents argue that the moment of silence or prayer isolates'those that
do not want to participate and makes them appear different from other
students. Supporters do not address the isolation issue very often, but
they feel that morals need to be taught on an everyday basis and not just
on Sundays.
In order to attempt to answer these questions, I will look at past
cases to see if there have been any trends in court deci'sions and what
the main stipulations are for and against school prayer. , I i;ieed to take
two tracks of study grounded in law and society. The legal approach
looks at cases and the societal approach looks at peoples attitudes.
School prayer is a multi-faceted issue. Christopher Gilbert and Paul
Mueller describe it best when they say, "Prayer in public schools can be
framed as an educational policy issue, a highly chargyd moral issue, or
an issue related primarily to Supreme Court rulings"(l996: 1). I will
look at court cases over the past 30 years. I will look in bQoks, articles, ,._,
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and the 1996 National Election Study. I will also find some information
about how non-Christians feel about prayer in school.
,,
In order to make any generalizations or predictions about school
prayer, it is· necessary to look at previous research on the topic. There
has been much research and writing done on the topic of school prayer.
People have analyzed it regarding the legality of it and others who look
at the social implications of school prayer.
3
Chapter 11 of Religion & Politics in America, written by Robert
Fowler Booth and Allen D. Hertzke, entitled "Church and State in the
Courts" provides both a background of the intention ,of our forfathers
when they formed the Constitution and as to how to interpret the loosely
written liberties and the previous cases that have been brought to court.
It also discusses the limits to free exercise and how far the practicing
can be interpreted. This chapter will be useful to interpret the original
meaning of the Establishment Clause and see how people's arguments
for school prayer violate or comply with it.
Ted Jelen and Clyde Wilcox's book, Public attitudes toward
church and state, will be a useful source as well. It explores the public ' .
opinion on factors such as church and state and religion and state. This
will be helpful to make a prediction about the possibility of the
implementation of school prayer and get a feeling for, how minorities
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feel and exactly how far the majority will go to protect the minorities
rights.
Religion and politics in the United States, written by Kenneth D.
4
Wald, is very similar to the others, it discusses religion and politics and
has a historical review of politics and religion in government. In his
book, Wald discusses how the general public feels about school prayer
and gives a few examples and statistics as to how people feel .about
different approaches to school prayer.
The book The Public Schools and Religion: The Legal Context by
Sam Duker will again provide information on the legality and legislation . ,,
regarding school prayer. He gives analyses of court cases and provides
some insight on the tests that courts use to deem a case unconstitutional
or not.
In his book, Prayer in the Public Schools, William Muir provides
examples of cases as well as attitudes that people.on either side of
school prayer have. He has an interesting section on. the clash between
the law and attitudes. He first explains some of the attitudes and then
the law and then the conflict between the two.
Lee Epstein and Thomas Walker wrote a book called,
Constitutional Law for a Changing America: Rights. Lib_erties. and
Justice. The book discusses and analyzes many court cases. from civil
liberties to civil rights and many more. It has a nice section on exercise
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and establishment of religion. In that section it has three cases
specifically dealing with school prayer. They provide a nice legal
background and show some consistency in court rulings dealirtg with
school prayer in public schools.
5
Another source I will use is a paper written by Christopher Gilbert
and Paul Mueller that they prepared for the annual meeting of the
Society for the Scientific Study of Religion/Religious Research
Association. The article entitled, "Citizen Attitudes Toward Prayer in
Public Schools: Secular and Sacred Dimensions", discusses the change
of opinion regarding school prayer over the past 35 years. They do
demographic, religious, and political research and observed the shift of
opinion. They also noted a difference of opinion depending QJl how the
survey asking respondents their opinion about school prayer was
worded. They do not make any definite predictions for the
implementation of school prayer in the future, but sa)' tha,t it will
depend on how much it is politicized.
It will be difficult to measure just exactly how far a community i,.
would go to protect a minority because each communiW and the
intensity of religiosity there is different. It may be difficult to make a
prediction about the possibility of the implemen,tation of school prayer
for the entire country as religion is different across the countr?, but a
prediction for general types of communities and states may be possible.
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Mainly, I will use case studies, but a time series element will be
present as well to predict whether school prayer will ever be instituted
and to discuss the length of protection of the minority. There are many .
-· ,,
cases over the past 30 years that will provide good background and
possibly some indication of the future. Also, I will examine what has
else has been said about school prayer and present their predictions,
questions, and comments.
6
The chapters will be broken up into an introduction, an evaluation
of previous court cases concerning school prayer, an evaluation of data
depicting who is for and against school prayer and other Hatistical
evidence, and a conclusion.
School prayer is a sensitive subject. Many people do not think
about school prayer, but those that do generally ha".e very strong
feelings one way or another about it. In Kenneth Wald's book Religion
and Politics in the United States, he says that, "Public opinion polls
have consistently revealed that a clear majority of Americans-possibly
as many as two-thirds of the population-favors some _sort of organized
prayer in public schools"(l 12). That is a very large proportion of the
public that favors school prayer. This statistic, makes it more
interesting why school prayer has not been reinstated in our schools.
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Chapter 2
Court cases
7
Over the past few decades there have been cases brought to court
by people or interests who believed that there was too much religious
influence in his/her child's public school. The other side (usually the
school district) obviously believed that there was not and believed that
religious influence in the schools would promote good morals and
values. Since the Constitution will not allow schools to advance nor
inhibit religion, judges interpret advance and inhibit in many different
ways. The three court cases I will review are different from each other
but are very good examples of prayer or religious content being
advanced in public schools and judicial decisions about the issue. They
are also interesting to look at because they are three distinct examples
on how religion is part of the public school system.
The first case, School District of Abington Township v. Schempp,
is a case from Pennsylvania in 1963. In this particular school district,
children read the Bible and recited the Lord's Prayer every morning.
Kids who did not want to participate or their parents did not want them
to were allowed to leave the room and wait in the-halls until this
practice was done for the day(Epstein & Walker 199?: 179).
The Schempps felt that this was isolating their children and if
others saw their children in the halls during this religious period that
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they would believe they were in the halls for bad conduct. The
Schempps were also worried that the teachers would label them as
"oddballs" or "atheists" (197). The Schempps were Unitarians, so they
were Christians, but they did not believe that their children should be
forced to take part in religious activity in a public school.
The Schempps were represented by separationists. and religious
leaders to support the claim that the Bible inherently favored some
religions over others and violated principles of religious establishment.
Attorneys for the school board fought on moral rather than religious
rights. Their expert witnesses testified that the Bible was
"nonsectarian"( 180).
8
The court ruled eight to one that the school could not continue
with its required Bible reading sessions and recitation of tpe Lord's
Prayer. In delivering the opinion of the Court, Justice. Clark stated that
the State was requiring the reading from the Bible and the prayer as part
of their curricular requirements: "The trial cout in Schempp has found
that such an opening exercise is a religious ceremony and wat intended
by the State to be so"(l80). This was one of the most important points
of his opinion. It was the fact that it was the school district's intention
to put religion into the students curriculum. It cannot be intentional but
rather be an optional moral lesson.
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9
In the dissenting opinion, Justice Stewart stated that " ... if
religious exercises are held to be an impermissible activity in schools,
religion is placed at an artificial and state-created disadvantage"(l 81).
Justice Stewart was arguing that the state was inhibiting religion.
Interestingly, "opinion polls taken after the Abington indicated that only
24 percent of the public supported the Court's decision"(l82).
This case was very important to the argument that prayer should
not be present in the public schools. Justice Clark implied that it was
advancing religion and that was not the State's duty nor place. The
Abington case raised a fundamental question of religion and especially
prayer in the school. The reading of the Bible and recitation of the
Lord's Prayer had violated the Establishment Clause an.d was therefore
prohibited. In this case, the court protected the minority and' stopped
the advance of prayer in public schools--; legally at least. Robert
Birkby, a political scientist conducted a poll in Tennessee inquiring
whether prayer had been eliminated from their schools. Only 1 of the
121 respondents admitted to having totally eliminated Bible readings
and the like(Epstein & Walker 1995:182). Just because the Supreme
Court said that it will not allow for Bible reading and prayer in public
schools, that does not mean that everyone will follow the order.
The next case I am going to examine is that of Wallace v. Jaffree.
Between 1978 and 1982 the Alabama legislature passed
three laws involving prayer in school.
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16-1-20 (1978) authorized one minute of silence in all
public schools for "meditation."
10
16-1-20.1 (1981 ) authorized a period of silence in all public
schools "for meditation or voluntary prayer."
16-1-20.2 ( 1982) authorized teachers to lead "willing
students" in prayer to "Almighty God ... the Creator and
Supreme Judge of the world"(l 84 ).
These laws permitted for teachers to pray whenever they felt religious
influence was necessary. Chioke Jaffree was a kindergarten student and
his teacher would lead his class in a prayer blessing the food before they
ate. J affree' s father was a lawyer and believed that school prayer
crossed the line between church and state. "He and his wife agreed 'that
their children should be raised to choose their own religious faith-or
none"'(185 ). Jaffree' s argument was similar to that_ of Schempp in that
if his child did not participate in the required i;eligious activity that he
would be ostracized and treated differently.
The district court that the case was brought before found nothing
defective about 16-1-20 but considered the constitutionality of the two '
'
provisions. After a four-day trial, the court upheld the constitutionality
of the challenged status(l85 ). Jaffree then requested a U.S. c9urt of
appeals to overturn the district court's decision and it did so on the
grounds that "both statutes advance and encourage religious
activity"(l86). The state then appealed the case to the U:S. Supreme
Court. The court summarily affirmed the court's decisiqn on .16-1-20.2,
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but still needed to determine whether a moment of silence "for
meditation or voluntary" prayer was constitutional (185 ).
In Justice Stevens' opinion for the Court, h,e, wote:
Three such tests may be gleaned from our cases. First, the
statute must have a secular legislative purpose; second, its
principal or primary effect must be one that neither
11
advances nor inhibits religion ... ;finally, the statute must not
foster 'an excessive government entanglement with religion
(186).
He continued by stating that no consideration of the second or third
criteria is necessary if a statute does not have a clearly secular purpose.
Similar to the Schempp case, Justice Stevens said that in applying the
purpose test, it is appropriate to ask "whether government's actual
purpose is to endorse or disapprove of religion"(l 86). That point makes ' •
the line between religion and politics because some would. say that
government should endorse religion as a general body and not a specific
denomination to promote "morals and values". Some would say that it
is not the job of the government to do either, but to stay away from
religion entirely. The court did however, conclude that 16-1-20. l
violated the First Amendment.
One of the dissenting opinions for this case Wi\S written by Justice
Burger. He opened by saying that he found it very iro_nic that on the
very day that the decision was made, the Court's session opened with an
invocation for Divine protection as does the House of Represyntatives
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and the Senate. Justice Burger said nothing can stop a school teacher
from opening the day with a moment of silence or for students to
voluntarily pray if they so choose. He also wrote that by allowing a
moment of prayer, Alabama is not endorsing prayer and affirming the
lower courts would manifest hostility toward religion. He also
criticized the "test" derived from the Lemon case as a naYve approach
for addressing fine-line constitutional issues(l 89 ).
The third case I will look at is Lee v. Wiesman. This case has to
do with prayer and allusion to God in graduation ceremonies-- in a
public school can prayer be said at a graduation ceremony? In June of
1989 , Rabbi Gutterman gave the invocation and benediction using the
guidelines given to him by the school's principal. Both speeches he
gave were non-sectarian and mentioned God very minimally, mainly
thanking Him.
"Daniel Weisman, whose daughter, Deborah, was in the
graduating class, challenged as a violation of the First Amendment the
school' s allowing invocations and benedictions at graduation /, ..
12
exercises"(l 93). The federal trial court and federal appellate court
affirmed, ruling the practice unconstitutional. The case was then taken
to the U.S. Supreme Court.
Justice Kennedy delivered the opinion of the Court. The U.S.
