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Transferability of Real World Evidence to Support HTA Recommendations in Lower Income European Countries
No full textBackground and aims: Lower income European countries (LIECs) have more limited financial resources to cover high-cost technologies in rare diseases than higher income European countries (HIECs). Our study explores how treatment recommendations in myelodysplastic syndrome (MDS) can be supported in LIECS by transferring real-world evidence (RWE) generated by target trial emulation (TTE) method in HIECs. Method: In the HTx project transferability aspects of the MDS case study were considered upfront. HTA agency consortium partners set expectations for the MDS case study team on how to integrate the new TTE methodology into the routine work of HTA bodies. In consecutive workshops consortium members and external HTA experts identified the main challenges of transferring evidence generated by TTE method to LIECs and made conclusions on how to overcome these challenges. Results: The lack of local real-world data before making reimbursement decisions is an important challenge to apply the TTE method to LIECs. Differences in patient pathways and comparator technologies, limited expertise and resources for adapting international HTA methods are significant barriers of transferring RWE from other countries. Still, transferring RWE to LIECs from other countries based on the TTE methodology represents an improvement to the current standard HTA methods, especially if joint clinical assessment provides the unbiased judgement on the relative effectiveness of orphan medicines. The TTE approach also provides an opportunity to LIECs to judge the value of high-cost technologies for different patient subgroups. However, HTA professionals in LIECs need training about advanced methodologies. Conclusion: This is the first study to explore how RWE generated by the TTE method can be transferred to optimize treatment decisions of patients with a rare disease in countries with limited HTA capacities. Five general concluding statements were made on the novelty of the TTE method and on how to overcome main challenges of transferring TTE results to HTA systems in LIECs
Comparative assessment of SF-6D health state preferences among Lebanese population pre- and post-COVID-19 pandemic
No full textObjectives: Lebanon’s socio-economic situation has deteriorated significantly in recent years, a decline further exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. This multifaceted crisis may have shaped how individuals perceive and value different health states. The primary objective of this study was to assess and compare health state preferences of the general Lebanese population before and after the COVID-19 pandemic using the SF-6D measure. A secondary objective was to identify key predictors of these preferences,
including sociodemographic, health, and lifestyle factors.
Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted before and after the pandemic. A total of 249 SF-6D–defined health states were valued by 577 participants from the general population using standard gamble. Independent-samples t-tests and chi-square analyses examined differences in characteristics, while linear
regression models identified predictors of SF-6D utility scores.
Results: Data from 553 eligible respondents provided 3,308 valuations: 1,813 from 303 respondents preCOVID (July–October 2019) and 1,495 from 250 respondents post-COVID (February–July 2022). Results showed a significant shift in health state preferences post-COVID, with higher mean utility scores (preCOVID: 0.646±0.284; post-COVID: 0.719±0.258). Multiple regression analysis, adjusting for sociodemographic and health state dimensions, identified time (pre/post-COVID) (B=0.070; p<.001),
number of children ≤14 (B=-0.017; p<.001), educational (B=0.006; p=.039), smoking (B=-0.006; p<.001), and health conditions like asthma (B=0.028; p=.024) and liver problems (B=0.055; p=.006) as significant predictors.
Conclusion: This study highlights important shifts in health state preferences in Lebanon post-COVID. The influence of family burden and lifestyle factors on valuations has implications for public health policy, particularly when relying on pre-pandemic data
Flow accelerated corrosion in nuclear power plants: a detailed review on mechanisms, mitigation, and management
No full textFlow-Accelerated Corrosion (FAC) is one of the most critical degradation mechanisms in nuclear power plants (NPPs), particularly affecting carbon steel components exposed to high-temperature water and steam flows. This review provides a comprehensive overview of FAC mechanisms, highlighting the electrochemical and mass transfer processes responsible for oxide film dissolution and metal loss. Predictive modeling approaches, ranging from semi-empirical models to modern computational fluid dynamics (CFD) and machine learning (ML) techniques, are discussed in terms of their capability to forecast FAC progression under varied operational scenarios. Factors influencing the FAC rate of metals, including the environmental parameters and material composition, are discussed in detail. A detailed overview of experimental testing methods—including stirred autoclaves, jet impingement setups, and rotating cage systems—is provided, along with their limitations in replicating real-world reactor conditions. The paper also outlines the current mitigation strategies, including metal formulation, chemical inhibitors, and maintenance strategies for suitable operation in NPP. Recent advances highlight the role of alloying elements such as chromium (Cr) and molybdenum (Mo) in stabilizing protective oxide layers, while also revealing important limitations of CFD models (e.g., challenges in validation and surface kinetics integration) and ML methods (e.g., lack of interpretability and regulatory readiness). Future research directions emphasize the need for integrated, multi-physics models, real-time monitoring systems, and the development of advanced materials to ensure long-term structural integrity and safety in next-generation nuclear reactors
Memory consolidation during sleep:a facilitator of new learning?
No full textSleep plays a crucial role in consolidating recently acquired memories and preparing the brain for learning new ones, but the relationship between these two processes is currently unclear. According to the prominent Active Systems Consolidation model, memory representations that are initially reliant on the hippocampus are redistributed to neocortex during sleep for long-term storage. An indirect assumption of this model is that sleep-associated memory processing paves the way for next-day learning by freeing up hippocampal encoding resources. In this review, we evaluate two central tenets of this ‘resource reallocation hypothesis’: (i) sleep-associated memory consolidation reduces hippocampal engagement during retrieval, and (ii) this reduction in hippocampal burden enhances the brain's capacity for new learning. We then describe recent work that has directly tested the relationship between sleep-associated memory processing and next-day learning. In the absence of clear evidence supporting the resource reallocation hypothesis, we consider alternative accounts in which efficient learning is not contingent on prior overnight memory processing, but rather that sleep-associated consolidation and post-sleep learning rely on overlapping or independent mechanisms. We conclude by outlining how future research can rigorously test the resource reallocation hypothesis
To What Degree Does the Issue of Abortion Influence A Person's Voting Behavior During a Presidential Election
No full textThere are obviously many things that influence a person's voting behavior such as economic status, religion, and education, just to name a few, but this paper is going to look at one specific issue, which is abortion. Do people vote for a candidate solely on the fact that they are prolife or pro-choice? And if so, how many people does this effect? I feel that this is an important topic to address because if the issue of abortion happens to be extremely significant in a person's voting behavior, then perhaps there should be more focus on the issue on behalf of the candidate during his/her campaign. Information such as this would allow candidates and their staff to target specific interest groups. If, for example, the candidate knew that the majority of blacks in a certain community were pro-life and the candidate him/herself was pro-life, he/she would focus on other issues besides abortion, and so on. This is an interesting topic to study because it is an extremely controversial topic which all candidates, at any political level, are forced to address. Public opinion polls also indicate that the majority of the electorate has an opinion on abortion, therefore, making abortion the most controversial topic of the twentieth century."To What Degree Does the Issue of Abortion Influence A
Person's Voting Behavior During A
Presidential Election?"
Sarah N. Guggisberg
Senior Thesis
Dr. Chris Gilbert
-s-p, \'4.'11
Gustavus Student Repository
Table of Contents
Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Literature......................................... 4
Methodology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Results ............................................ 11
Conclusion ......................................... 14
Gustavus Student Repository
Introduction
There are obviously many things that influence a
person's voting behavior such as economic status, religion,
and education, just to name a few, but this paper is going
1
to look at one specific issue, which is abortion. Do people
vote for a candidate solely on the fact that they are prolife
or pro-choice? And if so, how many people does this
effect? I fell that this is an important topic to address
because if the issue of abortion happens to be extremely
significant in a person's voting behavior, then perhaps
there should be more focus on the issue on behalf of the
candidate during his/her campaign. Information such as this
would allow candidates and their staff to target specific
interest groups. If, for example, the candidate knew that
the majority of blacks in a certain community were pro-life
and the candidate him/herself was pro-life, he/she would
focus on other issues besides abortion, and so on. This is
an interesting topic to study because it is an extremely
controversial topic which all candidates, at any political
level, are forced to address. Public opinion polls also
indicate that the majority of the electorate has an opinion
on abortion, therefore, making abortion the most
controversial topic of the twentieth century. The
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significance of this issue can be seen by the numbers
displayed in Figure 1.
Figure 1
DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF WOMEN
OBTAINING ABORTIONS, 1987
Rate per
1000 Women
2
Characteristics Nwnber
Percentage
of total
abortions
of specified
group
Total population
having abortions
Age (years)
Less than 15
15 to 19
20 to 24
25 to 29
30 to 34
35 to 39
40 and above
Race
White
Other
Martial Status
Married
Unmarriedl
Religion
Catholic
Jewish
Protestant
Other
None
Claim of
Born again
Not born again
1,559,110 100.0 26.9
16,090 1.0 9.9
390,700 25.1 43.2
516,340 33.1 52.3
333,420 21.4 30.4
188,920 12 .1 17.7
91,660 5.9 9.7
21,980 1.4 2.8
1,017,310 65.0 21.1
541,800 34.8 56.0
275,170 17. 6 9.2
1,283,940 82 .4 45.6
491,120 31.5 na
21,828 1.4 na
653,267 41.9 na
46,773 3.0 na
346,122 22.2 na
246,339 15.8 na
1,312,771 84.2 na
SOURCE: Table comes from Barbara Hinkson Craig and David M. O'Brien,
"Abortion and American Politics, 1993, 257. Nwnbers, percentages, and
rates per 1000 women for age, race, and marital status come from Stanley
K. Henshaw, Lisa M. Koonin, and Jack c. Smith, #Characteristics of U.S.
Women Having Abortions, 1987,• Family Planning Perspective, March/April
1991, 76. Percentages for religion and born-again status come from
Stanley K. Henshaw and Jane Silverman, •The Characteristics and Prior
Contraceptive Use of U.S. Abortion Patients,• Family Planning
Perspective, July/August 1988, 160. Nwnbers of abortions for religion
and born-again categories were arrived at by multiplying the total
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number o f abortions for 1987 by the reported percentages for these
categories.
Includes never married, separated, divorced, and.widowed.
This shows the large numbers of women that are
confronted with the issue of abortion therefore, making it
an important issue for candidates.
3
A serious question arises about where and when abortion
attitudes are most likely to affect behavior, and about who
is most likely to respond to such attitudes. This question
is further confused by the fact that most public opinion
polls belie the perception of abortion as a polar issue.
The majority of electorate falls somewhere in between,
apparently preferring a mix of limitations and choices that
seems to be favored by neither existing legislation nor the
political goals of the relevant interest groups.'
I propose that in order to find some sort of order to
this question, a search for the impact of abortion attitudes
on voting behavior should focus on those with extreme views
on the issue. It is unlikely that the group of electorates
that fall into the middle have a strong enough opinion to
determine whether this issue actually determines a person's
vote pattern or not. Measures aimed at isolating those with
extreme opinions should clear away a lot of the confusion
over how attitudes are expected to affect voting decisions.
Almost a majority --47% in 1998-- believed that abortion
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should be outlawed in all cases or that a woman should
always have the right to have an abortion. ii Issues will
4
not make a difference if they are not salient to the
individual voter. Therefore, I am hypothesizing that voters
with the same party identification but differing extremes of
opinion on abortion should exhibit distinct voting patterns.
Literature
Kevin B. Smith from the University of Nebraska,
Lincoln, states in his research that existing research has
failed to discover a significant impact of abortion
attitudes on voting behavior in national elections, despite
evidence that abortion is an issue with great potential for
political mobilization and partisan realignment. His
article reexamines this issue and finds that pro-choice
attitudes do influence voting behavior at the individual
level in national elections. No evidence is found for a
similar effect among those with intense antiabortion
attitudes. These findings can be illustrated in a article
written by Michael Rush in the periodical, Insight. The
article is called Politics' Great Divide. It is an article
written during the 1992 elections. It focuses on Democrats
and Republican preparing for the fall campaign and the split
that lies between both parties because of the issue of
abortion rights. The article quotes former Arkansas Gov.
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Bill Clinton who made his support for abortion rights a
central part of his acceptance speech by stating:
George Bush won't guarantee a woman's right to
choose. I will. Hear me now; I am not proabortion.
I am pro-choice firmly. I believe
this difficult and painful decision should be
left to the women of America. I hope the
right to privacy can be protected and we will
never again have to discuss this issue on
political platforms. iii
That last sentence has proven Mr. Clinton wrong many
times.
Both the Republican and Democratic parties have strong
5
viewpoints and working definitions of their beliefs. It may
be important to understand or at least acknowledge these
different sides. This is done in Figure 2 .
Figure 2.
ABORTION AND PARTY PLATFORMS,
1980, 1984, 1988, AND 1992
Republican Party
1980
There can be no doubt that the question of abortion, despite the
complex nature of its various
issues, is ultimately concerned with equality of rights under the law.
While we recognize differing views on this question among Americans in
general --and in our own Party-- we affirm our support of a
constitutional amendment to restore protection of the right to life for
unborn children. We also support the Congressional efforts to restrict
the use of taxpayers' dollar for abortion.
We protest the Supreme court's intrusion into the family structure
through its denial of the parents' obligation and right to guide their
minor children.
1984
The unborn child has a fundamental individual right to life which
cannot be infringed. We therefore reaffirm our support for a human life
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amendment to the Constitution, and we endorse legislation to make clear
that the Fourteenth Amendment's protections apply to unborn children.
We oppose the use of public revenues for abortion and will eliminate
funding for organizations which advocate or support· abortions. We
commend the efforts of those individuals and religious and private
organizations that are providing positive alternatives to abortion by
meeting the physical, emotional, and financial needs of pregnant women
and offering adoption services where needed.
We applaud President Reagan's fine record of judicial
6
appointments, and we reaffirm our support for the appointment of judges
at all levels of the judiciary who respect traditional family values and
the sanctity of innocent human life.
1988
That the unborn child has a fundamental individual right to life
which cannot be infringed. We therefore reaffirm our support for a
human life amendment to the Constitution, and we endorse legislation to
make clear that the Fourteenth Amendment's protections apply to unborn
children.
We oppose the use of public revenues for abortion and will
eliminate funding for organizations which advocate or support abortions.
We commend the efforts of those individuals and religious and private
organizations that are providing positive alternatives to abortion by
meeting the physical, emotional, and financial needs of pregnant women
and offering adoption services where needed.
We applaud President Reagan's fine record of judicial
. appointments, and we reaffirm our judges at all levels of the judiciary
who respect traditional family values and the sanctity of innocent human
life.
1992
We believe the unborn child has a fundamental individual right to
life that cannot be infringed. we therefore reaffirm our support for a
human life amendment to the Constitution, and we endorse legislation to
make clear that the 14th Amendment's protections apply to unborn
children. We oppose using public revenues for abortion and will not
fund organizations that advocate it. We commend those who provide
alternatives to abortion by meeting the needs of mothers and offering
adoption services. We reaffirm our support for appointment of judges
who respect traditional family values and the sanctity of innocent human
life.
Democratic Party
1980
We fully recognize the religious and ethical concerns which many
Americans have about abortion. We also recognize the belief of many
Americans that a woman has a right to choose whether and when to have a
child.
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The Democratic Party supports the 1973 Supreme Court decision on
abortion rights as the law of the land and opposes any constitutional
amendment to restrict or overturn that decision.
1984
7
The Democratic Party recognizes reproductive freedom as a
fundamental human right. We therefore oppose government interference in
the reproductive decisions of Americans, especially government
interference which denies poor Americans their right to privacy by
funding or advocating one or a limited number of reproductive choices
only. We fully recognize the religious and ethical concerns which many
Americans have about abortion. But we also recognize the belief of many
Americans that a woman has a right to choose whether and when to have a
child. The Democratic Party supports the 1973 Supreme Court decision on
abortion rights as the law of the land and opposes any constitutional
amendment to restrict or overturn that decision. We deplore violence
and harassment against health providers and women seeking services, and
will work to end such acts. We support a continuing federal interest in
developing strong local family planning and family life education
programs and medical research aimed at reducing the need for abortion.
1988
We further believe that ... the fundamental right of reproductive
choice should be guaranteed regardless of ability to pay .. .
1992
Democrats stand behind the right of every women to choose,
consistent with Roe v. Wade, regardless of ability to pay, and support a
national law to protect that right. It is a fundamental constitutional
liberty that individual Americans --not government-- can best take
responsibility for making the most difficult and intensely personal
decisions regarding reproduction.
Note: Information taken from Barbara Hinkson Craig and David M.
O'Brien' s •Abortion and American Politics, • (1993, 166).
Methodology
For this paper, I have chosen to examine the more
current research since this topic has really just evolved to
the stage that it is currently at with in the past thirty to
forty years. By researching past studies on this issue, I
will be able to analyze and compile a final •answer" to my
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proposed hypothesis. After examining various studies, I
found one that gives the best illustration-from a neutral
stand point the relevance of abortion on voting behaviors.
The study is as follows.
Initial support for the hypothesis, which is that
8
voters with the same party identification but differing
extremes of opinion on abortion should exhibit distinct
voting patterns, given an election where candidates have
clearly articulated opposing stands on the issue, can be
found in Table 1, in which the simple correlations between a
scale of extreme abortion attitudes and vote choice are
presented.
TABLE 1
Abortion Attitudes, Vote Choice, and Partisan Identification
Year
1980
1984
1988
Republican Vote
-0. 02
-0. 11**
-0.10**
NOTE: Simple correlations reported.
*p<. 05;**p<. 01.
Party
Identification
0. 02
-0. 05**
-0. 00
The negative coefficients indicate that pro-choice
supporters are less likely to vote for the Republican --that
is, pro-life-- candidate. In 1984 and 1988, one can see the
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statistical significance in the relationships between
abortion attitude and vote choice.
The 1980 election is used as a control election.
During this election, there was no clear choice between a
pro-choice and pro-life candidate.
9
Table 1 also shows the simple correlations between
abortion attitudes and party identification. As can be
clearly seen, there appears to be no relationship between
these two variables. The coefficients are either
statistically indiscernible from 0, or a small magnitude of
both. That abortion attitude is not related to party
identification is important because it means vote patterns
can be studied without fear that issue preferences are being
confused for partisan loyalties.
In Kevin Scott's study, a model was constructed using
vote choice as the dependent variable. This was coded as a
dichotomous variable, with 1 indicating a vote for the
Republican presidential candidate, and 0 indicating a vote
for the Democratic presidential candidate. Based on the
views embraced by the candidates, issue stands included in
party platforms, the existing literature, and viewpoints
widely disseminated in the mass media, Republican
presidential candidates are assumed to represent the prolife
view, and Democratic candidates, the pro-choice view.
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10
As independent variables, six measure of partisan and
abortion attitudes were constructed. These consisted of
pro-choice Republicans, pro-life Republicans, pro-choice
Democrats, pro-life Democrats, pro-choice independents, and
pro-life independents. All are dummy variables with 1
indicating the relevant party identification and abortion
opinion. The criterion for being coded as having an extreme
opinion was for a respondent to indicate support for one of
the two propositions: (a) By law, abortion should never be
permitted (pro-life). (b) By law, a woman should always be
able to obtain an abortion as a matter of personal choice
(pro-choice).
To produce the four dummy variables, these two
categories were then further divided into those who
identified themselves as either Republicans, independents,
or Democrats on a 7-point party identification scale.
Independent leaners were included as partisans.
Three control variables were included in the model.