Supreme Court affirmed the decision of the Court of Appeals. He wrote
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13
The undeniable fact is that the school district' s supervision
and control of a high school graduation ceremony places
public pressure, as well as peer pressure,. on attending
students to stand as a group or, at least, maintain respectful
silence during the Invocation and Benedi.ction. This
pressure, though subtle and indirect, 'can be as real as any
overt compulsion(l 96).
Justice Kennedy goes on to say that even though attendance at
graduation is voluntary and one need not be present to obtain the
diploma, there is a stigma attached to not attending. He also writes:
The prayer exercises in this case are especially improper
because the State has in every practical sense compelled
attendance and participation in an explii:;it religious exercise
at an event of singular importance to every student, one the
objecting student had no real alternative to avoid ... No
holding by this Court suggests that a school can persuade or
compel a student to participate in a religious exercise. That
is being done here, and it is forbidden by.the Establishment
Clause of the First Amendment(l 97).
In dissenting opinions, Justice Scalia, Justice White, and Justice
Thomas write that graduation is a long-time tradition and that it is
common for there to be a non-sectarian celebrational prayer to God.
The authors of the dissent compare the religious symbols of various
holidays that are celebrated by a community to the prayer at_ a
graduation ceremony that is also celebrated by the community. They
say that in the upcoming graduation ceremonies there will be prayer and
those that protest should abstain from participatil}g.in the prayer(20 0).
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14
There have been few attempts to institute prayer in schools at the
federal level, but not at the state level-it has been very prevalent at the
lower level. In 197 1, the prayer-in-school amendment died out. But
with the election of Ronald Reagan, school prayer was brought to the
forefront once again. "Reagan proclaimed that 'God should never have
been expelled from America's classrooms"'(l83). "Reagari began a new
movement to amend the Constitution with this proposal in 1982:
Nothing in this Constitution shall be construed to prohibit individual or
group prayer in public schools or other public institutions. No person
shall be required by the United States or any state to participi\te in
prayer"(l83). The Senate voted 56-44, once again falling short of the
necessary two-thirds vote.
The previous court cases have shown some consistepcy in court
rulings regarding school prayer. Each case was distincqy dif.ferent from
the others and each one was denied the institution of schoI-prayer.
With the general public's overwhelmi
The Dynamics of the Election and Campaigning Process for Female Candidates
No full textAs we approach the year 2000, women make up approximately 52% of the population but there are only fifty-one women in the House, nine senators, and two governors. There have been barriers to women in the past which have inhibited their search for parity within the realm of national political office. These barriers have historical, social and political value. With the rise of women's organizations and increased competitiveness, women are moving towards increased representation in public office. What makes a female a viable and effective candidate for office is complacent with many ideals that exist in society today.! j
. ·,
· - '
: i
W a•lungton $em.est.er Program.
The American University
Research Project
THE DYNAMICS OF THE ELECTION AND CAMPAIGNING PROCESS FOR
FEMALE CANDIDATES
Submitted by
Misty Redman
(Gustavus Adolphus College)
In £,JlfiJlment of the Requirements for
Course Number 53.412: Washington Semester Research Project
Fall 1997
Gustavus Student Repository
•
Abstract
As we approach the year 2000, women make up approximately 52% of the
population but there are only fifty-one women in the House, nine senators, and two
governors. There have been barriers to women in the past which have inhibited their
search for parity within the realm of national political office. These barriers have
historical, social and political value. With the rise of women's organizations and increased
competitiveness, women are moving towards increased representation in public office.
What makes a female a viable and effective candidate for office is complacent with many
ideals that exist in society today.
Gustavus Student Repository
Table of Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction ................................................................ 5
Chapter 2: Successes and Failures of Past Female
Candidates ......................................................................... 10
--Barriers That Have Existed for Women
--The Emergence of Women for National Political Office
Chapter 3: Fundraising, Competitiveness and Electibil.ity ................. 18
--Family Life
--Social Status
--Region
--Image
--Competitiveness
--Name Recognition
--Education and Occupational Experience
--Political Experience
Chapter 4: How Have Organizations Developed to Aid
Female Candidates? ........................................................... 30
--Historical Perspective of Campaign Contributions
--The Emergence of Women's PACs
--EMILY's List
--WISH List
--The National Organization for Women
Chapter 5: Conclusion ................................................................ 38
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In 1992, the Clarence Thomas hearings sparked a new awareness of the gender
disparity within the realm of national office. This new political activism resulted in an
increase in the number of women elected to the House and Senate. The female headcount
increased to 7 percent in the US Senate and 18 percent in the House of
Representatives.1 However, even with a surge of women candidates, the numbers are not
representative of the population. In the United States population, 52% are women and
yet there are only fifty-one women in the House, nine senators, and two governors.2 The
non-representation in the United States Congress has historical, cultural, psychological,
and political roots.
With the shortage of females that hold national office, it is important to examine
the dynamics of gender in political campaigning and elections. More specifically, what
makes a woman an effective candidate for national political office? What factors have an
effect on a woman's ability to run a successful campaign? This is what I will attempt to
examine in my study.
5
There are specific criteria which I feel are important to study in determining what
makes an effective candidate for national office. The first is the candidates fundraising
ahllities. How effectively can a candidate find supporters, donations and applicable
PAC's. There is a perception that a female candidate has a much harder time raising
moneys than her male counterpart. This is not necessarily true however. In recent years
1 Iyengar, Valentino, Ansolabehere, and Simon. Women, Media. and Politics pg. 77, 1997.
2 Seltzer, Newman, and Leighton. Sex as a Political Variable pg. 119, 1997.
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there have been studies done on this very factor and it has been shown that when
comparing apples to apples--incumbents with incumbents, challengers with challengers,
and open seat candidates with open seat candidates, the women raise just as much money
as men. 3 Organizations such as EMILY' s List and WISH List provide early money for
women candidates and have had a substantial impact on women candidates and their
comparability to men concerning fundraising.
Another factor is competitiveness and electibility. This will be defined
according to the ability of women to compete with incumbents, ability to compete with
male candidates, and whether or not the candidate is risk adverse. One problem in the
limited amount of female representatives in the Unites States is lack of competitiveness.
There are not many of women who have the "guts" to run for office. Ruth Mandel,
director of the Center for American Women and Politics, said;
There are not enough women who really have enough fire in their
belly about this, who want it enough, who care enough, who se it
as an option, who are encouraged enough and see that there is a
role for them: It still comes down to the fact that aren't enough
women ready, willing, and able to do this. n4
There are speculations on why more women are not elected to public office:
3 Ibid. pg. 8.
• The "good old boys" keep women from getting nominated for
winnable seats
*Women just will not vote for women
-Voters cannot see women in top executive offices
4 Trafton, Women Winning pg. 4, 1984.
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7
"Women candidates cannot raise as much money
Whether or not a candidate is perceived to be an electable candidate makes a large
difference in whether or not they actually get elected. There is a lack of women candidates
willing to run for office. In 1994, 14% of the candidates running for the US House were
women and 16% of open seat candidates were women.5 This number is strikingly low. It
is quite hard for women to increase their representation if so few are running in the first
place. It has been said that winning has nothing to do with gender and everything to do
with incumbency. This makes a female candidates ability to compete with an incumbent
a very important factor. Women win most often in open-seat elections because open-seat
candidates are anywhere from two to nine times more likely to be elected than a
challenger.
6
Women are also more risk adverse than men. Women are less likely to compete in
a situation where they may not have a very good chance of winning. Very often this is the
case when the candidate is running against an incumbent. Once again, the problem may
not lie in gender but in incumbency. There are many more incumbents who are male
thus creating a difficulty for female or male challengers to be elected. Studies have shown
that when women run, women win.
Experience in public office also plays a large role in determining a female
candidates proposed effectiveness in running for national political office. How many years
of experience does the candidate have under her belt? Has she served in state government
or previous elective office? How does the candidate use her experience or inexperience to
'Ibid. pg. 7, 1997.
6 Ibid. pg. 87, 1997.
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her advantage? Part of the campaigning process involves the adaptability of different
candidates to different campaigning situations. Often a candidates past political
effectiveness will play an important role in achieving name recognition and possibly
compiling funds in future elections.
Also important in an effective candidate is the specific district and number of open
seats which exist. Whether or not the incumbent from a specific district is running for
reelection makes a difference for the female candidate.
In this day and age, a women's success in winning elective office depends less on
her sex and more on the dynamics that affect any political race.
In my study of what makes a woman an effective candidate for national political
office I will follow a general order. In Chapter 2, I will discuss barriers which women
faced that may have deterred candidacies. How did region act as a barrier? What is the
conventional role of the woman in the family and what was its role? Also in this chapter
the question of how women emerged in the Marketplace and in Representational roles will
be answered. What were the factors that enabled women to rise in the political process?
What were the effects of the civil rights movement of the 1960' s and the ERA? When
did women's groups begin to emerge, form and organize? The number of open seats in
the 1992 elections allowed for the "year of the woman", what was the effect of this
election year? Chapter 3 will focus on fundraising, competitiveness and electibility.
Under this category is included; family life, social status, geography, image, resources,
name recognition and risk adversity. Chapter 4 will be devoted to how organizations have
developed to aid female candidates. Among the subjects in this chapter are; EMILY' s
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List, WISH List, and NOW. Also included here are a discussion of bundling, soft
money, and candidate recruiting and training. Chapter five will include political
implications such as; research findings and lessons for the future.
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Chapter Two: Successes and Failures of Past: Fe:male
Candidates
Barriers That: Have Existed For Wo:men
Local officeholding is an important means of fostering political consciousness,
gaining political experience, and influencing and making public policy. Members of
Congress are part of a national elite, and as such possess access to policymaking at the
national level.7 Political participation does not guarantee representation in Congress,
therefore the term representation needs to be defined. There are £..ur basic definitions for
the term, representation. 8 The simplest is descriptive representation, which emphasizes
the physical characteristics of the representative. The second form of representative is one
whose policy views match that of his/her constituents. A third theory of representation
focuses on the congruence of the views of the electorate and the representati"!' body as a
whole. The fourth form is acting on behalf of others. 9 The last three defin itions focus
primarily on substantive forms of representation. Increasing the number of women in
Congress would not guarantee "better" representation of these groups in Congress; the
election of candidates sympathetic to their goals would.
7 Thielman and Wilhite, p. 1
8 Ibid, p. 2.
9 Ibid, p. 2-3
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11
There are many reasons for the lack of representation among women, and one
reason is regional. Women were much less likely to be elected in the South. The civil
rights movement had a large impact on the gap in Congress. It ultimately opened the
door for the acquisition of equal rights by women.10 The Civil Rights Act of 1964 led to
- more women becoming politically active and some made the transition to running for
office.
There were other barriers to women besides region. Conventionality held beliefs
regarding sex roles and many thought that women should remain in the home with their
children instead of entering the public arena, because of the dirtiness of politics.11 There
..;,ere also attitudinal barriers which inhibited women from running for office. It takes a
lot of self-assertiveness to run for office and in the past women were not as assertive as
they are today.
The Emergence of Wotnen For National Political Office
The civil rights movement ultimately sparked the women's liberation movement.
Women began to realize that they themselves were being hindered when considering
ending slavery, not women's liberation specifically. Women began to realize that they
needed to be free themselves before they set their minds to freeing others. This is the
notion of relative deprivation.12 Relative deprivation is a main theme within the context
10 Ibid, p. 17
11 Ibid, p. 18
12 Freeman, Jo. The Politics of Women's Liberation. New ·York, McKay, 1975.
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12
of women's lil,eration. This concept focuses upon the values and goods that one thinks
one should receive and the values and goods one is capable of obtaining. Most of the
women at the forefront of the women's W, movement were those who considered
themselves to be relatively deprived. Women began having to enter the labor force and
struggled with low-paying, low-prestige jobs for some time, which was another trigger to
the women's movement.
Another factor that prompted women's perceptions of themselves was college.
Women had stopped marrying men early and started to get a head start with their lives.