The most important of these was party loyalty, measure as
the 7 -point party identification scale. This variable
provides two important functions. First, it provides a
rigorous control in any partisan vote choice model. As
already shown, partisan identification is the single most
important determinant of vote choice. Second, removing
party identification as a source of variation allows us to
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11
clearly interpret the abortion variables within the context
of party loyalty. For example, from the e xisting literature
we know that most pro-choice Republicans will vote
Republican, and we know that pro-choice attitudes are not
enough to be a significant determinant of vote choice. The
aim here is to see how pro-choice Re publicans vote when
party loyalty is held constant. If the rese arch hypothe sis
is correct, here is where the conflict between individual
and candidate issue preference can be isolated and observed.
The coe fficient associate d with the pro-choice Republican
variable in this model is thus predicted to be negative.
The remaining two control variables included in the
model are e conomic perceptions and region. Because of the
importance of the South in Republican presidential e lection
fortunes, a regional dummy variable was also included. The
e conomic-perce ptions variable is an attempt to measure
retrospe ctive voting. As put forward by Fiorina (1981), may
voters cast ballots based on retrospective evaluations of
past presidential performance. 1v
Results
The re sults from Smith's study were as follows. In
Tables 2 and 3, one can see support for the rese arch
hypothesis, but only in regard to pro-choice attitudes. IN
both years, the direction of pro-choice partisan patte rns is
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12
as hypothesized --defections favor the pro-choice candidate-
and, with a single exception, statistically significant.
Antiabortion attitudes fail to research statistical
significance in any year and are often in the opposite
direction to that hypothesized.
TABLE 2
Abortion Attitude and Vote Choice, 1984
Variable
Pro-Choice
Republican
Pro-Life
Republican
Pro-Choice
Democrat
Pro-Life
Democrat
b
-0.150
0.188
-0.734*
0.001
Pre-choice -0.076
Independent
Pro-life -0.029
Independent
Party 0.890*
Identificati
on
Economic 0.899*
Perceptions
South Dwmny 0.492*
% correctly
predicted
Chi-Square
N
85.82
908
1, 295
SE
0.360
0.531
0.218
0.372
0.396
0.655
0.066
0.114
0.201
Impact
Coefficient
-0.010
-0.009
-0.062
0.000
-0.003
-0.000
0.271
0.140
0.045
Change in
Probability
-0.03
0.01
-0.04
-0.02
-0.01
-0.01
0.59
0. 05
0.05
NOTE: Dependent variable=vote for Republican candidate. Estimated
probability of voting Republican=. 65.
*p<. 05.
Because logit coefficients are difficult to interpret
substantively, impact and probability coefficients are
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reported for both models. An impact coefficient shows the
effect of a· change of one standard deviation in the
independent variable . The probability coefficient
13
translates the impact coe fficient into a change in
probabilities associated with a change of one standard
deviation in the independent variables. Therefore, holding
all other variables constant, a pro-choice orientation for a
Re publican reduces the chances of voting for the Republican
preside ntial candidate by . 03 in 1984 and . 04 in 1988.
TABLE 3
Abortion Attitude and Vote Choice, 1988
variable b SE Impact Change in
Coefficient Probability
Pro-choice -0. 536* 0. 286 -0. 045 -0.04
Republican
Pro-life 0. 561 0.628 0.030 0. 02
Republican
Pro-choice -0. 946* 0 . 2 61 -0. 086 -0.04
Democrat
Pro-life -0 .130 0.367 -0.008 -0.02
Democrat
Pro-choice 0.013 0.386 0. 000 -0. 01
Independent
Pro-life -0.147 0. 924 -0.006 -0. 01
independent
Party 0. 929* 0. 062 0. 350 0. 52
Identificati
on
Economic -0 . 114 0.116 -0.021 -0.08
Perceptions
south Dummy 0. 503 * 0.215 0.053 0. 06
% correctly 85
predicted
Chi-square 861
N 1,149
NOTE: Dependent variable=vote for Republican candidate. Estimated
probability of voting Republican=. 54.
*p<. 05.
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14
The control variables were strong influences in both
models. Party identification was strongly significant in
both models, as was region, reflecting the strong Republican
gains in the South. Economic perceptions appeared to be
much more important in 1984 than in 1988, which makes sense
give the context of those elections.
The weak showing of the independent identifiers and all
pro-life variables is possibly due to the size of the groups
being isolated. The actual Ns in the these categories are
as small as 32. There are comparatively few pro-life voters
and even fewer independent voters with abortion attitudes at
either extreme. The numbers are simply too s
Parnell, Pearse, and Peace in Northern Ireland
No full textThe Troubles in Northern Ireland are not easy to understand and are not easy to solve. People have tried to save Ireland through religion, through government, through violence, and most recently through peace. My focus throughout this paper will be to help the reader to understand the history, motivations and ramifications of the Troubles in Northern Ireland. The past, present and future of Northern Ireland will be discussed and understood through commentary, focused profiles of individuals and groups, and events.Emily Miller
Parnell, Pearse, and Peace in Northern Ireland
PO 99, Professor Gilbert, Spring 1997
Parnell, Pearse, and Peace in Northern Ireland
Emily M. Miller
May 25, 1997
Professor Christopher Gilbert
PO 99 Spring 1997
Gustavus Student Repository
Emily Miller
Parnell, Pearse, and Peace in Northern Ireland
PO 99, Professor Gilbert, Spring 1997
Chapter
Introduction ........ Page 3
Outline
History and Comentary ......... Pages 3-16
Parnell/O 'Shea Affair and Home Rule ....... Pages 16-21
Padric Pearse and Easter Rebellion ........ Pages 22-32
Peace Process ............ Pages 32-37
Works Cited .... Pages 38-End
Gustavus Student Repository
Emily Miller
Parnell, Pearse, and Peace in Northern Ireland
PO 99, Professor Gilbert, Spring 1997
I n t r o duct i o n
The Troubles in Northern Ireland are not easy t o understand and
are not easy to solve. People have tried to save Ireland through
religion, through government, through violence, and most recently
through peace. My focus throughout this paper will be to help the
reader to understand the history, motivations and ramifications of
the Troubles in Northern Ireland. The past, present and future of
Northern Ireland will be discussed and understood through
commentary, focused profiles of individuals and groups, and
events.
History and Commentary
Many historic events marked the 1980's and this decade: the
breakup of the Soviet Union, the Bosnian/Serbian conflict, the
tumbling of the Berlin Wall, and the reunification of Germany.
Today, there is still a wall standing and a country divided. In
Gaelic, it means green isle, but it would seem more appropriate to
call it the bloody isle in reference to its history. The country is
actually two countries, the Republic of Ireland and the United
Kingdom's Northern Ireland. Shortly after World War I, the British
government took sole possession of the governing of Northern
Ireland. The British governmental annexation of Northern Ireland
helped reignite age old tensions. Religious and ethnic strife in
Northern Ireland became a way of life that continues into today.
The people of Northern Ireland are fighting a war of religion.
Many of Northern Ireland's residents, approximately 1/3 of the
Gustavus Student Repository
Emily Miller
Parnell, Pearse, and Peace in Northern Ireland
PO 99, Professor Gilbert, Spring 1997
population, which are Catholic, want to rejoin the Republic of
Ireland as one whole nation. (United States Institute of Peace, In
Brief, Number 20) One million of Northern Ireland's population are
Protestant, with a majority of them being of Scottish ancestry. The
Protestant population is aliened with the United Kingdom and hold
strong Unionist views. The Catholic population alienees itself with
the Republic of Ireland and have loyalist views. The differing of
loyalist and unionist views is one source of the present conflict in
Northern Ireland.
Catholic history really begins with the introduction of
Catholicism by Patrick, later St. Patrick in about 400 A.D.
(http://www.dup.org. uk/history .htm) Legend states that Patrick
was kidnapped by pirates, was keep in virtual slavery for several
years and eventually was taken to France. While in France, Patrick
,:J was named a Catholic bishop and was assigned to be a missionary
in Ireland. Patrick's arrival brought about a religious movement
that is still powerful today. Ireland, for centuries had been home to
two very large religious groups, each with their own differing beliefs
and customs. Those differing beliefs have been a foundation for the
problems 1n Northern Ireland.
The idea of reunification is not a new one for Northern
Ireland. The internal conflict has ripped apart Ireland for
centuries. Tim Pat Coogan puts it in perceptive in the introduction
to his book, The Troubles,
"The Condition of affairs suggested by the term 'the Irish
Troubles' was already some three centuries old when
Columbus discovered America. A degree of strife between the
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inhabitants of the islands of what now constitute Ireland and
the United Kingdom existed long before the
discovery". (Coogan, pp. 1)
The Irish in the past have held up the idea that the violence in
Northern Ireland is in some way honorable because it has lasted so
long. This view point does nothing to stop the violence. It would
seem that one reason why the violence is accepted is the view that it
is heroic. Both sides view their fighters as heroes for their cause.
The main conflict is really a deadly triangle, between the
Protestant's, the Catholic's and the British. In simple terms, the
Catholics are against the Protestant's and the British, the
Protestant's are against the Catholics, and occasionally the British,
and the British are against the terrorist on whatever side they fight.
The Irish Republic Army or IRA has strong Catholic support
through out the whole of Ireland. The IRA is able to continue
because of Catholic sympathizers in Ireland as well as in large Irish
settlements in the United States, such as Boston.
The Anglo-Irish Treaty was a result of the Easter Rising of
1916 in Dublin. The Easter Rising will be written about in greater
detail in the Padric Pearse Chapter. The treaty ended the rebellion
in Dublin. The treaty was not agreed upon by all of the various
Catholic paramilitary groups. One faction was headed by Michael
Collins and the other was headed by Eamian de Valera. Both men
had very different views on the methods and the future of Ireland.
The Irish Volunteers or Oglaigh na hEireann were established in
November 1913 to "secure and maintain the rights and the liberties
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common to all the people of
Ireland". (http://w ww. utexas .edu/students/iig/archi ve/ira/history
/irahist.html) The Irish volunteers would later become the IRA.