The acknowledgment that women were quite capable sparked notions of equality that still
very much exist today. Social strain, however, does not cause movements, it only creates
potential for movements. 13 Another issue which sparked action among women was the
relation of women to sex. Men viewed women as being sex objects and could not see past
this enough to see that women had capabilities beyond the domestic realm.
When the women's lib movement began in 1966 and 1967, there was no national
policy on the status of women. The first piece of federal legislation related to women's
rights, passed since the 19th amendment was the E qual Pay Act. This act is best
explained by a statement taken from the 1918 report by the War Labor Conference Board
which said:
If it shall become necessary to employ women on work ordinarily
performed by men, hey must be allowed equal pay for equal
k "14 wor .
13 Freeman.
14 Ibid, p. 175
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13
Freeman does note however, that laws sometimes take years or decades before they are
actually enacted. This is made obvious, because there still is not equal pay, and it has
been 33 years since the passing of this act. The Nixon administration worked adamantly
in the struggle for women's rights. There is the famed Equal Rights Amendment, which
was never ratified. The ERA would have been the most monumental policy had it been
ratified to become part of the constitution. The women's lib movement had a large effect
on policy. The movement generated a great deal of publicity on women and women's
status. It created a climate of expectations that something would be done. By making
women's rights a public issue and expanding the area of conflict, the movement created a
constituency for those "woodwork" feminists already within government. It provided
information, data, and testimony to feminists within Congress who were sponsoring
relevant bills. It supplied grass-root support. It pushed the leaders of the more
respectable women's organizations to more strongly feminist positions. Their acceptability
was increased by those groups labeled radical or revolutionary and ridiculed by the media.
Administratively, a movement represents one organized expression of an enforcement
agency's clientele. Movement organizations can provide support for agencies as wen';.s
put pressure on the m.1 5
In 1970, there were ten women in the House of Representatives in addition to one
senator Margaret Chase Smith (R-ME). By 1980, the number of women in the House
had increased to sixteen and by the early 1990' s, the numbers had risen to twenty-six
female representatives, and two women in the Senate.16
Based on attitudes from the early
15 Freeman, pgs. 234-236.
16 Theilman and Wilhite, p. 22.
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14
seventies, women were perceived as having unique qualifications for public office, but
qualifications that were related to a perception of women that might actually limit the
attractiveness of female candidates for higher political office.
17
Female candidates were
seen as nurturing and hence well qualified to deal with issues such as child care or
education. While these qualifications might make them attractive candidates for state
legislatures, they were less helpful for offices in which a demonstration of mastery such as
the ability to deal with going to war or strengthening the economy, was considered
• rt t
18
unpo an .
Another aspect of female electiliility stemmed from the debate concerning the
Equal Rights Amendment. The role of women in society became much more important
and much more accepted. By the late 1980' s, female candidates seemed to have been
able to capitalize on both their vulnerability as women and a voter acceptance of them as
"tough" candidates.
19
Organizations have also played a large role and have provided many
services to candidates. The ability, or rather, willingness for female candidates to ask for
money for their campaigns has been slim in the past. Political action committees have
also become a major source of funds for candidates and women were often considered "out
of the loop" until of course the emergence of PACs such as, NOW. In the nineties, with
increased awareness and organizations aimed at women, the ability of women to acquire
and maintain public office has risen substantially.
17 Ibid, p. 25
18 lbid
19
Ibid, p. 27
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15
Before 1970, few women were represented in Congress, and many obtained office
under special circumstances.
20
In the 1950' s women often arrived on their husband's
coattails, first filling unexpired terms that resulted by the deaths of their husbands. Also
during the 1950' s, women began to be heard on national issues.
21 • In the 1960' s, more
women began to be elected by their own right, but even so, one out of four of the new
women elected to Congress between 1968 and 1975 were the widows of congressmen or
congressional candidates. 22 In the 1960' s there was still a strong exclusive club of white
males and by the end of the seventies, the female representatives had formed the
Congresswomen' s Caucus as a means of enhancing their legislative clout in a bipartisan
fashion and to help break down the bars of the male club atmosphere in Congress.23
The era between 1970 and 1991 was a time of few changes for women in politics
and in the area of national political office. Because of the downsizing of the women's
movement, the number of female representatives remained much the same throughout the
eighties. The ratio of men to women in Congress is shown in a study compiled by the US
Bureau of the Census. It shows that the membership in Congress was relatively static
from 1975-1991.24 The Thomas/Hill hearings have had the largest impact on political
awareness and the emergence.of female candidates. When women saw that the Senate
Judiciary Committee was-comprised of all men, they were infuriated. "The Anita Hill
hearings provided an unprecedented stimulus to women's candidates and contributors."25
20 Ibid, p. 14
21 Ibid, p. 16
22 lbid
23 lbid
24 See appendix, table 1.
25 Cook, Elizabeth. The Year of the Woman: Myths and Realities Boulder: Westview Press, 1994.
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16
The hearings increased the ability of women's P ACs to raise money. According to Ellen
Malcolm, founder of EMILY's List, this was the event which made them number one in
contributions among not only women's organizations but the number one PAC
contributor in the entire nation. Many female candidates used the Thomas confirmation
to their advantage, including Carol-Moseley-Braun's race against Alan Dixon (D-IL) who
voted to confirm Clarence Thomas. The number of open seats in 1992 coupled with the
Hill/Thomas hearings provided for what would eventually be dubbed the "year of the
woman.
Fig. 1 Election and Representation of Women 1970-199226
Year Nomination Winners Percentage
1970 25 12 48
1972 32 14 44
1974 44 18 41
1976 54 18 33
1978 46 16 35
1980 52 19 37
1982 55 21 38
1984 65 22 34
1986 64 23 36
1988 56 25 45
26
Cook, 135.
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Year
1990
1992
Nominations
69
106
Winners
28
47
Percentage
41
44
17
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18
Chapter Three: FunJraising, Com.petitiveness and Elect:ilillity
The decision to run for office is counter to traditional conceptions of a woman's
proper role in society. While running for office is clearly a deviant step for a w=an,
taking the initiative in seeking a major party nomination for office is even more
incongruous with traditional conceptions of appropriate female behavior. Women are
socialized to wait to be asked, rather than to take the initiative, in areas of human
inhibitions that discourage women fr= initiating their own candidacies, one would expect
few women candidates to be self-starters." Since men are not subject to the same
inhibiting effects of sex-role socialization, one also would expect to find smaller
proportions of self-starters among women than have been found for men in previous
research. 27 The electibility of a specific candidate is dependent on the dynamics of many
different facets of sociability and everyday life. S=e areas are family life, social status,
region, image, name recognition, resources, education and occupational experience,
political experience and risk adversity. Perhaps one of the most profound effects on a
women's decision to run for national political office lies in the area of family life.
27 Carroll, p. 28
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I
l .
19
Fa:mlly Life
The way in whlch female and male candidates portray their family lives also plays a
large role in campaigns. Several female candidates in 1992 stressed the aspect of being a
single parent. One candidate's message stated direct mall under a bold headline,
WORKING MOTHER:
It's not easy
Social Security: Past, Present, Future
No full textThe first step in evaluating Social Security reform is to familiarize oneself with the broad issue. This paper will begin with a brief history of the most important aspects and developments of the social insurance movement. It will focus mainly on the Social Security Act of 1935 and the OASDI program, paying specific attention to different policy developments. To facilitate analysis and understanding it is necessary to outline and apply different policy models to these developments.
By the end of the short history lesson we should have a deeper understanding of the system and the problems that it faces. We will know not only what the problem is, but why there is a problem that needs to be addressed. This paper will go on to evaluate some of the Pros and Cons of reform plans paying specific attention to privatization. The main focus will be on the recommendations made by the 1994-1996 Advisory Council on Social Security. The paper will also examine Social Security systems in place in other countries and discuss the significance of those plans as a model for reforming the US system. I will then attempt to make an educated guess as the likelihood of which plan is the most politically and economically viable based on some of the media attitudes and writings on the issue.SOCIAL SECURITY:
PAST,
PRESENT,
FUTURE
by
PO99 SENIOR THESIS
DR. CHRIS GILBERT
US PUBLIC POLICY
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER ONE-ANALYTIC MODELS
CHAPTER TWO-HISTORY OF SOCIAL SECURITY
Pre Social Security Era
Social Security and Beyond
Economics to Today
CHAPTER THREE-REFORM PLANS FOR SOCIAL SECURITY
Social Security Today
Reform Plans
Maintenance of Benefits
Individual Accounts
Personal Security Accounts
CHAPTER FOUR-SOCIAL SECURITY AROUND THE WORLD
Social Insurance in Scandinavia
Social Security Down Under
The Chilean Experience
CHAPTER FIVE-PERSONAL SOCIAL SECURITY ANALYSIS
CONCLUSION
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INTRODUCTION
Social Security is one of the most popular government programs in history. It
combines elements of an insurance program with those of a welfare program to supply
millions of Americans with a minimum standard of living. From its inception in the
middle nineteen-thirties it has grown to consume over a third of the total federal
expenditures. The actual program of Social Security Old Age, Survivors, and Disability
Insurance (OASDI) as its name implies covers the elderly, survivors, and the disabled. It
is a social insurance program designed to ensure that every American citizen has the
economic security that they have come to expect. Social Security has a long history and
an even longer future.
Recent findings suggest that Social Security is in long-term financial trouble.
Conservative estimates suggest that the large number of baby boomers set to retire in the
first quarter of the new millenium will cause cash benefit distributions to exceed payroll
tax revenues anywhere from 2013 to 2015. As of now the Social Security system
produces surpluses that are invested in Treasury-Bonds earning an average of about 5
percent. The interest accumulation of these funds will support expenditures for about
five to seven years after expenditures surpass revenues. Then it will be necessary to
redeem the Treasury-Bonds for cash. The revenues generated from redeeming the bonds
will sustain the system for about ten more years. Doing the math will yield financial
inequities as early as 2028 or as late as 2032. Bolstered by a strong economy in the
recent past, most experts agree that the inequities will start around 2032, leaving us with
approximately thirty years to reform one of the largest, most popular, and most politically
untouchable programs in United States history. 1
I
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The first step in evaluating Social Security reform is to familiarize oneself with
the broad issue. This paper will begin with a brief history of the most important aspects
and developments of the social insurance movement. It will focus mainly on the Social
Security Act of 1935 and the OASDI program, paying specific attention to different
policy developments. To facilitate analysis and understanding it is necessary to outline
and apply different policy models to these developments.
By the end of the short history lesson we should have a deeper understanding of
the system and the problems that it faces. We will know not only what the problem is,
but why there is a problem that needs to be addressed. This paper will go on to evaluate
some of the Pros and Cons of reform plans paying specific attention to privatization. The
main focus will be on the recommendations made by the 1994-1996 Advisory Council on
Social Security.2 The paper will also examine Social Security systems in place in other
countries and discuss the significance of those plans as a model for reforming the US
system. I will then attempt to make an educated guess as the likelihood of which plan is
the most politically and economically viable based on some of the media attitudes and
writings on the issue.
CHAPTER ONE-ANALYTIC MODELS
Political scientists have developed a series of models to explain government and
policy. Over time they have been fine-tuned and distilled to nine different analytic
models. I will outline briefly each one and then apply the appropriate model to different
stages of the evolution of Social Security.
The nine analytic models are as follows:
2
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• Group Model
• Process Model
• Elite Theory Model
• Rational Model
• Public Choice Theory Model
• Institutional Model
• Incremental Model
• Game Theory
• Systems Model
Each model has its own strengths and weaknesses when applied to policy and there are
no right or wrong models to apply. Each can be applied separately or in conjunction with
another in order to study all facets of a policy.3
The first model I will review is the group model. The core concept is that groups
in the political process interact with one another in the political process. Understanding
groups is essential because they form the link between individuals and the government.
Each citizen has a different view on every issue and this influences politics. Citizens A
feels strongly about abortion, gun control and government regulation of small business.
Citizen B is a political scientist and an environmental activist and feels these issue take
precedence. Each individual will form or join a group that focuses only on these issues.
Citizen A will join Pro-Life, the NRA and the Alliance of Independent Store Owners
whereas Citizen B will join the Sierra Club and the American Political Science
Association. Consider this scenario for every citizen that is actively trying to influence
the government and the scope becomes very large indeed.
Each group attempts to influence other groups to aid in their struggle to persuade
parties and legislators. The interplay of the political system with these groups becomes
the arena where rules are set and deliberation of different interests takes place. Public
3
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policy is the resolution of group struggles to achieve conflicting goals. Officials form
groups and respond to demands by balancing the interests of every group in society.
Three important points to remember are that there is a large set of groups that
become one in supporting the current system of group interaction. Also, overlapping
membership in different groups limits the advancement of one set of values too far ahead
of another group's values. Last, group competition helps to maintain equilibrium by
checking and balancing different groups. It is these points of group theory that facilitate
the link between individuals and policy-makers, essentially giving citizens a voice in
goverrunent.
The second analytic tool is the process model. This consists of studying policies
as a process. The first step is to identify the problems that need to be confronted. This is
when groups, legislators and citizens demand goverrunent action. Next, the agenda is set
to decide what issues receive attention. This step is influenced by such factors as media
attention, citizen interest and immediacy of need. Following this is formulation of
different policy proposals. Essentially these proposals become the means to resolve
issues. Before selecting a policy, the goverrunent needs to legitimize the policy through
public support, media attention and coalition building. It becomes a reverse lobbying
effort toward the majority of citizens who have no direct attachment to the program to
garner their support. After enacting the policy the goverrunent needs to implement it by
establishing bureaucracies, providing funds and other methods of support. Lastly,
evaluation is a key tool for discovering the success, benefits, cost, and discussing
proposed changes of existing policies.
4
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This format provides a method to study the political system and how policies are
developed. An important aspect that this model lacks is that it focuses more on the
processes and less, if at all, on the content of the policy. This necessarily extends
limitations to broad application of this model. However, it is useful to study policy from
beginning to end.
Third is the elite theory model. A quick summary of this model is that elites
govern our society. They are atypical citizens unrepresentative of the masses, including
lawyers, judges, people holding advanced degrees, or even certain affluent people.
Slowly over time they move into positions of control and establish policy based on a
consensus of beliefs and values that reinforce the status quo. Policy then reflects the will
of a select few and not the citizens' demands because of incomplete understanding and
lack of information about the system.
Elite theory represents a cynical attitude toward government due to the fact that
many citizens feel apathy and alienation about the decision-making process. Voting is
seen less as a means to check politicians because the stigma of one vote not making a
difference permeates our society. Also, the lack of participation affects how citizens
respond to government.
The fourth concept is the rational model. The underlying assumption is that
policy is the choice that allows for maximum social gain for the least costs to society.
Two important ideas to remember when studying policy as rational decision-making is
that everything is a cost/benefit analysis, and politicians should only choose policies that
have the maximum benefits for minimal costs. However, this is not strictly viewed as a
monetary cost/benefit analysis; it can include societal values. Rational policy-making
5
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runs into some obstacles because it is difficult to assess societal values, gather the
exhaustive information needed to understand those values, then calculate a cost/benefit
analysis for every alternative. But it is these obstacles that make this model useful when
studying policy. The model explains problem areas in policy implementation and can be
used to rework policies to increase efficiency.
The fifth analytic model is the public choice theory model. This uses economic
assumptions of citizens' behavior in the market place to derive a model for the political
arena. Self-interested individuals seek to maximize personal gain and by applying this
idea to politics it follows that politicians do the same. They seek to maximize personal
gain and not societal welfare. This does suggest a lack of cohesion regarding the ability
to make decisions but there are many areas where everyone will benefit from collective
decision-making.
The two largest areas where government needs to supply goods are in the case of
public goods and when externalities are present. Public goods like clean air and defense
are subject to the free-rider problem and it is difficult to get self-interested individuals to
contribute to programs. The idea is that if someone else contributes, I cannot be excluded
form receiving the benefits if I do not contribute. Externalities are the costs imposed on
others by the actions of one or a few firms. Industries that pollute the air and water are
producing unwanted costs to people who breathe and swim. Public choice theory is
useful to tackle these problems.
Moving on to the incremental model introduces many changes from economic
theory. This model is exactly what the name implies; small changes based on past policy.
Charles Lindblom best summarizes incrementalism as "decision-makers do not annually
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review the whole range of existing and proposed policies, identify societal goals, research
the benefits and costs of alternative policies in achieving these goals, rank order of
preferences for each policy alternative in terms of maximum net benefits, and then make
a selection on the basis of all relevant information" (Dye, 27). They simply define
existing policies as a base and make modifications based upon the acceptance of those
policies as legitimate.
Dye notes five reasons for this type of behavior. First, time, information and
money are limited resources. Extensive attention to any one policy will detract from
other policies. Second, the acceptance of previous policies is based on the fact that new
and different programs can be unpredictable and have negative political consequences.
Third, sunk costs in existing programs make it difficult to alter those programs even in
the face of inefficiencies. Fourth, the gradual nature of this process flows quickly and
smoothly. Last, when there is lack of common interests in pluralist societies, it is easier
to maintain the status quo than to redefine the common interest.
The seventh model is that of institutionalism. This entails regarding policy as the
outcome of relationships among institutions like the Congress, presidency, states, courts,
etc. Institutions accomplish three things for policy. One, they legitimize policy. Policy
becomes a legal obligation of society. Two, they universalize policy. These policies
extend to all members of society not strictly a select few. Three, institutions can coerce
citizens. If you do not follow legal obligations there are consequences.
Similar to the process model, the institutional model lacks focus on content of
policy and is more concerned with the structure and behavior of specific organizations.
However, it is useful because institutions are essentially patterns of behavior and by
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studying these it is easier to understand their effects on policy. Remember that even
institutions are composed of individual members.
Game theory is the eighth analytic model. This is the study of economic
rationality in competitive situations. The model is useful because the choices that one
side of an issue makes affect the choices the other side makes. Similarly, the choices that
are made by the other side are considered when making choices. Really it is how the
choices of competitors are related in the outcome of the situation. This model aids in
understanding of such situations as nuclear weapons use policy, war and negotiations
between groups in conflict.
Game theory assumes that people are completely rational and it attempts to
explain the outcome of conflict situations. Policy-makers point to its benefits as an
analytic tool more than a model to design policy. That idea alone would suggest its
utility in politics because politics is fundamentally conflict management.
The fmal tool to analyze public policy is the systems model. This regards the
political process as policies being the output of the political system. To arrive at these
outputs, the demands of citizens' are transformed into authentic decisions that rely on
every aspect of the system. To illustrate, assume that the NRA wants to remove the
waiting period on handguns so that they can get them immediately. The political system
perceives these demands and finds a method to reconcile these demands with conflicting
interests. The policy then becomes a balance in that the waiting period would be five
days instead of seven.
Dye notes that there are certain benefits of this model due to the fact tbat it forces
policy-makers to question policy in their analysis. What are the factors that affect the
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environment from which the demand stems? What are the characteristics of the political
system that transforms demand into output? How does the environment affect the
, political system? How do the political system and the environment affect policy content?
This model forces legislators to assess certain fundamental issue in regard to policy.4
Now that the essential models for analyzing policy have been established I can
apply them to Social Security in order to understand the depths of the issue. Remember
that there is no one correct model to apply to a policy and that more than one policy can
be utilized in order to understand both the process and the content of policy.
CHAPTER TWO-HISTORY OF SOCIAL SECURITY
Pre Social Security Era
In order to understand the American Social Security system one needs an
understanding of the environment and historical context of the times. The nineteenth
century was witness to huge demographic changes throughout the entire world. First, the
Industrial Revolution changed the economies of the world. This revolution transformed
the population from consisting largely of agricultural workers to wage-earning laborers.
An important aspect of this shift to labor was the change in production. When working in
the agricultural sector of an economy, prosperity was directly related to the amount of
work accomplished, and anyone could earn a minimal standard of living. As more and
more people moved into the industrial labor-force, the relationship between economic
security and amount of work accomplished was undermined by factors beyond the
control of individual workers. Now along with sickness and inability to work there were
included elements like layoffs, business failures, and recessions.5
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As the world changed into an industrialized society it witnessed an increasing
migration of people from rural sectors to urban areas. The industrial societies attracted
workers from every rural area as well as other countries. This contributed to the
disappearance of the extended family and contributed to the phenomenal ten-year
increase in the average life expectancy. When those workers moved from the rural to the
urban sector it was not entire families but typically the wage earner. Immediate families
later followed those that went first when the wage earner could afford to bring them to
the city. This urbanization was responsible for the increased longevity because cities
concentrated health care and provided cleaner water with better sanitation. 6
Now we have arrived at a point where people are living longer, working in
industries, and had little to no control over their own future. Workers could not continue
on indefinitely, old age would eventually cause a necessary cessation of work. Without
extended families to shoulder some of the burdens of lost wages and production there was
an increasing need for some kind of economic security in an individual's old age. The
first country to answer this plight was Germany in 1889. Otto von Bismark established a
social insurance program that broadly covered the elderly. 7 Almost three dozen other
European countries followed Germany's example in the early years of the twentieth
century. The United States did not continue this trend until almost two decades later. It
took a catastrophe of monumental proportions and broad economic implications to
prompt the United States to establish its own social insurance program. When the Stock
market crashed in October of 1929 it ushered in the darkest hour of this countries history.
As America slipped into economic depression, W1employment exceeded 25%; nine
thousand banks failed; the GNP (Gross National Product) declined from 55 billion in 1932. Compared to pre-Depression levels, net new business
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investment was a minus 50
billion in 1929 to only 200 a month living grant with three conditions.
That [ citizens J engage in no further labor, business or profession for gain; that their past
life is free from habitual criminality; that they take oath to, and actually do spend, within
the confines of the United States, the entire amount of their pension within thirty days
after receiving same.9
At the height of its popularity two million people were actively endorsing the plan of
Doctor Townsend.
To analyze this push for Social Security in America two models are useful, the
group model and the process model. Doctor Townsend had a demand on the
government; he wanted a safety net for elderly citizens that had fallen on hard times. He
organized and recruited people that had a similar demand and as a group they appealed to
the government to provide this economic relief. Also, the group appealed to the
Democratic Party and other policy-makers. Legislators then sought to balance those
demands with other demands, other groups' interests, and other legislators' n
Gustavus' Students, Politics, and Religion: Apathy or Activity
No full textThroughout our history, religious and political realms have rarely been separated. Holy wars, crusades, and the Holocaust have been some of the largest markers of political and religious conflict, but we see smaller hints of their correlation throughout our daily lives. As we move into the twentieth century, a time of progression towards peace and religious freedom, we still face the obstacle of negotiating these two significant areas into harmonious existence. On a smaller scale however, we see persons still learning to harmonize within themselves the dynamic between these two powerful forces. It is this dynamic that is examined here; the relationship between religious involvement and political activism. How does one balance the leftist political drive with the conservative religious beliefs? Is this relationship even possible?
The scope of the questions posed above lead to a narrowing of topic. For the purposes of this study, the relationship between religion and politics will be examined in a small arena; the arena of Gustavus Adolphus College. A small liberal arts college founded by immigrants in 1865, Gustavus Adolphus College is enveloped in its Swedish Lutheran heritage. Its most prominent monument, its chapel, stands as an indication of its strong religious ties to its Evangelical Lutheran Church of America (ELCA) tradition.Gustavus' Students, Politics, and Religion
Apathy or Activity?
by
Jarrod Russell Johnson
Senior Thesis
for
Fall of 1998
Advisor:
Christopher Gilbert
Written in conjunction with the course
U.S. Public Policy
Gustavus Student Repository
Table of Contents
Introduction
Case Studies
Chapter Breakdown
Religion on Campus
Family Values
Academics and Religion
Politics
Conclusion
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8
14
15
19
24
26
29
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Introduction:
1broughout our history, religious and political reahns have rarely been
separated. Holy wars, crusades, and the Holocaust have been some of the largest
markers of political and religious conflict, but we see smaller hints of their correlation
throughout our daily lives. As we move into the twentieth century, a time of
progression towards peace and religious freedom, we still face the obstacle of
negotiating these two significant areas into harmonious existence. On a smaller scale
however, we see persons still learning to harmonize within themselves the dynamic
between these two powerful forces. It is this dynamic that is examined here; the
relationship between religious involvement and political activism. How does one
balance the leftist political drive with the conservative religious beliefs? Is this
relationship even possible?