There are two factions in the IRA today, the Official Branch and the
Provisional Branch also know as the Provos. The Official Branch
historically has been more conservative than the Provisional
branch. The Official Wing used Marxist ideology to fight its battles.
The Provisional Wing has used armed violence for political gains,
and this policy continues today. (Gist, Northern Irealnd, GPO May
1989) The Official Branch has lost membership in recent years as
the older members pass away.
The Provisional Branch is a very radical terrorist group to this
day. The Provos killed Earl Louis Mountbatten along with his
grandson in August of 1979 and in the mid 1980's planted a bomb
in former Prime Minister Thatcher's hotel room. The bomb was
only partially successful, it detonated but not at the correct time
and the Prime Minister was not in the room.
Generally, the Provos has a younger membership with more
radical tendencies. The Official branch wants social change
through generally nonviolent means. One might think that the
British occupation would be the IRA's chief target, but most often
the IRA is more concerned with public opinion rather than the
British occupation force. Public opinion is death with by the
political branch of the IRA, Sinn Fein. Gerry Adams is the current
president of Sinn Fein. Sinn Fein political candidates have been
successful in several elections, and as a political statement the
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election winners have refused to take their seats . in Parliament.
Sinn Fein is Gaelic for "We Ourselves", the name itself seems like a
comment on their position within Ireland.
In 1988, in Northern Ireland there were 3 58 shootings, 253
terrorist bombings, and 205 bombs that were found before they
had exploded. (Kronnewetter, p. 127) In addition, secretarian
violence has caused 2,450 deaths since 1969. The IRA has in the
past taken hostages and forced their captives to drive vehicles with
explosives to targets where they are killed along with numerous
unsuspecting civilians. The Irish Republican Army and its branches
want a secular and socialist governmental for all of Ireland. The
IRA along with the Catholic population wants a united Ireland. The
Catholic population in Northern Ireland is in the minority, but not
in the Republic of Ireland. The acts perpetrated by the IRA were
and are generally accepted by the Catholic community. The IRA
claims no random violence, but at least 93 men, women, and
children were killed and another 1,047 people were injured in IRA
random attacks.(Maas, pg.29-3 1)
The IRA 's only hope for survival is the support of the Catholic
population. A resident of Belfast's Fall 's Road neighborhood
stated, "If I was arrested and in a police station, I'd be proud to die
by an IRA bomb".(Mass, pg. 29-31) The IRA has strong support
within the Catholic community, although the actual membership
numbers within the IRA are very small. In the last two decades
2,600 people have dies. 1 out of 20 have suffered a death or injury
in their close family. (Kronnenwetter, pg. 68) The death and injury
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totals are relative to the American Civil War.
In Northern Ireland, the largest battleground 1s Belfast. The
British forces in Belfast have erected a peace wall to separate the
two waring factions in hopes of keeping the peace. Check points
are still common m Belfast and through out Northern Ireland. Each
day people must go through checkpoints where their cars and
belongings are searched. The purpose of these checkpoints is to
stop the flow of arms and explosives in and out of the Irish cities.
In 1988, 3 Provisional terrorist were shot and killed in
the British Crown Colony of Gibraltar, although the terrorists were
unarmed, the British SAS or Special Air Service felt that their
actions were justified. During the funeral for the 3 dead Provos
terrorists, a radical Protestant opened firing on the crowd of
mourners. The Protestant killed 3 and injured more then 60. The
violence escalated again at the funeral's of those who were killed at
the previous funeral. Two off-duty British soldiers came too close to
the funeral procession and were attacked. Several members of the
Provisional Wing then proceeded to shoot the men execution style.
The circle of violence illustrated by these deaths 1s very typical of
Northern Ireland, no one wins and no one cares. A unknown
author put it well, "The IRA has an affinity for graves matched only
Dracula's, and a skill equal to his for volumptous manipulation of
their grisly trophies and rites".
The Protestant's are equally guilty of terrorism. The Ulster
Defense Association or UDA, the Ulster Freedom Fighters, and the
Red Hand Commandos all are terrorist organizations that have
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sympathizers within the Protestant community. The Ulster Freedom
Fighters and the Red Hand Commandos were outlawed in 1973 by
the British government for terroristic activities. The Protestant
population may have a genuine concern for themselves. If Ireland
is reunited they will become a minority in a largely Catholic
Ireland. The Protestant groups may still be planning for a
doomsday situation. The Protestant forces have been known to
stock pile weapons so in the event that Britain pulls out they will be
ready to fight an all out war with the Catholic forces. A minister at
a Protestant funeral denounced paramilitary violence and a half a
dozen people walked out in disagreement . Emotions run deeply on
the subject of violence, methods, peace and reunification. The
Protestant's would not benefit from peace. If there is peace the
British will leave Northern Ireland and the Protestant's will have to
fend for themselves. The Protestant's would rather kill the British
then have them leave, if their forces keep the soldiers busy they will
not be able to leave Northern Ireland. The British thus indirectly
stay to protect the Protestant's from the Catholics. The British
occupation forces have been the source of many problems, but they
also have held off many other problems as well, as long as the
British are in Northern Ireland, there doesn't seem to be a
likelihood of an all out war. Most British citizens favor a continued
presence in Northern Ireland, although those views have become
less staunch in light of the continued peace process, and the
acceptance of Gerry Adams within the United States.
The last parties in this conflict are the British Security Forces
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and the Royal Ulster Constabulary or the RUC. The RUC is the
official police force in Northern Ireland. The RUC is similar to the
New Scotland Yard in England. During the mid-1980's the RUC was
accused in several deaths of suspected IRA terrorists or supporters.
The general population of Ireland accused the RUC of a shoot to kill
policy. Chief Investigator John Stalker of the Manchester Police
Department was called in as a special investigator. Stalker and a
team of investigators uncovered several mishandled pieces of
evidence. Inspector Stalker was gathering crucial evidence when he
was removed from the case. The Irish population around the world
was angered at the removal of John Stalker from the case. The RUC
as of 1990, can not go out on patrols unless specifically called in by
the British forces.
Northern Ireland is not a large area of land, but it has a large
population. The population is comparable to the Kansas City
metropolitan area or just smaller than the Philadelphia
metropolitan area in a geographic area the size of Connecticut. 2/3
or about 900,000 to a million people are Protestant while only 1/3
or about 600,000 are Catholic. Even if a person is an atheist they
must be a Catholic or a Protestant atheist to survive in the country.
When a three-year old was killed by an IRA bomb, his death
was the last straw for many Irish citizens. The consensus in some
circles is that the IRA does not speak for the general population.
The Irish Republican Army, the Royal Ulster Constabulary and the
Ulster Defense Association all have a responsibility to the the
civilian population to protect the children of Ulster. When children
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are victims of paramilitary violence the population relives the
harsh reality of the troubles in Northern Ireland. The terrorism has
caused a tolerance to the violence. When children are victims of
terrorism, people stop and think a little about the situation in
Ulster. The children of Ireland are one of the few hopes for peace
and reunification, if they are not destroyed by the violence. Belfast
has a school that has been integrated with children of both faiths
attending, and in recent years the number of students enrolling has
gone up. The children really can be looked upon as a bright spot in
the violence.
The Troubles m Northern Ireland are similar to a knot in a
rope, if one pulls . on the wrong string the knot tightens even worse
than before, but if the right string is pulled, at the right time,the
knot can be untied. Northern Ireland has many knots and many
wrong strings, but only one solution. What is that solution? and at
what cost? In every solution there is a loser. If the British pull out
of Northern Ireland, the Protestant's are losers. The religious
conflict that the Protestant's would face at the hands of the
Catholic's could be comparable to the situation in Israel with the
Jews and the Muslims. If the British do not pull out of Northern
Ireland the continual violence will rip apart the country, but if they
do pull out there will still not be peace. The children, both Catholic
and Protestant will still be growing up in a war zone. Reunification
may be the only solution to the troubles. The Catholic's and the IRA
are pitted against the Protestant's and the UDA but the harsh reality
is that the parties on both sides are Irish and Scot/Irish in blood
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and in heritage,
Northern Ireland was really a colony of the United Kingdom,
and like all colonies there have been settlers, The native
population, in this case, the Irish Catholics want to reclaim what
they feel is their land, The settlers, in this case the Irish Protestants,
want to keep what they have earned over the years, The Troubles
are similar to the treaty disputes in the United States, where Native
Americans are fighting for there land. The Catholic Irish are still
fighting for their own homeland as well. One might ask if there is
room in a predominately Catholic Irish homeland for the Protestant
minority. Until there is peace the world may never know.
Many other problems have ravaged Northern Ireland besides
the religious conflict. Severe unemployment, economic instability
along with the growing inflationary problems have crippled
Northern Ireland's economy and have caused many domestic
problems as well. The problems in Northern Ireland have caused an
economic recession. Catholic workers are still more likely to be
unemployed than Protestant workers. High unemployment has
caused people to lash out at their surroundings. Violence is one way
of showing their feelings and frustration.
Peace, not to long ago it would have been impossible to
imagine. The IRA, in 1988, stepped up its campaign to remove the
British from Northern Ireland, all they succeeded in doing was
making the British resistance tougher. The RUC with a possible
shoot-to-kill policy, is now confined to barracks unless otherwise
ordered on assignment. The UDA may be stock piling weapons for
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an all out civil war. Reunification offers a solution to this complex
problem. The British soldiers would be out the battle zone, the IRA
would no longer have a use, and the RUC could be disbanded. The
only losers would be the Protestant's. All the Protestant's really want
is to be part of the British rule and to be able to practice their
religion. If peace was negotiated well there would be a solution that
every party could agree. Either way the coin flips there will be a
victor and a loser, if it is possible in this situation. Peace in
Northern Ireland will a painful and most likely violent process.
Ireland will be reunified, it may take time, but it will happen. The
Catholic's, the Protestant's, the Royal Ulster Constabulary, the
British, the people and the children are all tragic figures in the
story. Peace is a long way away, but it will be achieved. However,
rrow there is still a wall standing and a country divided. The peace
process will be discussed in a later chapter.