The scope of the questions posed above lead to a narrowing of topic. For the
purposes of this study, the relationship between religion and politics will be examined
in a small arena; the arena of Gustavus Adolphus College. A small liberal arts college
founded by immigrants in 1865, Gustavus Adolphus College is enveloped in its
Swedish Lutheran heritage. Its most prominent monument, its chapel, stands as an
indication of its strong religious ties to its Evangelical Lutheran Church of America
(ELCA) tradition.
As a student of the college, it was easy to have a first hand grasp of some of the
issues the college faces. It is a school based in congeniality, as is often true in
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Minnesota's mentality, but under the surface lies a unique fabric; frayed, worn, and
stretched by the trials of a progressive higher education institution. Attempting to
teach things like religious tolerance, individual freedom, the deterrence ofhate crimes,
passivity, patience, and understanding. In doing so, its community runs head on into
the preservation of its somewhat conservative ideals on topics of homosexuality,
sexuality, religious autonomy, and family values.
The difficult line balanced by the church is one that also dramatically affects
those in its community. As college students, we search for our identity more over these
four years than at any other time in our lives. We will go through more changes over
this time than any other. Therefore, the role of the college and its ability to shepherd its
students become very important and integral to the development of its students.
In this paper, our focus will not be what the college has done to directly affect
its students, but instead what students have experienced in their time here. Was the
church the guiding light in their spiritual development? Did they do much more in
high school around religion, than they are doing now? Did the students become
apathetic, as they often do upon leaving home, or did they become even more involved
in the community religiously and otherwise? Most importantly, how do all of the
questions we pose and development we see affect their political ideologies, activism ,
and involvement?
The importance of this study does not only reach the Gustavus community, it
has greater implications. This small case study will hopefully give us insight into how
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religious and political ideologies are being spread throughout America's youth in the
past decade or more. Because as we examine this communities current state, we will
also paint a picture of its past years of development, hopefully revealing trends in
Americas development of its children in the 1980's. We may uncover how parents
delivered religious messages to their children, and how they talked about politics in
their families.
It is my goal to discover the make-up of this cross section of the population.
Are they ready for the political jungle in front of them as they move away from this
place? Are they solid or still developing in their religious beliefs? Where do they find
their religious centers, is it internal or in the church? What will they pass on to their
families?
Their are two ways of looking at the research done on this topic in the past.
You might say none has ever been done on a population like this, because Gustavus
has never been surveyed in this way. Others would say the research on basic
populations on the topics of religion and politics would do the job. Another view point
is that as a member of the community I have been doing research for four years and
those around me the same, professors and faculty even longer. Toe ability to tap those
resources became invaluable for me and the foundation for the work that lies within
this text.
A series of case studies ensued as the primary method of research. By choosing
a number I felt adequate for the representation of differing viewpoints - eleven - I
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gathered information from primarily students but from faculty and administration as
well. The reasons for their selection are discussed in the following section. They were
all subject to the same survey of religious and political involvement. In some cases the
questions for students were speculation upon future events in their lives, in which case
the questions were worded accordingly to apply to the administration's and faculty's
present lives. Both surveys can be found in appendixes 1 and 2. The survey was
generated through my questions and concerns about Gustavus life and developed
through conversations with professors in both the Religion and Political science
departments at Gustavus. Overall, four political science and three religion professors
reviewed the survey before its utilization, providing the survey with an overarching
insight unattainable on my own.
The presentation of the findings will be laid out in a topical manner. Although
it may have been appropriate to discuss each case study individually, I believe it will be
more insightful to look at each topic and pullout the salient viewpoints of various
members of the study. This will allow also, a cross pollination and more evident
identification of variance within the communities ideology. The ability to compare and
contrast the findings in a prose manner should reveal to the reader more upon their first
reading, since we will have eliminated the need to pull all the information together
themselves.
Contained within is a community with a soul. We will hopefully watch it
struggle through the difficult topics it is faced with and find an acumen to its current
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situation. The conclusions drawn from the case studies are mine and mine only and are
meant to be one interpretation of the data received. It would be a great delight, and I
believe your duty, to see this information formulated and reformulated both presently
and over time. The subjects are people and the issues real, the continued examination
of both can only reap great benefits.
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Case studies:
Case studies were conducted over a two week period in mid-November. After
the questions were laid out and finally concrete I took to the task of creating a
representative cross section of the population at Gustavus. I felt it was imperative to
have the majority of those contributing to the research be students. I could not deny
however, that older members of the Gustavus community would provide invaluable
insight into the changes in student mentality over time. This type of knowledge which
has had longer time to develop and mature it's ideas about the community, would
provide a depth of knowledge unavailable to myself and other students. It may also be
able to provide generational information, discerning whether this study is
representative of Gustavus over time or Gustavus at this time.
A follow-up interview was also done in early March after all the information
from the case studies was collected and interpreted. In this conversation the ideas I
had generated were bounced off the subjects to check for validity and accuracy of
interpretation. This extra step proved invaluable in terms of clarity to my study.
The final breakdown of students to faculty/administrators was seven to four.
The students selected came from relatively differing backgrounds. The challenging
part about finding differing backgrounds in a community like Gustavus is that we
aren't that much different on the surface. Most students fall into the middle to upper
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class society and are Caucasian. The research subsequently focused on members in
this group and dwelt on characteristics of home lives, family make-up, and personality.
Student subjects will be identified by fictitious first name for two reasons. First,
their real names will be fictitious to provide them with anonymity and protection form
bias. Secondly, the names should provide an identification that will be easier to recall
than through numbers or letters. What follows is a case study sketch of those
individuals which shall provide insight into their answers to case study questions, and
why they were chosen.
Student Case Study #1: Natalie
Natalie is a sophomore from the mid-west. The thing that distinguishes her
most is her current religious state as an atheist. She comes from a very religious
Catholic family as well. Another key characteristic is her profound knowledge of
political science and current events. A member of two national political science
conferences, she has dedicated herself to the study of international diplomacy. She
hopes to be the President of the United Sates someday. Natalie also possesses a strong
sense of spirituality despite her lack of formalized religion.
Student Case Study #2: Kathy
Kathy, a junior, caught my eye because of her family background as well. Her
mother is a Lutheran pastor in Minneapolis. In this I hoped to discover some of the
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political ramifications of women and religion. Also, I believe Kathy to be a very
typical Gustavus student. Involved in a varsity sport and a sorority makes her a
representation of a large part of Gustavus life. She also aspires to be an elementary
special education teacher, providing a socially active ideology as well.
Student Case Study #3: Jeff
Jeff is without a doubt the most active member of the Gustavus senior class.
President of a major campus organization, on the Student Senate Cabinet, Phi Beta
Kappa member, and :fraternity vice president. He is also a political science major and
member of the political science honors fraternity Pi Sigma Alpha. His home life
provides and interesting angle as well. He grew up in a single family home having
never known his father, and being financially burdened.
Student Case Study #4: Joan
Joan, a junior, is another Catholic in the group. Her unique distinction is that
she does not attend chapel on campus, but does attend the communities catholic church
regularly. Another very active member of the community, Joan is a sorority president,
and a varsity athlete. Joan's home life is conservative and nuclear.
Student Case Study #5: Mike
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Mike is a senior religion major. He comes from a very typical family life for
Gustavus; very suburban, a few siblings, and some very basic dysfunctions in his
family unit (slight alcoholism, stress of near divorce once, sibling drug history, etc.).
He has aspirations as a future minister of the Lutheran Church, but what struck me to
use his input was his cynical nature of religion. I believe he questions it continually.
He is also fairly active as a community member.
Student Case Study #6: Melinda
Melinda is one of the figureheads of the Gustavus religious community. She is
the head of two of the college's religious student groups and volunteers in the college
Chapel often. She is also a member of the choir. Her home life is was fairly rural and
her views quite conservative. Most other students would find her somewhat preachy
and fundamentalist. Her goal is to be a Lutheran Minister, and she is a religion major.
Student Case Study #7: Patrick
Patrick is the valedictorian of the senior class. A philosophy major and soon to
be a graduate student at the top graduate university in the country for his field o study.
His home life is considered dysfunctional but very loving. His parents are divorced,
his mother has a history of fairly severe mental health problems which he inherited
slightly, manifesting in slight depression.
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The faculty/administration selected are from areas all over the campus of
Gustavus Adolphus College. The goals in their selection were to provide a breadth of
information unattainable by researching just students of this year. Their input was
requested so we might be able to discern whether the study of current students is
characteristic of Gustavus students over time or whether this class and those before it
have progressed or changed in certain ways. Again, anonymity is afforded these
individuals. This time however, they will be given titles and last names to aid in their
distinction from students for better identification in later chapters.
Faculty/Administration Case Study #1: Chaplain Anderson
Chaplain Anderson has been involved with the chapel at Gustavus for over
thirty years. He has been diagnosed as a recovering alcoholic, and recently returned to
the campus from a fourth stint of rehabilitation. He has been given a more limited role
in Chapel services the past few years, as a successor has been named for his upcoming
retirement. This successor has taken over many of the duties of the Chaplain, yet
Anderson remains a figurehead on the campus.
Faculty/Administration Case Study #2: Chaplain Olsen
Chaplain Olsen is the successor discussed above. He himself is a Gustavus
Graduate. Fairly liberal minded for a Chaplain, he is quite close to the students in his
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congregation. The ability to be both a student here, and a faculty member is quite
unique, and should aid us greatly.
Faculty/Administration Case Study #3: Professor Lee
Professor Lee has taught at Gustavus for a little over eight years and has
received the college's highest teaching awards. What compelled me to use her for this
study is her religion. She is a Buddhist, an oddity on Gustavus' campus.
Faculty/Administration Case Study #4: Dean of Students Johnson
Dean Johnson also a former student of Gustavus. Her work in the Dean of
Students office obviously allows her to keep her finger on the pulse of many campus
issues. She also has the capacity to provide this study with a tremendous amount of
data generated through admissions surveys and material of the like. Her former
position at the college was Director of Student Activities which allowed her to work
very closely with all student groups, from the College Democrats to the Fellowship of
Christian Athletes.
The list of survey participants leans on the side of activity. One must realize
that there are many other people on Gustavus' campus which are less informed and in
touch with the college and its goings on. I felt, however, that due to the small
percentage of campus I was interviewing, it would be in the studies best interests to
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interview those who in conversations before and after the survey could provide the
study with additional information outside of their own beliefs.
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What follows is research boiled down to the salient points for examination,
interpretation and discussion. Each of the key areas I examined and discovered
throughout the research gathering process are included.
Chapter Breakdown:
I. Religion on Gustavus Adolphus College Campus
IL Farnily Values
III. Academics
IV. Politics
V. Conclusion
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Religion on Campus:
This section of the survey reveals mostly background information about the
interviewee. It does however, enlighten us about what the trends are for church
attendance. It was my assumption that a tremendous amount of students do not go to
chapel regularly. Research revealed that most student respondents, 6 out of 7, attend
services in Christ Chapel on a regular basis. Only two out of seven go to services
including all churches in the town or in their home towns. Joan revealed that she went
to church each week regularly, but had never attended a service in Christ Chapel. In
conversations with the faculty, I found this circumstance to be a rarity. Also, a phone
call placed to the Catholic church in St. Peter confirmed these estimations. Most
estimated that approximately 50% of the students on campus attend chapel at least
once throughout the course of a school year. Those in regular attendance however
appears to be between 15% and 20%. Comments from both Chaplains and the Dean
reveal this to be only slightly lower than the numbers for the past 15 years. Ifwe trace
back the attendance over a longer period of time we see much higher attendance in the
middle of the century compared to today.