The Parnell/O'Shea Affair and Home Rule
Northern Ireland has been in conflict through out history. One
of the main causes of this is the presence of both British and
Protestant peoples in Ulster. Ulster is the six most northern counties
on the island of Ireland, and makes up Northern Ireland. History
tells us that the Irish have tried to remove these forces from Ulster,
but with out success. In the late nineteenth century a man by the
name of Charles Stewart Parnell began a movement to rid Ireland of
the British once and for all. The movement became known as Home
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Rule.
Home Rule was a concept of self-government for all of Ireland.
The Irish would ideally govern the Irish. Leaders such as Charles
Parnell, W.E. Gladstone, and Thomas P. O'Connor would lead the
drive for self government. (O"Connor, pp.17)
Charles Stewart Parnell was a member of the British
Parliament, he had successfully won election through the Home Rule
Party. Parnell had many supporters among an organization called
the Land League. While in Parliament, Parnell met Captain William
O'Shea, and while the men were never friends by any means, they
became distant allies with mutual respect for each other.(Lyons,
pp.41-43) Captain O'Shea was born in 1840, into a middle class
English family, although he would later settle in Ireland. Captain
O'Shea, at the age of 27, in 1867, married Katherine Page Wood.
O'Shea had lost most of his assets in gambling although he still held
land in Ireland. Historians have speculated that O'Shea married
Katherine for her money.(Hurst, pp.28)
The marriage was not a love match. The couple had four
children while they were married, the last being born in 1874.
Katherine and the O' Shea children lived on an estate near her
wealthy aunt, while Captain O'Shea lived in a nearby town.
Katherine on occasion would attend and also plan social gatherings
with her husband. The O'Shea's marriage in the later years was a
marnage of appearances. O ' Shea was more concerned about his
political career than his wife and
Nation of Islam
No full textIt was early in 1954 that a self-educated ex-convict named Malcolm Little, who was becoming increasingly better known as Malcolm X, became Minister in the New York Temple of a radical new religious sect called the Nation of Islam. Although official statistics on the Nation's membership have forever been a closely guarded secret, it is known that the Nation grew from an organization of only a few hundred members to an organization estimated over 300,000 strong in Malcolm's ten short years with the Nation, and it has been in his absence that the Nation has endured divisions, inner-turmoil, and the resulting drop in membership that have plagued it ever since his estrangement from the Nation in March of 1964. Portions of this digital file were compromised. Text that originally appeared on pages now shown as blank is no longer available.Nation of Islam
Christopher Q. Brady
Senior Thesis
Gustavus Student Repository
Table of Contents
I. Introduction: The Nation of Islam
II. History
III. Theology
IV. Structure
V. Implications for Politics
page 1·
page 3
page 12
page 19
page 27
VI. Conclusion: The Future of the Nation of Islam page 33
VII. Endnotes page 36
VIII. Sources page 37
"
Gustavus Student Repository
Nation of Islam
It was early in 1954 that a self-educated ex-convict named Malcolm Little, who
was becoming increasingly better known as Malcolm X, became Minister in the New
York Temple of a radical new religious sect called the Nation oflslam. Although official
statistics on the Nation's membership have forever been a closely guarded secret, it is
known that the Nation grew from an organization of only a few hundred members to an
organization estimated over 300,000 strong in Malcolm's ten short years with the Nation,
and it has been in his absence that the Nation has endured divisions, inner-turmoil, and the
resulting drop in membership that have plagued it ever since his estrangement from the
Nation in March of 1964.
Although it was speculated that Malcolm X once had enough popularity with
black voters in Harlem to affect the outcome of several elections for that district's
Congressional seat (then held by Adam Clayton Powell), the Nation oflslam has never
h:id an electorally significant membership. It's political power lies not so much in the
tangible world of electoral politics, but rather in its fearless expression of black
frustrations, its liberation of black consciousness, and its bold indictment of white society
for the state of non-white existence. Since its inception, the Nation oflslam has
maintained the radical policy goals of reparations to blacks for their centuries of slave
labor and the formation of a separate black state out of a portion of the existing United
States, and has despite its aggressive stances found a degree of favor with middle and
lower class minority groups that is often overlooked in light of the fact that this appeal
isn't well-represented by measures of the Nation's membership.
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dignitary who met with President Hoover to demand the return of all non-whites to their
countries of origin before he publicly revealed himself as Allah come to America to save
his lost nation of holy people from the persecution of the white man in Americaii. The
specifics ofFard's role as Allah and his view of the divinity of non-whites will be better
discussed in the theology section of this report, but his most important objective
contributions to the movement are that he advertised an appealing theology which
glorified people of color and that he was the mentor of a man named Elijah Poole, who
was to become the first leader of the NOI as it became a popular religious organization.
4
A man with only a fourth-grade education, Elijah Poole (who was renamed Elijah
Muhammad by Fard) assumed control of the new Nation ofislam when Fard was run out
of Detroit by the local police, who were seeking to question him about a ritual killing
committed by one of the Nation's members in 1934iii_ Starting with the Nation's first
temple, Temple Number One (temples were generally named numerically in order of their
establishment), Muhammad moved to Chicago to set up a much larger temple and a
luxurious residence which is still today the home and headquarters of the movement.
These two temples were said to have had fewer than one thousand members between
them when Malcolm X was released from prison, and considering the smaller size of the
fledgling Nation ofislam when it was inherited by the Honorable Elijah Muhammad (as
he was called by his followers), it is safe to conclude that the two decades when Elijah
Muhammad was in control of the NOI without the help of Malcolm X were not a time of
rapid expansion.
Gustavus Student Repository
It was after Malcolm X joined the Nation in prison in the early 1950's that the
Nation oflslam became a visible and national religious movement. Noted for being a
remarkably likable man and a gifted public speaker, Malcolm X was also a former drug
dealer and con-man. Clean and sober after his conversion to the Nation, Malcolm
garnered national notoriety as "the angriest man in America", and during his brief time
with the NOI he revolutionized and institutionalized several features which are still part
of it today.
5
In Malcolm's absence, some of these features have become mixed blessings.
Although very successful in growing the Nation from a small, obscure sect to a national
boqy, his militance, his rapport with lower-class blacks and his focus on recruiting new
me1nbers from prisons have also served to polarize and alienate the movement from
middle and upper-class blacks, as well as giving it an unsavory reputation as an
organization of ex-cons. In the short-term, this also put a strain on black efforts in the
civil rights movement as there was considerable disharmony between the Nation of Islam
and Dr. Martin Luther King's wealthier, better educated, more racially integrated, and
more white-palatable Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Some of this
disharmony was caused by Malcolm's other recruiting tactics, most notably his practice
of luring disillusioned black Christians to the NOI on their way out from church on
Sundays. Although it tapped a large vein of new members for the NOI, it has also had
confusing effects on the NOI's theology (an example of this is that Farrakhan, in his
keynote address at the Million Man March, cited the Bible over thirty times while
referring to the Koran only fivet. Malcolm also became a popular speaker through talk
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6
shows, speeches on college campuses, and most especially through the NOI tent rallies he
organized, which drew minorities by the tens of thousands.
Perhaps Malcolm's largest act to shape politics and the Nation oflslam was not
done within the organization at all, but done rather through his banishment from the
organization in early 1964 after making some insensitive public comments about the
assassination of President Kennedyv_ Although Elijah Muhammad had given the
ministers an order not to discuss the assassination and Malcolm broke it, it is still a
mystery as to whether or not internal jealousies of Malcolm may have made him disobey
the gag rule on purpose. Whatever the circumstances, this separation weakened the
Nation as a large group of Black Muslims, a great number of which came from Malcolm's
Harlem Temple, followed him out. This left the NOI further weakened in the wake of a
humiliating sex scandal involving Elijah Muhammad. Politically, this freed Malcolm from
the restriction of Elijah Muhammad's shadow, and allowed him to pursue his own
personal ambitions. Malcolm had become an icon of black struggle in his years with the
NOI, and he intended to use that popularity to start his own political organization, which
he eventually did when he founded the Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU) to
promote the civil rights movement.
Another (and perhaps the hardest and longest-lasting) blow was delivered to the
NOI on February 21, 1965 when three Nation oflslam members were arrested and
eventually convicted of the assassination of Malcolm X. This act not only aroused
suspicion among members at the time as to whether or not the assassination was ordered
by Elijah Muhammad, but the lingering questions as to whether or not this was the case
Gustavus Student Repository
7
continue to haunt today's Nation oflslam as it seeks new recruits and credibility. These
difficulties are further fomented by the suspected role that Louis Farrakhan played in the
killing.
At the time, Farrakhan was an up-and-coming minister of the Boston Temple, and
was fortunate enough to supplant Malcolm's spot as Elijah Muhammad's chief Minister
after Malcolm and the NO! went their separate ways. He was also known for his fiery
public denunciations of Malcolm after the separation as he was becoming less antagonistic
of whites, and even began to worship with them after he made a pilgrimage to Mecca.
The occasion which has given Farrakhan the most trouble was when at a NO! rally he
proclaimed that "a man such as Malcolm is worthy of death"vi. Adding to suspicions is
his own admission that he "helped to create an atmosphere that led to the assassination. I
was very angry with Malcolm .. . I was hurt by his assassination. I can't say that I
approved and I really didn't disapprove. I was numb."vii_ It is also interesting to note
that when one reads the history of the NO! on its web site at www.noi.org there is no
mention of Malcolm X anywhere within. However, Farrakhan has also said that he feels
today that "Malcolm would be so much more valuable to us alive. »viii_ Although
• whatever conspiracy there may have been behind Malcolm's death remains shrouded in
mystery, it is safe to conclude from members' and observers' testimony that the lower
membership rates and poorer relations with American society that the NOI experiences
today are due in no small part to the possibility that the hierarchical structure of the
organization is not as benevolent as it would like to appear: a possibility that is typified
by the alleged role that today's leadership piayed in the killing.