Campus religious events on the other hand, have received a much larger turnout
recently than in the past. Of those students surveyed five out of even said that at one
point in their careers at Gustavus they had been members of a student led religious
group and attended more than three events a semester. Jeff replied, "Thursday nights
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and sing-alongs, seemed to mesh more with my personality and schedule than Sunday
morning services did." Melinda, who programs an average of two events a week, from
bible study to outside speakers said, "people look forward to our liberal programming
because it is a lot like their high school youth groups and is chance for social time as
well."
"We have increased tum out for Christmas in Christ Chapel year after year. It
may be the most attended event Gustavus has," proposed Chaplain Anderson.
Christmas in Christ Chapel is Christmas service involving all the college's choirs, the
orchestra, as well as some dancers. It is arguable that the attendance increase is a sign
of the music departments growth as well as a diversion to religious events to replace
Sunday services.
Other generalizations we can draw from the questions involving religion on
Campus are about high school versus college involvement. Overwhelmingly, six out
of seven, students said they were more involved in high school than in college with
their religion. No respondents said they were more involved in college than they were
in high sch
The Balancing Act: The Shifting Environmental Message of Al Gore
No full textIn his opinion column of the Baltimore Sun on July 24, 1932, Frank Richardson Kent wrote, "In politics it is difficult sometimes to decide whether the politicians are humorless hypocrites or hypocritical humorists." These sentiments describe not only rigid public perceptions of Al Gore, but also the feelings of many devout environmentalists who claim that Gore has betrayed them. Once hailed as the ultimate green politician, Gore has recently lost the endorsements of several large environmental groups.
Thus, the hypothesis of this paper: Al Gore used the environment as a means to attain national political recognition. To examine this, I will analyze Gore's public service record on environmental issues. By doing so, I hope to find discernible evidence of Gore's environmental policy changes and to identify the political motivations behind such maneuvers.The Balancing Act
The Shifting Environmental Message of Al Gore
Chris Western
Political Science Thesis
Spring 2000
Gustavus Student Repository
The only thing louder than his shirt is the snoring
Ez to my princerples, I glory
In hevin' nothin' o' the sort;
I ain't a Whig, I ain't a Tory,
I'm jest a canderdate, in short
James Russell Lowell, 1848
Gustavus Student Repository
Section I - Research Questions and Methods
In his opinion column of the Baltimore Sun on July 24, 1932, Frank Richardson
Kent wrote, "In politics it is difficult sometimes to decide whether the politicians are
humorless hypocrites or hypocritical humorists." These sentiments describe not only
rigid public perceptions of Al Gore, but also the feelings of many devout
environmentalists who claim that Gore has betrayed them. Once hailed as the ultimate
green politician, Gore has recently lost the endorsements of several large environmental
groups.
Thus, the hypothesis of this paper: Al Gore used the environment as a means to
attain national political recognition. To examine this, I will analyze Gore's public service
record on environmental issues. By doing so, I hope to find discernible evidence of
Gore's environmental policy changes and to identify the political motivations behind
such maneuvers.
Section II - The Balancing Begins
In 1976, Al Gore was elected to the House of Representatives by his home state of
Tennessee. Gore was already a consummate politician, and he fared well in the gritty
style of House debates. He spent much of his free time learning about arms control, and
soon gained a reputation as somewhat of a deterrence guru.1 Even early in his career,
Gore had a knack for being well informed on issues of global implications; the nature of
1
Turque, Bill, Inventing Al Gore, (Houghton Mifflin 2000), p. 147.
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the late 1970's ensured that Gore's focus would be on Soviet missiles and not American
sulfur dioxide.
This is not to say that Gore's tenure in the House was absent of environmental
causes. His straightforward style distinguished him during air and water quality debates,
as he insisted on the closing of tax loopholes in the Clean Air Act.2 While holding
hearings on the dangers of hazardous waste dumping, Gore verbally attacked Tennessee
companies that were notorious for their toxic pollution. Coupled with his cosponsoring
of Superfund, a program designed to reduce and prevent improper and dangerous
hazardous waste disposal, Al Gore was well on his way to positioning himself as an
important national environmental policy-maker. 3
This exception aside, however, Representative Gore typically supported local
issues over environmental concerns when the two were at odds.4 A prime example of
what he would later call "a failure of courage" is the Tellico Dam project. The Tellico
Dam was typical of Tennessee Valley Authority projects: justified less by flood control
and hydropower needs than by the number of construction jobs it would bring to
Tennessee. Tellico became a national issue after biologists discovered that it would
cause the extinction of the snail darter, a tiny fish that lived the Little Tennessee River,
making the dam a test case for the Endangered Species Act (recently enacted). Gore was
successful in exempting the dam from the ESA, and later wrote a constituent, "It was
unfortunate that the controversy over the snail darter was used to delay completion of the
2 Muro, Mark, "Are long time eco-supporters of Gore switching to the Bradley camp?" Earth Times News
Service, Nov. 22, 1999, p. 2.
3 Turque, p. 137.
4 Turque, p. 133.
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dam after it was virtually finished. I am glad the Congress has now ended this
controversy once and for all. "5
Similarly, Gore supported a $3 billion nuclear "breeder" reactor at Clinch River.
Another project of the Tennessee Valley Authority, this type of reactor uses stored energy
to create reactions that produce more fuel than it consumes, but has never functioned
reliably anywhere in the world. Despite Gore's support, the Clinch River project was
killed in 1983.6
Gore's tendency to favor local economic concerns over national environmental
issues is an entrenched feature of American democracy.7 Although representatives serve
a national assembly, they are ultimately responsible for how national policies affect their
home state. When environmental regulations threatened development projects in
Tennessee, Gore was quick to abandon the green banner.
Gore knew then, however, that connecting himself with a major national issue
was an easy way to become powerful. The endless hours of research he put into
deterrence theory suggests that he would have become a key policy-maker in defense
policy had the Cold War not ended. American interest in national issues is salient,
however, meaning that only a few things can be important for a limited amount of time. 8
The environment started on the back burner of Al Gore's political agenda.
Section Ill - A Failed Bid for Leadership
5
Rauber, Paul, ''The great green hope," Sierra, July-August, 1997, p. 2.
6 Rauber, p. 2.
7 Anderson, Alison, Media, Culture and the Environment, (Rutgers University Press 1997), p. 88. 8
Anderson, p. 30.
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In 1984, Gore decided to run for the U.S. Senate when an incumbent Democrat
retired. After a narrow victory in the party primary, Gore easily defeated his GOP
opponent and served for the next eight years in the Senate. The environment was not an
issue in his campaign; nor was it an issue in a conservative-dominated Senate during the
Reagan administration. The House gave Gore a greater role in debating new
environmental legislation if only because it dealt with more proposals and people (thus
viewpoints), and he was unsuccessful in leading any environmental policies through the
Senate before the 1988 presidential election.9
Gore's decision to run for the presidency in 1988 coincided with his miraculous
turnabout on environmental policies. Suddenly, Al Gore was touting the environment as
one of the "main four issues" of the election, as he looked for a niche among the
Democratic faithful that was untapped. 10 He expounded upon global warming and ozone
depletion, always trying to paint himself as the only candidate able to produce real
solutions. He also began speaking of new and better ways to deal with environmental
regulation, such as tradable permits, which were more acceptable to business leaders.
Soon, however, Gore abandoned his environmental crusade when polls began to
indicate that people were much more concerned about crime and the economy. 11 Gore
began to let the media and opposing candidates frame the issues for discussion, and he
later described his failure as "not having the courage to decide for myself which issues
were important." When an international consensus of scientists confirmed the widening
ozone hole over Antarctica in the middle of the democratic primaries, Gore gave three
blistering speeches in which he detailed the critical need for U.S. action. Although the
9 Torque, p. 217.
10 Torque, p. I 89.
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effectively balances the economic needs of the region with the goal of a clean Pigeon
River."14
This environmental setback did not prevent Gore from continuing to align himself
with environmentalists. Less than a week later, he said, "The environment is under siege
from industrial civilization," and he pronounced himself as "passionate" about cleaning
up the Rio Grande in south Texas. Phil Owens, then vice-president of the Sierra Club,
noted these contradictions: "You could put 'two-faced son of a bitch' in Webster's
Dictionary and put Al Gore's name beside it."15
In a losing attempt, Gore took seven states and over three and a half million votes
in the 1988 Democratic primaries. However, the most crucial aspect of the presidential
election for Gore was that he had strategically attached his name to the national
environmental issue. The environment had been a growing concern for Americans since
1980, and Gore capitalized on those concerns by becoming the first presidential candidate
to directly address the potential impacts of global warming.16 This relationship with
environmental policy-making would eventually make Al Gore one of the most powerful
men in the world.
Section IV - "A Fragile Web"
Due to his public declarations during the election, Senator Gore developed an
instant dedication to environmental issues upon his return to Congress. He began his
infamous environmental treatise Earth In The Balance in 1989, after his son was nearly
14 Turque, p. 202.
15 Turque, p. 202.
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killed in an automobile accident, although the book wouldn't be published until 1992. In
January of 1989, Gore traveled with several fellow congressmen to the Amazon rain
forest to witness firsthand the destruction carved by Western economic policies. 17
When he returned to Washington, Gore introduced a package of proposals entitled
the Strategic Environmental Initiative, creatively titled after Reagan's Strategic Defense
Initiative. It called for a complete phaseout of CFC' s within five years, massive
worldwide reforestation programs, large-scale recycling, and development of alternative
energy programs.18 At the heart of the proposals was Gore's fear of imminent global
wamung.
Gore was not afraid of a "world weltering in perpetual summer," but the
possibility that a rise of just a few degrees in the earth's temperature could throw the
planet's weather system totally out of whack. It is here that Gore develops his rhetorical
style of promising apocalypse without immediate action, as he began to warn of
"upsetting the fragile balance of the earth." "Such a delicate balance," Gore wrote, "is
crucial to the very fabric of civilization."19
While spending the next few years trying to raise public awareness of
environmental issues, Gore took time in 1991 to form the National Religious Partnership
for the Environment. Gore saw his environmentalism as a necessary consequence of his
deep Southern Baptist tradition, constantly stating that "it is impossible to separate God
16 Kempton, Willett, Boster, James S., and Hartley, Jennifer A., Environmental Values in American
Culture, (MIT Press 1996), p. 7.
17
Turque, p. 217.
18
Turque, p. 218.
19
Turque, p. 220.
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from nature. To defile one is to defile the other."
20
This deep faith continues in Gore's
more recent writings:
Early in the history of Christianity the message of Christ
was wtapped tightly in the language and metaphors of Greek
philosophy, a rich tradition from which we selected some things
and left out others. In the process we understood some of
Christ's message, and we set aside other parts. The Church
faced an existing body of religious beliefs in much of the world
in which the gospel was preached. Paganism and animism
derived a revelation from the physical world. Some believed
that in each separate individual animal and plant and rock there
was a separate motivating spirit. In the desire to overcome this
superstitious way of relating to the world, our tradition placed
heavy emphasis on a disembodied spirit which we worshipped
intellectually.
A moment ago the Word was held up supreme and
triumphant, a Word which we received intellectually and
understand intellectually. We can also feel the presence of God.
We can also understand God emotionally and physically and
receive a revelation from all of the world. We are not separate
from the Earth. God is not separate from the Earth.21
The development of Christianity, to Gore, is a direct response to the attempt by
humanity to remove itself from nature. By preaching environmental liberalism out of
conservative religious values, Gore represents a new intersection of American values.
22
Ten months before being named the vice-president elect, Earth In The Balance
was published by Houghton Mifflin. The book instantly entrenched Gore as a political
superstar among environmentalists, as he detailed extensively the problems of ozone
depletion, global warming, species loss, deforestation, soil erosion, and the underlying
values which allow them to happen. He took an especially hard-line stance against the
dominating industrial ethic: "Industrial civilization's great engines of distraction still
seduce us with a promise of fulfillment."
23
He argues that many domestic problems stem
20 Gore, AI Jr., Crisis and the Renewal of Creation, Ed. by Jeffrey Galliher and William Bryant Logan,
(Continuum 1996), p. 43.
21 Gore, p. 42-43.
22 Kempton, Boster, & Hartley, p. 115.
23
Turque, p. 232.
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from a similar value: "Like a parent violating the personal boundaries of a vulnerable
child, we violate the temporal boundaries of our rightful place in the chain of human
generations." To Gore, the central problem with humanity's relationship with the earth is
the Cartesian worldview that human beings are separate from the natural world. 24
Although Gore had previously been leery of becoming associated with bigspending
government programs, Earth In The Balance proposes a "Global Marshall Plan"
patterned after the American rehabilitation of post-World War II Europe. A broad list of
objectives includes stabilizing the world population through birth control, reduction of
infant mortality, improved education, sharing technology with less developed countries,
securing binding commitment from industrial nations to stabilize greenhouse gas
emissions, and reformulating economic indicators to include environmental degradation.
Gore offers many specific proposals, including tradable pollution permits, debt for nature
swaps with less developed countries, and worldwide research to eliminate the combustion
engine by 2020.25
Most reviews of the book ran from respectful to enthusiastic. Many recognized
the vast amount of research and thought Gore had put into the book, but his critics were
quick to use it as fodder for his liberal fire. Ronald Bailey wrote that Gore "artfully fuses
New Age psychobabble with radical environmentalism into the quintessence of political
correctness," and BioScience magazine labeled it "A nonstop string of gloom and doom,
the world is coming to an end, and the sky is falling. How inconvenient for humankind
24 Turque, p. 232.
25 Turque, p. 233.
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that these predictions are all well backed by science."26 The worst blow for the book,
however, was yet to come.
In Earth In The Balance, Gore pays much tribute to oceanographer Roger Revelle
for his Harvard lectures on the greenhouse effect. A reader of the book would believe
that Revelle completely shared Gore's view that global warming is "the most serious
threat we've ever faced." However, Gregg Easterbrook, a writer for The New Republic,
reported in 1992 that Revelle co-authored an article shortly before his death in July 1991
that took a much more tentative line toward the possible impact of climate change. In it,
Revelle wrote, "The scientific base for a greenhouse gas warming is too uncertain to
justify drastic action at this time.',27 Revelle's hesitancies centered on the use of
computer models, which he felt overestimated the compounding effect of greenhouse
gases. Unfortunately for Gore, these models are instrumental to many arguments made in
Earth In The Balance. Although the dispute would become less important after a global
scientific consensus was reached during the IPCC in 1994, Revelle' s statements seriously
undermined Gore's credibility.
Section IV - The Environmental Presidency
Early in 1992, Gore used President Bush's failure at the Rio Conference as his
main stomping ground. The Conference was designed to create an international coalition
to reduce greenhouse gases, prevent deforestation, and preserve species around the globe.
Bush was unable to make any of the Rio commitments binding to American companies,
26 Rauber, p. 3.
27 Turque, p. 234-235.
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and ratification of the Rio treaty fell apart in the House. Gore used the issue to further
himself as a national environmental leader, verbally attacking Bush for the next several
months.28
When Bill Clinton won the Democratic nomination in 1992, pollsters were
immediately concerned about Arkansas' terrible environmental record. Clinton had a
reputation as a forger of coalitions and champion of government programs, but had little
devotion to environmental issues. Because the environment was a staple issue for the
Democrats, Al Gore was chosen as the vice-presidential nominee to cover Clinton's poor
environmental past.29 The response of Fred Steeper, a GOP strategist, explained why:
Maybe the biggest effect (of Gore's selection) was on our
strategy, by your putting an environmentalist on the ticket. In
fact, we had been going after Clinton on his environmental
record in Arkansas, which some felt was inconsistent, but the
selection of Gore provided you with protection on the
environmental issue. At one time I thought for dead certain that
we'd be running a chicken waste commercial sometime in
September or October. In fact, some people were looking
forward to it. Part of the reason we didn't was because of Gore
being on the ticket. '0
Instead, the Bush campaign painted Clinton and Gore as being environmental
extremists. Bush was fond of referring to Gore as the "ozone man," and said that Clinton
would support environmental programs at the expense of the economy.31
Since the 1992 election, no one can call Al Gore an environmental extremist. To
defend the campaign from Bush's attacks, Gore became much less forceful on
environmental issues and even narrowed his own views. Instead of talking about the
28 Vig, Norman, & Kraft, Michael, Environmental Policy in the 1990's. (CQ Press 1994), p. 316.
29 Vig & Kraft, p. 87.
30 Tatalovich, Raymond, & Wattier, Mark, The Environmental Presidency. ed. by Dennis Soden,
(State University of New York Press 1999), p. 174.
31 Sussman, Glen, & Kelso, Mark Andrew, The Environmental Presidency. ed. by Dennis Soden,
(State University of New York Press 1999), p. 118.
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inter-connectedness of environmental problems, Gore began attacking individual
instances of purely heinous actions. 32 The angry impatience with politics as usual found
in Earth In The Balance was being muffled.
To be sure, the Clinton-Gore campaign had environmental proposals - increasing
automobile fuel efficiency, preventing drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge,
and lowering carbon dioxide emissions. But when Gore spoke about the environment, he
used one-liners about the "false choice" posed by the Bush administration between
environmental protection and economic growth. 33 He would constantly pose the
environment as an "us vs. them" issue rather than detailing his own views on
international cooperation and climate change. In an election where he was already
viewed as a genius compared to the opposition, Gore's focus was to not let his past
destroy the Democrats' chances.
Still, Gore claims that he never backed down from Earth In The Balance.
Although he began to be greeted by chants of "Read your book," Gore claimed, "I'm not
pulling my punches at all. I have responsibilities as part of this ticket to talk about a
broad range of issues, and I'm doing the best I can with it."34 Indeed, Gore was
experiencing the draw towards the center that national politics can have, as he attempted
to appeal to more and more people.35 On one occasion, Gore even conceded that he
might have toned down his book had he known he was going to be on the ticket: "To be
honest, I know I would have been more vulnerable to the pressures to be a little more
32 Turque, p. 257.
33
Turque, p. 257.
34 Turque, p. 258.
35 Dryzek, John S., The Politics of the Earth. (Oxford Press 1997), p. 151.
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timid.''36 In the end, Gore's more conservative approach to environmental consensus
building allowed Clinton to win the election.
Gore's election had both benefits and consequences for American environmental
policy-making. In his new role, for example, Gore's powers extended to agenda setting
and international leadership, in addition to his congressional powers of policy
formulation and implementation. 37 Gore now possessed the highest American political
office ever held by a devout environmentalist, but he realized that the structural
fragmentation of environmental powers in the U.S. meant that building coalitions would
be central to enacting any legislation. 38 Gore's influence was also pivotal to the
"greening" of Clinton's cabinet, as top state environmental regulators were awarded high
positions. Bruce Babbitt, Jim Baca, Carol Browner, Mollie Beattie, Jack Ward Thomas,
George T. Frampton Jr., and Roger Kennedy were all environmentalists given prestigious
federal jobs. 39
However, there was a downside for the environmen
A Comparison and Contrast of the United States and Canada: Political, Theoretical and Historical Influences on Elderly Health Care Policies
No full textThe social welfare policies of the United States and Canada, concerning solely health care targeted towards the elderly, are markedly different. These differences are the result of contrasting governmental structures, as well as theoretical and historical discrepancies in each nation. Through the examination of health care legislation, differing social attitudes, political structures and history, it will become clear why the individual policies best fit each respective nation. In addition, it will become clear whether factors of each nation's governmental and political structures prevent large-sweeping changes in existing health care policy.A Comparison and Contrast of the United States and Canada:
Political, Theoretical and Historical Influences on Elderly
Health Care Policies
By Molly Grisham
Political Science Thesis
Spring 2001
Dr. Christopher P. Gilbert
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Thesis Chapters
1. Abstract (p. 3)
2 . The Origins of Health Care in the United States and Canada (p. 4)
3. Recent Historical Contexts of Changes in Health Care in the United
States (p. 7)
4. Medicare Services (p. 9)
5. Attitudes toward Current Health Care Systems in Both Nations (p. 13)
6. Great Britain's Contrasting Health Care System (p. 1S)
7. Governmental ffindrances to a Universal Health Care System in the
United States (p. 17)
8. Effects of Parliamentarian Governmental Style on Un-changing
Canadian Health Care (p. 26)
9. Theories of Old Age Security Policy Development in Both Nations (p.
33)
10. Conclusion (p. 36)
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1. Abstract
The social welfare policies of the United States and Canada, concerning solely
health care targeted towards the elderly, are markedly different. These differences are the
result of contrasting governmental structures, as well as theoretical and historical
discrepancies in each nation. Through the examination of health care legislation, differing
social attitudes, political structures and history, it will become clear why the individual
policies best fit each respective nation. In addition, it will become clear whether factors
of each nation's governmental and political structures prevent large-sweeping changes in
existing .health .. care .. p.olicy ..
Formulations of elderly health care policies are dependent upon governmental
structures, cultural and historical backgrounds, and the theories surrounding such
programs. In the United States, the lack of changing policy detracts from the quality of
care received by the elderly. Federalism plays a large part i n determining the types of
policies employed by the United States. In Canada, conversely, collectivism is
responsible for any shifts in health care legislation. However, in Canada the lack of
policy alterations is beneficial to the elderly population in terms of preserving their health
care benefits and saving them from health care cuts.
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2. The Origins of Health Care
The types of programs instituted and aimed toward the elderly in the United
States and Canada were constructed in roughly the same time period. Both nations chose
to address health care seriously following the Great Depression of the 1920's and l 930's.
Initially in the United States, national health insurance was broached during Woodrow
Wilson's presidency, but the program's idea failed because of its link to pre-WWII
Germany. National health insurance (NHI) was first instituted in Germany and U.S.
opposition to any program associated with that nation was strong during the 1930' s. As a
result, national healthinsurance was introduced to Congress in 1939in the form of the
Murray-Wagner-Dingell Bill. However, this legislation was unsuccessful due to a weak
Democratic "programmatic majority" in Congress at the time. Conservative Southern
Democrats and northern liberal Democrats were at odds with this issue, despite the fact
that they were within the same party. Even though the Democrats did control Congress,
they felt that adding national health insurance to the Social Security Bill would weaken
its chances for approval. After 1939, advocates of national health insurance devised
alternate strategies for enacting this type of policy. Proponents sought to focus explicitly
on a single high-status group in society that could not necessarily afford health insurance.
Advocates decided that the elderly were the ideal group upon which to focus national
health insurance (Williamson and Pampel, 49).
The elderly were sure to receive sympathy for their plight, making passage of
national health insurance for this demographic group more likely. The idea of a
deserving versus undeserving group of people, in terms of receiving federal aid, harkens
back to the time of early welfare reform. In the late 1920's, both the "deserving" and
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"undeserving" poor reaped the benefits of the dole. Welfare relief, as meager as it was
during this time, was given to both groups. The "deserving" poor were typically defined
as those individuals who could work and made an effort to do so. This category also
included the elderly, whose present state of poverty was assumed to be no fault of their
own. The other side of poverty was classified as "undeserving." This description included
people who were considered lazy and idle. These individuals, for the most part, did not
hold jobs and were not actively seeking employment. Foreigners and immigrants were
often labeled as "undeserving" poor. In addition, African Americans and some farmers
were considered undeserving ofthewelfarerelief that they received. With the onset of
the Great Depression in the 1930's, these views became even harsher as money became
scarce and employment limited. Parallels can be drawn between the deserving and
undeserving people, in terms of both welfare and health care. In these instances, the
elderly are considered deserving of both welfare benefits and health care assistance.
It was decided that Medicare would be the program advanced to help assist the
elderly with health care in the United States. From 1958-1965, finance committees held
multiple hearings on the benefits and drawbacks of Medicare. Medicare was instituted in
the United States in 1965 as an amendment to the Social Security Act of 1935 (Patel and
Rushefsky, 78-79).