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The 1970's proved to be an even more turbulent decade for the NOI than its
previous years. There were several members charged with murdering or assaulting other
members; adding to speculation that the religious hierarchy was using violence to
discipline delinquent Muslims. There were also many publicized defections of members
who couldn't keep pace with the Nation's financial demands. And culminating those·
years was the death of Elijah Muhammad in 1975, which subsequently brought the death
and rebirth of the Nation ofislam in the ensuing struggle for control.
8
Elijah Muhammad had six legitimate sons, two of whom, Wallace and Akbar, were
actively involved in their father's organization. Although neither of them were as popular
as Louis Farrakhan, their blood relations to Elijah made the consideration of who would
succeed Elijah a very contentious one. As it happened, it was Wallace Muhammad who
was chosen to be the new head of the Nation ofislam, and with him came radical changes.
The dress code of a jacket and bow tie for men and an ankle-long dress for women was
abandoned, smoking and dancing became allowed behaviors, the secrecy of the Nation's
financial assets was abandoned when he announced that it had assets in excess of $46
million, and most surprisingly he announced in October of 1976 that he was dissolving
the Nation ofislam to form a new organization. Within this new organization, the World
Community of al-Islam in the West (WCIW), whites would be considered equal to blacks
and would even be allowed to become members. Wallace revolutionized the theology of.
the Nation of Islam, and although he was doing it in such a way as to make it more
compatible with Orthodox Islam (he was after all instructed in Arabic through childhood
and had spent a considerable amount of time in the Middle East), his rapid changes
Gustavus Student Repository
shocked NOI members who had known nothing ofislam outside the teachings of Elijah
Muhammad. And demoting his father from the holy recognition he had received as a
Prophet through his revisions of NO I doctrine, Wallace gave Louis Farrakhan all of the
ammunition he needed to recreate the Nation of Islam with the remains of the old one.
9
A year later, that is exactly what happened. Farrakhan left the WCIW in
September of 1977, and after a brief period of "laying low" (possibly for fear of harm by
Wallace) he and a small group of followers re-established the Nation ofislam. The new
NOI started by building temples up from study groups in different cities, but grew
quickly by drawing back thousands of disenchanted from Wallace Muhammad's less fiery
organization. By 1981, the new Nation ofislam attracted over 6,000 followers from
around the country to its first Saviour's Day (the NOI's major religious holiday, which is
commeμ1orated with a major convention at its headquarters in Chicagot. In just a few
short years Farrakhan had clearly restored the NOI as a sizable religious body.
The defining events in the Nation ofislam during the 1980's did not deal so much
with internal strife, nor with the relationship between NOI goals and the more moderate
goals of the black civil rights movement, but rather with the rhetorical warfare between
Farrakhan et al. and the Jewish community. Although accusations of anti-Semitism were
nothing new to the NOI, comments made by Farrakhan at the Saviour's Day rally in
February of 1984 began what has ever since been a heated battle between Jewish Groups
and the NOL When Jesse Jackson had received death threats in the wake of his
"Hymietown" remarks stressing the importance of the Jewish vote in Chicago, Farrakhan
\Who believed that most of these threats had come from Jews) warned Jews that "If you
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10
harm this brother, I warn you in the name of Allah, this will be the last. .. black leader
you harm. We are not making idle threats ... If you want to defeat him, defeat him at the
polls. We can stand to lose an election, but we cannot stand to lose a brother."'. From
there, the Anti-Defamation League retaliated by referring to Farrakhan's threats as
"beerhall demagoguery" (an obvious allusion to Hitler's agitations in Munich), and
escalation of tensions has only progressed.
Anti-Semite accusations have proven to be the major thorn in the side of modern
NOI public relations. Questions in these regards have become a common feature of any
interview with Farrakhan, and have contributed to the construction of his occult public
persona. Observers have trouble balancing the soft-spoken and conciliatory Louis
Farrakhan, whose interviews they see on television and read about in the newspaper, with
the fiery, charismatic "Prophet of Rage" whom they see addressing Nation oflslam
rallies. The latter has been known to emotionally address Jews with the following
regards:
You have been the killer of all the prophets. Now, if you seek my life, you only show
that you are no better than your fathers. xi
And because I said that the holocaust of black people was a hundred times worse than the
Holocaust of Jews they were angry at me for even comparing this. And it is because you
feel that your life is so much more SACRED than the lives of the Goyam, or the lives of
the Gentiles, or the lives of the Asians, Arabs, and Africans.'"
At times, one of his ministers, Khallid Muhammad, has overshadowed Farrakhan in his
denunciation of Jews. In one renowned outburst by Khallid at Kean College in New
Jersey, he claimed that Jews brought the Holocaust on themselves and issued a terrifying
rant against whites and Jews in South Africa:
Gustavus Student Repository
..
Everybody always talks about Hitler exterminating six million Jews ... But don't
anybody ever ask what did they do to Hitler? .. They went in there, in Germany, the way
they do everywhere they go, and they supplanted, they usurped, they turned around, and
a German, in his own country, would almost have to go to a Jew to get money. They
undermined the very fabric of society. Now, he was an arrogant, no-good, devil bastard,
Hitler, no question about it. .. He used his greatness for evil and wickedness. But the
Jews are wickedly great, too, brother. Everywhere they go and they always do it and
they hide their head.""
If we want to be merciful at all, when we gain enough freedom from God Almighty to
take our freedom and independence from him, we give him twenty-four hours to get out of
town by sundown ... If he won't. .. , we kill everything white that ain't right in South
Africa. We kill the women, we kill the children. We kill the babies. We kill the blind,
we kill the crippled, we kill 'em all. We kill the faggot, we kill the lesbian, we'll kill
them all... Why kill the babies? ... Because they gonna grow up one day to oppress our
babies ... Kill the elders too. Goddamn it, if they're in a wheelchair, push 'em off a
cliff ... How the hell you think they got old? They got old oppressing black people ...
And when you get through killing 'em all, go to the goddamn graveyard and dig up the
grave and kill 'em all goddamn again. And if ... you don't have the strength to dig 'em
up, then take your gun and shoot in the goddamn grave. Kill 'em again. Kill 'em
again., 'cuse they didn't. die hard enough. xiv
In a country who is a strong ally oflsrael, who has a sizable Jewish population, and
whose popular culture has placed such a strong emphasis on racial toleration in days of
late, it comes as no surprise that these public debates make it difficult for mainstream
politicians to lend much serious consideration to the demands of the NOL
11
This is not to say that the Nation of Islam isn't trying for this to be the case. Of
note in its contemporary endeavors, the NOI staged a large rally in Washington D.C. on
October 16, 1995 that was an attempt towards a modem-day March on Washington.
Although attendance fell short of the number to which the title would aspire, over
400,000 blacks were present at the Million Man March, a number almost twice as great
. as those who were at the March on Washington. Interestingly, this was not entirely a
march for the NOI so much as it was for black unity, and despite the focus that Farrakhan
placed on the NOI, its theology, and a somewhat confusing discussion of numerology, the
overlying tone of his 150 minute speech wasn't particularly inflammatory. Instead, he
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12
called for minorities to awaken to the injustices committed against them, to stop fighting
with each other so as to start fighting for each other, and to find the strength to change
their lives through atonement with God. The Farrakhan who appeared to over two
million television viewers around the country was not the hate-monger that he has often
been seen as, but rather a man trying to appease an entire nation. As such, he gained a lot
of political capital, among blacks particularly, and began a string of appearances
worldwide called the World Friendship Tour. However, as this tour leads into the
present day the Farrakhan paradox continues. Most notable events on the tour include
pledges that "God will destroy America at the hands of Muslims"xv, and an offer of a
billion dollars from Libyan leader Muammar Khaddafi to put towards achieving such a
goal.
Theology
One of the most enigmatic features of the Nation ofislam is its theology. Many
theological elements come across as very far-fetched, many come across as being very
reasonable, and still others come across as very familiar elements which are shared in the
Judeo-Christian tradition. However, there is one characteristic that pervades: the view
that non-whites are the holy, original race, and the view that the white man is the devil.
For obvious reasons, this is also the characteristic which most determines the future of
any of the Nation's political goals.
The theology is enigmatic because it encompasses and intertwines discoveries in
science with tales of mythology in ways that are often not compatible, and holds
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1 3
concepts of divinity which are somewhat non-traditional. Farrakhan, like Malcolm X and
Elijah Muhammad before him, has been quick to cite recent anthropological and
archaeological findings which suggest that the human species originated in Africa, and
which also suggest that these original non-white cultures were much more advanced than
Western culture has given them credit for. Yet the mythology of the NOI often makes
claims that modem notions of science and history do not support. Perhaps this is an
inevitable quality common to all religions as they seek to transcend human endeavors at
explaining the universe, but by labeling the NOI's theology as particularly enigmatic I
mean to suggest that it involves contradictions that are unique in their difficulty to be
reconciled by believers (especially potential educated believers) and that it is amorphous
in ways that make it a flexible tool to use towards continually reshaping a worshipping
body.
Perhaps the best place to begin an explanation of a religion's theology is with an
explanation of its God. In the case of the Nation of lslam, their view of the Divine is
simply stated "We believe that Allah (God) appeared in the Person of Master W. Fard
Muhammad, July, 1 930; the long-awaited "Messiah" of the Christians and the "Mahdi"
of the Muslims."xvi_ When examined more closely, this feature of Allah appearing on
earth as a man is even more interesting, for the NOI views divinity not so much in terms
of a supreme being ruling over all, but rather in a sense that all non-whites are holy beings
with Allah being t
Welfare Reform in Minnesota
No full textI believe that the state of Minnesota has adapted an approach to welfare that is positive in spite of strict federal guidelines. Minnesota has one of the top social welfare programs in the country. A testimony to Minnesota's commitment to the welfare of its inhabitants is the work the Legislature did to restore funding for programs to legal immigrants. I hope that the state will continue to build on its strong tradition of addressing the needs of its people.
Portions of this digital file were compromised. Text that originally appeared on pages now shown as blank is no longer available.Welfare Reform in Minnesota
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Thesis Outline
Introduction
Chapter One: Historical Foundations of Social Welfare Policy in the
United States
A. Background
B. Public Opinion
C. Expansion of the Welfare State
D. Work for Benefits
E. Conclusion
Chapter Two: The Federal Response to Welfare Reform: The
Personal Responsibility and Work Reconciliation Act of 1996
A. New Federalism
B. Putting Welfare Recipients to Work
C. The Economic Climate
D. Lifetime Limits on Welfare Benefits
E. Conclusion
Chapter Three: Welfare Reform in Minnesota: Federal Mandates,
Human Dimensions
A. Shaping Welfare Policy in the MN Legislature
B. The Bipartisan Taskforce
C. The Committee Process
D. Conference Committee
E. Beyond the Legislature
F. New Welfare Priorities
G. Voices for the Poor
H. The Future of Welfare Reform
Personal Analysis
Works Cited
Works Consulted
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Chapter One
Historical Foundations of Social Welfare Policy in the United States
"The hope behind (the Social Security Act) is to save men and women
from the rigors of the poorhouse as well as from the haunting fear that such a lot
awaits them when the journey's end is near."1 Philosophies about aid to
individuals most vulnerable to poverty in society--the unemployed, the sick, the
disabled, children and the elderly--have shaped the creation of the modern social
welfare system that exists today. The Social Security Act of 1935 created a
broad framework for public policy which has been expanded and redefined greatly
over the past 60 years. In order to fully understand the complexities of the
welfare state, it is vital to understand the historical intricacies that have shaped its
origins.
Prior to the 1930's the notion of social welfare policy on a national level
was unimaginable. The care of poor citizens within a region was the sole
responsibility of local and state organizations. Poorhouses, where sick and aged
persons were most often kept, and outdoor relief services, where the poor were
granted community aid in their homes, provided the backbone of assistance for
the poor previous to legislation in the early part of the 20th century. 2 Public
policy made little provision for periods of high unemployment, citizens who
suffered from sickness or developmental disabilities, or for elderly persons
without a family to care for them. 3 Perhaps the greatest catalyst for creation of
1 Berkowitz, Edward. America's Welfare State--From Roosevelt to Reagan. Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press. 1991.
2Mother's Pensions were also established following World War I. "Mother's Pensions were
designed to enable single women {presumably widowed) to raise their children properly by
staying at home." Abramovitz, Mimi. Regulating the Lives of Women: Social Welfare Policy
From the Colonial Times to the Present. Boston: South End Press. 1988. p. 184.
3Katz. Michael. In the Shadow of the Poorhouse-A Social History of Welfare in America. New
York: Basic Books, Inc. 1990.
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FDR inherited a deepening depression, a banking system on the brink of
collapse, increasing unemployment and massive human suffering as he became
the nation's leader. He took it upon himself to redefine the perimeters of federal
responsibility and in turn, put the federal government "directly and massively into
the business of relief."5 On May 12, 1933, the Federal Emergency Relief
Administration (FERA) was established by the U.S. Congress-- modeled after
FDR's relief program in New York. The federal government soon began to
develop public works projects and develop an equitable system of aid to states.
Grants-in-aid became the tool by which the federal government distributed funds
for relief to the states. These grants forced states to improve their standards by
providing more adequate assistance, increasing administrative functioning and
hiring more professional personnel. This grants-in-aid program developed and
expanded, though not invented during the President's New Deal legislation,
became the model for federal-state relations in the decades to follow.6
Emboldened with hopes of creating a uniform national program, the federal
government increased administrative standards, set minimum wages, and
prohibited discrimination on the basis of race, religion or political affiliation_?
FERA placed the source of relief funds increasingly in the hands of public
agencies. Thus, the role of private agencies and social workers in providing relief
was fundamentally redefined.
At this same time in history, the foundations of the Social Security Act
were being established. The original legislation that was signed into law in 1935
created only five programs- retirement programs (or what came to be called Old
5Katz, 217.
6Katz, 218.
7 Note: Gender discrimination was not yet included. (The Civil Rights Act of 1964 would
eventually inciude provisions against gender disrimination in the workplace.) Katz, 221.
Gustavus Student Repository
FDR inherited a deepening depression, a banking system on the brink of
collapse, increasing unemployment and massive human suffering as he became
the nation's leader. He took it upon himself to redefine the perimeters of federal
responsibility and in turn, put the federal government "directly and massively into
the business of relief. "5 On May 12, 1933, the Federal Emergency Relief
Administration (FERA) was established by the U.S. Congress-- modeled after
FDR's relief program in New York. The federal government soon began to
develop public works projects and develop an equitable system of aid to states.
Grants-in-aid became the tool by which the federal government distributed funds
for relief to the states. These grants forced states to improve their standards by
providing more adequate assistance, increasing administrative functioning and
hiring more professional personnel. This grants-in-aid program developed and
expanded, though not invented during the President's New Deal legislation,
became the model for federal-state relations in the decades to follow.6
Emboldened with hopes of creating a uniform national program, the federal
government increased administrative standards, set minimum wages, and
prohibited discrimination on the basis of race, religion or political affiliation.7
FERA placed the source of relief funds increasingly in the hands of public
agencies. Thus, the role of private agencies and social workers in providing relief
was fundamentally redefined.
At this same time in history, the foundations of the Social Security Act
were being established. The original legislation that was signed into law in 1935
created only five programs- retirement programs (or what came to be called Old
5Katz, 217.
6Katz, 218.
7 Note: Gender discrimination was not yet included. (The Civil Rights Act of 1964 would
eventually include provisions against gender disrimination in the workplace.) Katz, 221.
Gustavus Student Repository
Age Insurance), unemployment insurance, and public assistance for the aged,
blind and dependent children. 8 Much of the current debate about welfare can be
traced to the evolution of this last public assistance program- originally called Aid
to Dependent Children (ADC). This program was the brain child of the women
who were active in the administration of New Deal social welfare policies. In
particular, Katherine Lenroot and Martha Eliot of the Children's Bureau crafted a
detailed report which outlined the need for direct assistance to dependent
children. The ADC program represented a more complete version of the Mother's
Pension program which had been in place previous to Social Security legislation.
Like its forerunner, ADC was "designed to release from the wage-earning role the
person whose natural function is to give her children the physical and affectionate
guardianship necessary not alone to keep them from falling into social misfortune,
but more affirmatively to make them citizens capable of contributing to society."9
It was implied that this public assistance was made available so that women
could remain in their rightful place-- the home. This does not paint a complete
picture of the experiences of all women however. Some states began to use
"employable mother" rules which disqualified able-bodied women with schoolaged
children, particularly black women, from AFDC rolls on the grounds that
they should work. In the 1930's, a southern public assistance field administrator
noted:
The number of Negro cases is few due to the unanimous feeling on the part of
the staff and board that there are more work opportunities for Negro women and
to their intense desire not to interfere with local labor conditions. The attitude
that they have always gotten along, and that "all they'll do is have more children"
is definite ... There is hesitancy on the part of lay boards to advance too rapidly
8coughlin, Richard M.,ed. Reforming Welfare- Lessons Limits and Choices. Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press. 1989.
9 Abramovitz. Mimi. Regulating the Lives of Women- Social Welfare Policy from Colonial Times
to the Present. Boston: South End Press. 1988.
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over the thinking of their own communities, which see no reason why the
employable Negro mother should not continue her usually sketchy seasonal
labor or indefinite domestic service rather than receive a public assistance
grant.1 D
Indeed, a different standard of eligibility existed for black women, as opposed to
white women. Poor white women would eventually occupy a greater place in the
labor market in the coming decades, but this resulted from a more gradual shift
in views about the roles of women.
It is important to note that ADC was initially only administered to chl1dren
deemed worthy by virtue of the death or absence of a parent (usually the father)-no
money was granted to the mothers of these children. It was not until 1950
that a federal matching grant was established for mothers.11 In 1962 the
program was finally revised to include the word "family" in its title. It would
henceforth be refereed to as Aid to Families with Dependent Children.
Public Opinion
Public opinion has greatly shaped the debate about public welfare
programs. Because of the social and economic circumstances of the post-1935
era, welfare was initially a popular, uncontroversial program which was run on a
non-partisan basis. People were clamoring for more benefits, not less, and there
was less of a fear that welfare recipients were exploiting "the system." The
AFDC program expanded substantially in the post World War II years, as did the
other components of the Social Security Act. With this expansion came rising
program costs and bureaucracies. At this time as well, there began to be a
gradual shift in caseloads from historically white widows to unwed, divorced or
separated mothers and women of color. Positive public opinion of social welfare
1 DAbromivitz. 318-31 9.
1 1 Abromovitz, 3 1 6.
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programs like AFDC began to falter during this mid-century shift in the
composition and character of welfare recipients. No longer was assistance going
predominately to widowed mothers. Instead, "the natural growth of the population
along with rising divorce, desertion, fertility, and births outside of marriage
enlarged the pool of women eligible for ADC from all demographic groups."12
The growing realization that the nature of the AFDC caseloads were changing
caused the public to raise concerns about the structure and stability of the
American families. 13 A particularly strong stigma was attached to women of color
who applied for public assistance because they were more likely that white
women to be divorced, separated, or bearing children out-of-wedlock. In addition
to these high marital disruption rates and increased fertility, discrimination against
black men created a persistent barrier to self-sufficiency for the black family.
Black men encountered extremely high joblessness rates in the post-War years.