The Canadian system of health care developed a few years later than did the
programs in the United States. Publicly financed health insurance came about in 1919,
but the Great Depression and World War II brought it to the top of the Canadian agenda
(Graig, 124). Historically, health care in Canada prior to the Great Depression was
believed to be strictly a private matter and the responsibility of individuals and their
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families. Before the 1930' s, the government had limited involvement in the health field
(Raffel, 3). However, by the mid-1940's, public support for health care in Canada was
strong. The optimism surrounding health care in Canada paved the way for legislation.
In 1957, the Hospital Insurance and Diagnostic Services Act was passed, insuring care
for the entire Canadian population, including all ten provinces and two territories. This
type of hospital care for the whole population was made possible via cost sharing
between the federal government and the provinces. This plan required the federal
government to match every dollar that the provinces spent on federally approved medical
.. practices (Raffel, 4).
In the 1970's, this type of cost sharing practice was changed to a cash grant
system (Bass and Morris, 41). Not included in the Hospital Insurance and Diagnostic
Services Act were nursing homes and their related expenses. In addition, the Medical
Care Act was initiated in 1968, which allowed for national insurance for physician
services. By 1972, all ten provinces and two territories were on the cost-shared medical
insurance program and had full physician and hospital coverage (Graig, 127). In an effort
to control the rising costs of health care, the Canadian government started a cash grant
program in 1977. This type of program would "effectively limit the rate of growth of
federal costs by divorcing funds from specific expenditures" (Gill and Ingman, 236).
The health care programs instituted in the United States and Canada began within
several years of one another. However, the plans enacted in each nation took different
paths. The United States opted for national health insurance that would benefit the aged
and disabled. Canada, on the other hand, chose universal health care that would be set by
the federal government and administered by the provinces.
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3. Recent Historical Contexts of Changes in Health Care in the United States
As Graig states, "social institutions such as health care systems are not created in
a vacuum; they are reflections of societal values and expectations" (Graig, 128). This
point is evidenced by the legislation that passed in Canada and the United States that
correlates with the timing of social upheavals and both optimistic and pessimistic
reactions in society.
There has been an increase in social welfare and health care spending in the
United States since World War II, which continued until the 1980' s (Williamson and
_ __ _ I'ampel, 112). In addition, since WWUthe number of interest groups advocating on
behalf of the elderly has shy-rocketed (Williamson and Pampel, 1 13). Organizations that
advocate of behalf of the elderly include: the American Nurses Association; American
Association of Retired Persons (AARP); National Council of Senior Citizens (NCSC)
and the National Council on the Aging (NCOA).
Throughout the 1960's and 1970's the government increased social security and
health care. Overall the United States began to liberalize the programs (Williamson and
Pampel, 1 14). Of course, the actions of the United States during this time must be
examined in context of the situations that were occurring within the nation at that time.
The 1970s-time period included government scandals like Watergate and the Pentagon
Papers, as well as military conflicts in Vietnam and other various military concerns like
foreign issues with Cuba. Historians view this time as one in which the United States
was focused extensively on foreign affairs and preoccupied with domestic turmoil.
Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that government liberalization of health care
policies occurred because of its heavy involvement in other areas of political policy.
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Race was a prominent factor in the Social Security Act of 1935 (Williamson and
Pampel, 117). The context of 1935 must be taken into consideration. During this time,
racism was largely prevalent in the United States, especially in the South. The exclusion
of African Americans from the Social Security Act "undercut" the potential influence of
the working class throughout the nation, especially in the South (Williamson and Pampel,
117). Racism was responsible for shaping Social Security, and ultimately health care,
legislation early on because barriers were erected to political participation for African
Americans. Poor blacks in the South, and even affluent, educated blacks in the same
_____ _ _____ _ _ _ area, were not allowed to voteinthis region (Williamson andPampel, 117). Therefore,
southern legislators ran unopposed and attained senior standing in Congress. African
Americans were not allowed to vote, and thus could not oppose the platforms that
southern Congressmen proposed. During this time period, African Americans' lack of
representation in Congress cemented the fact that they were neglected or merely left out
of important welfare and health care policies. In the case of the Social Security Act of
1935, this is exactly what happened. The senior standing Southern Congressmen voted
to keep African Americans out of the Social Security Act of 1935, and their majority
enabled them to be successful in doing so (Williamson and Pampel, 117).
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4. Medicare Services
In the United States, Medicare is available to those persons over the age of sixtyfive,
disabled individuals, people receiving Social Security cash benefits, and those
people who are suffering from kidney failure. The Medicare program is split into two
different parts, the Hospital Insurance and the Supplementary Medical Insurance
Programs, respectively; the former is referred to as Part A, the latter as Part B. Hospital
Insurance (Part A) covers a wide range of services, including inpatient hospital care for
up to ninety days. Recipients also have a reserve of sixty hospital days. Limited skilled
---·. nursing care and hospice services are also covered !Jy Part A. S\lpplementary Medical
Insurance (Part B) is a voluntary Medicare program. However, almost 97 percent of
recipients do subscribe to it. Part B covers physician and outpatient services, including
radiology, surgical services, diagnostic tests, ambulance services, blood transfusions, and
medical supplies. Medicare recipients must pay a monthly premium, which is deducted
from Social Security checks. Medicare typically pays eighty percent of physician
charges, depending on agreement of the physician fee scale, which began in 1992. The
recipient, therefore, is expected to pay for the remaining twenty percent of the physician's
charges (Patel and Rushefsky, 80-83).
As a whole, subscriber and tax payments finance Medicare in the United States.
The Hospital Insurance trust fund gets its money through a part of the Social Security tax
that employers and employees are required to pay. This payroll tax is currently 1.45
percent. Part B of the Medicare program is financed through general federal revenues and
subscriber premiums. Individually, families are responsible for paying Medicare
premiums, as well as purchasing private insurance to supplement Medicare. The
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Medicare system in the United States, however, does not include several important
aspects. Medicare does not cover the cost of prescription drugs unless the patient is
hospitalized (Patel and Rushefsky, 80). Considering that the average income of single
persons in the United States between the ages of 65-69 in 1992 was $ 11,500 (and
decreases with age), individually covering the cost of prescription drugs can be a difficult
proposition (Moon and Mulvey, 13). According to a Clinton Administration study
released April 10, 2000, "Medicare recipients pay an average of 15 percent more for
prescription drugs than patients whose insurers have negotiated discounts" (Eilperin).
______ _ _ __ Ihe_same reportdaimsthatprescription drug spending is increasing.at an annual rate of
12 percent. Furthermore, Medicare does not cover a recipient's stay that exceeds the
specified limit, nor does it have substantial long-term-care coverage (Patel and
Rushefsky, 81). Obviously, there are loopholes that exist in Medicare that could be fixed
through policy changes.
Medicare is set up quite differently in Canada, however. The Canada Health Act
was passed in 1984. This Act repealed the Hospital Insurance and Diagnostic Services
Act and the Medical Care Act (CHA). The goal of the Canada Health Act is to ensure
that "all residents of Canada have access to necessary health care on a prepaid basis by
establishing criteria and conditions for the provinces and territories to satisfy in order to
qualify for their share of the federal transfers made under the Canada Health and Social
Transfer" (CHA). Overall, Canada desired a system in which all individuals would have
health care available to them if certain criteria were met previously. The major criteria
were that persons must have prepaid for their health care.
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The types of services instituted by the Canada Health Act include medically
necessary hospital services and medically required physician services, and dental
services requiring a hospital for proper performance (CHA). In order for each province to
receive this type of insurance plan, certain criteria must be met. There are five criteria
included in the Canada Health Act: public administration, comprehensiveness,
universality, portability, and accessibility. The public administration aspect of the Canada
Health Act requires that the plan be administered and operated on a non-profit basis by
public authority, while being responsible to the provincial government. The plan must
__ also_cover all insured health servicesprovidedby-hospitals,medical practitioners or
dentists, which accounts for the comprehensive aspect of the plan (CHA). The
universality of the Canada Health Act requires that 100 percent of insured persons of a
province be entitled to services provided by the plan on uniform terms and conditions
(CHA). The portability requirement emphasizes that residents must continue to be
covered for insured health services even if they move to another province (CHA). Lastly
and most importantly, the accessibility clause of the Canada Health Act provides for
services to all insured persons.
The Canadian system of health care encompasses everyone and is administered by
the individual provinces. Therefore, there is no specific program included solely for the
elderly. Because Canada offers universal health care coverage, it is illegal for private
insurers to sell supplementary coverage. Health care provided by the federal government
includes universal health insurance, grants to provinces, and the setting of provincial
standards. At the provincial level, the regional governments administer the universal
health program, in addition to negotiating limits on hospital budgets and doctor fees.
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Individual Canadian families are expected to pay premiums for coverage. Those families
who are unable to pay receive government assistance (Bass and Morris, 20-21).
In terms of cost, Canada spent nine percent of its Gross National Product (GNP)
on health care in 1987 (Bass and Morris, 39). Canada also has the second most expensive
health care system, second only to that of the United States. However, Canada spends
more on health per capita than any industrialized country that has national health
insurance (Bass and Morris, 40). The United States, in contrast, spent 13.9 percent of its
GNP on health care in 1993. This figure was up 1.3 percent from 1990 (Patel and
-------=R=u=shefsky, J3Q). In 11dcliJio11, foderal spendingJorMedicare has doubled almosLevery
five years in the United States since its initiation in 1965 (Patel and Rushefsky, 144). The
increasing number of health care recipients, particularly among the elderly populations,
justifies the large amount of Gross National Product that each nation allocates to health
care expenditures. In Canada, the number of persons over the age of 65 is increasing
steadily. In 1986, 10.7 percent of Canadians were over the age of 65, compared to 12.1
percent in the United States (Gill and Ingman, 233). The growing elderly population in
the United States is attributed to the "baby boom" era. Individuals categorized in this
group were among those born in the 1950's. "Baby boomers" will be coming of
Medicare age between the years of 2010-2025.
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5. Attitudes toward Current Health Care Systems
Citizens from the United States and Canada express conflicting attitudes
concerning the Medicare policies of their respective nations. A mere ten percent of U.S.
citizens think that health care in the United States "works pretty well" (Bass and Morris,
51). Conversely, almost 56 percent of Canadians think that their system works well (Bass
and Morris, 51). An overwhelming 61 percent of Americans would choose to use the
Canadian system of health care instead of their own (Bass and Morris, 52). Canadians, on
the other hand, are quite content with their own system and favor it over the programs in
_____ ____ _ _place in the United States and Great Britain. Only five percentwould change the
Canadian system to the system employed by Great Britain, and a tiny three percent would
be in favor of adopting the U.S. system of health care (Bass and Morris, 52). It is
apparent that the universal health care system in Canada is widely popular in that nation
and in the United States. The Medicare policies are typically popular, but individuals in
the United States would favor a universal system, comparable to that of Canada' s.
A stark difference exists between the ideologies behind the implementation of the
health care policies in both nations. As Graig states, "The Canadian system of universal
comprehensive health care is rooted deeply in the conviction that health care is a right,
not a privilege" (Graig, 127). Statistics also point to the fact that Canadian citizens
largely identify with the health care system, as evidenced by its overwhelming popularity
in that nation:
More than a program that provides health care services, Canada's health care
system is a critical component of Canadian society, as much a national symbol as
the maple leaf; the health care system serves as a 'defining national characteristic
distinguishing Canada from its neighbor to the south' (Graig, 121).
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Gustavus Student Repository
Canadians as a whole are largely supportive of their health care system and
consider it to be superior to that of other nations. Citizens of other industrialized nations,
including Great Britain, hold the Canadian system of health care in high regard.
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6. Great Britain's Contrasting Health Care System
The system employed by Great Britain, mentioned above, is strikingly different
from either the system in place in Canada or the United States. Given the fact that
Canadians and Americans judge their respective systems against Britain's, a brief
explanation of that nation's health ca