The displacement of blacks from southern agricultural occupations and their
segregation into the lowest paying jobs, created a pool of workers who were
vulnerable to low wages and high unemployment. This economic marginalization
made black men less available for marriage and family support.14 The stigma
attached to black recipients of welfare in particular can be traced to the overtly
racist attitudes harbored by many white Americans at this time.
The state and federal governments began to reevaluate and restructure
programs like AFDC in response to shifting public opinion about public
assistance. In particular, Congress in 1951 passed the Jenner Amendment which
responded to the fear of increasing fraud in the welfare system. The amendment
12Abramovitz, 320.
13Berkowitz, Edward and McQuaid, Kim. ed. Creating the Welfare State-The Political
Economy of Twentieth Century Reform. Lawrence: University of Kansas press. 1992.
14 Abramovitz, 320.
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At the same time eligibility was extended to a broader range of clients.
The high courts played a very crucial role in breaking down the barriers to AFDC
eligibility. In particular the Supreme Court required the elimination of residency
requirements in Sharpiro v. Thompson, the denial of aid to families with
"employable mothers," and the "absent father rule" in King v. Smith.18 The
number of clients who applied for and received assistance thus grew
exponentially during this period. Other social pressures added to increases in the
welfare roles as well:
the militancy unleashed by the civil rights movement; the pressum of
community activists who informed poor people of their rights, led protests
at local welfare offices, and formed the National Welfare Rights Organization;
and the success of legal service attorneys at challenging restrictive
administrative practices.1 9
The expansion of social welfare programs did little to address the
economic power or resource inequalities however.20 Policymakers, economists,
and the general public were unwilling to admit that these inequalities were caused
by the country's political economy. Blame must instead lie elsewhere, and often
ended up in two distinct areas--one being squarely on the shoulders of individuals
who were not able to lift themselves out of poverty because of some moral or
intellectual defect; the other being barriers to opportunity resulting from
inadequate education or an unstable family environment.21
1 8Residency Requirements- States had previously maintained the right to deny welfare benifits
to individuals who had taken up residency in another state- it was feared that they were
migrating in order to receive better benifits. "Employable Mothers" (see page 4 for explaination)
"Absent father rule"- Families could not receive welfare benefits unless the father was absent
from the home environment. (Katz, 267)
1 9Katz, 267.
20Katz 255 21 Katz' argud that "opportunity often became defined as education and explained why
education had occupied such a special place in American reform. Education could soften the
rough edges of capitalism by making Americans equal, not in condition but in opportunity to
compete and achieve. Education became a painless panacea, a way to solve every social
Gustavus Student Repository
Nonetheless, the population that benefited most from the expansion of the
social welfare state were not the people in dire poverty conditions. The biggest
winners were the elderly--because spending on social insurance exploded during
the 60's and 70's. The reason that this was the case was not so much because
of the number of elderly but because programs like Social Security and Medicare
cut across class lines. Much like public education, Social Security had the
potential to effect the lives of middle-class citizens as much as it did the poor.
This new constituency was well organized, articulate and vocal- allowing them to
flex their political muscle in regard to funding. It is important to note that the
federal government spent most of its social welfare dollars- between 1965 and
1971 about 75 percent- on the non-poor.22
Work for Benefits
As the social and political landscape of welfare policy was evolving, a new
. , .a new approach to AFDC funding emerged. Instead of direct cash assistance to
non-working mothers, there was a push for programs that fostered financial
• independence--ultimately this meant that welfare recipients would now be
required to work in order to receive benefits. This marked a fundamental shift in
philosophies from the importance of "mother-in-the-home" that had been the
cornerstone of initial welfare legislation to one of mandatory work for all ablebodied
welfare recipients.23
oblem without recourse to conflict or redistribution," (255).
"Throughout the 1970's and early 1980's disparities increased even more: in 1984, social
security, which was indexed to inflation, had mushroomed to 8.3 billion." (Katz, 267)
23Perhaps public opinion has also shifted because of the change in the role of mothers.
Increasingly, mothers of all socio-economic backgrounds are working outside of the home (for
personal or economic reasons). Some may thus resent paying their tax dollars for mothers who
do not have a job and still receive government assistance.
Gustavus Student Repository
To assist those individuals with little or no work experience, job training
programs were established. Two of the earliest programs established by
Congress were the Community Work and Training Program, which was
established by amendment to the Social Security Act, and the other Title V,
originated out of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964.24 These training
programs provided incentive payments and were generally well received by those
who participated. However, the overall success of these programs was
hampered by the fact that the program reached very few individuals and because
even few were able to find long-term, sustainable employment in the field in which
they were trained.
In 1967, a more comprehensive work program was established called the
Work Incentive Program (WIN). WIN was jointly administered by the Department
of Labor at the national level and state employment agencies locally.25 Under
WIN, all able-bodied individuals were given opportunities to obtain vocational
skills and other work related experience. But "lack of job opportunities in high
unemployment areas, the high cost of child care and resistance within public
welfare departments to enforce employment by AFDC mothers meant that few
job-related services were available to WIN participants. "26 Even when WIN was
able to place women in jobs, they were often forced into sex-segregated
occupations, many of which paid wages below the poverty level. Despite its
ambitious intentions, WIN failed to permanently employ women or significantly
decrease AFDC caseloads.
President Richard Nixon's approach to welfare reform consisted of the
consolidation of the nation's many social service programs and substituting cash
24coughlin, 20.
25Coughlin, 20.
26 Abramovitz, 339.
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i n the creation of jobs and give job finding and training priority to welfare
recipients. I n other words, businesses would be given incentives to train and hire
welfare recipients--creating a push towards fostering demand for entry-level,
predominately low-wage positions.30 It is important to note as well, that there is a
strong correlation between unemployment rates and welfare caseloads. Paul
Offner, the a District of Columbia Commissioner notes that " . . . the business cycle
historically has been the primary influence on the number of welfare recipients.
From 1 989 to 1 993, a period of rising unemployment, the welfare caseload grew
from 1 0.8 million to 1 4 million. After that unemployment declined . . . and by
October 1 996 the
Legislation in subsequent years reformed welfare-to-work programs
further. The Reagan administration in 1 98 1 called for tightened eligibility
requirements, lower overall benefits, and strict work requirements as a part of its
Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act (OBRA) of 1 98 1 .3 1 Limits of 1 60 per month for child care were i mposed--far below
actual work related expenses. Previous welfare reform measures had created
wage subsidies for individuals attempting to move off of the welfare rolls. "The
elimination of monetary work incentives seemed to contradict the Reagan
philosophy of getting welfare recipients to work and its goals of reducing welfare
costs. "32
Various other reform efforts took shape during the 1 980's and early 1 990's.
The Family Support Act of 1 988 tied the obligation to participate in job search
3011 is important to note that to a large extent the number of welfare caseloads is tied to the
relative health of the economy. A recent example will illustrate this. From 1989 to 1993, a
period of rising unemployment, the welfare caseload grew from 1 0.8 mi
A College Education Has A Liberalizing Effect On Attitudes
No full textStudy: Effects of a college education on certain aspects of individual's liberal (or non-liberal viewpoints)
The topic is worthy of inquiry because it allows us to establish one particular aspect of where an individual develops (or does not develop) liberal attitudes towards politics and social issues. To this end, it is perhaps possible to theorize the effects on voting, support for social legislation, and opinion polling by individuals with a liberal arts education. The inquiry is open ended enough to allow for further study that may build upon the initial question. We could, for example, compare the effects of a private, religiously affiliated college’s education on individuals’ liberal attitudes to the effect posed by other institutions’ curriculum.study.
- \ k, l..1'f$18R<:i(_)\
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A college education has a liberalizing effect on awlude related to a student's course of
Study: Effects of a college education on certain aspects of individual's liberal ( or nonliberal
) viewpoints.
The topic is worthy of inquiry because it allows us to establish one particular aspect of
where an individual develops ( or does not develop ) liberal attitudes towards politics and social
issues. To this end, it is perhaps possible to theorize the effect on voting, support for social
legislation, and opinion polling by individuals with a liberal arts education. The inquiry is open
ended enough to allow for further study that may build upon the initial question. We could, for
example, compare the effects of a private, religiously affiliated college's education on individuals'
liberal attitudes to the effect posed by other institutions' curriculum.
Definition of terms
Liberal: Generalized predisposition towards the empowerment of individuals and the
collective social body. Tends to embody notions of individual rights and liberties, to disavow the
status quo, and to work for decentralization of authority.
Government: An organized body of individuals who, by appointment ( self or otherwise),
take upon themselves the task of implementing certain courses of action in the social, economic,
and political arenas of a corporate body of individuals.
Politics: Courses of action in the social, economic and political arenas as conducted by
governmental institutions, and the actors within those institutions.
Social: Relating to all issues and considerations dealing with a corporate body of people as
a whole.
Social Issues: Considerations taken by governmental institutions and the actors within
those institutions as to what courses of action to employ in various ( and variable ) social
situations.
Social Legislation: Policies/courses of action implemented in the social arena by
governmental institutions and the actors within those institutions.
Liberal Arts Education: An education designed to foster the development of the
intellectual, social, spiritual, and cultural aspects of the individual. This education constitutes the
study of a wide variety of topics whose nature seems to fit these criteria. Studies include all major
fields of thought, history, and social background.
Considerations:
I. Research is limited to a private, Liberal Arts college.
2. Time Series: Need to interview students at certain times using Guttman or Likert test.
Pre and Post test- Incoming Freshmen, Sophomores, Juniors and Seniors. Selective: Only study
students taking specific classes that you can directly link to certain liberal attitudes ( Ex Women's
studies and feminism )
3. Influence of outside factors( Internal Validity): Time/Maturation, history, religion,
social interaction with other students, etc.
Consideration of how a liberal arts education will affect an individual's attitudes towards
oiiricai· .. and-·social-'issues-wn-1-require--a .. -geod---deaJ ... 9f-.research.,0Lprimary, .. sourc.es ... .I..pr:op.os.e.Jh.at., ..
the best way to approach the task is to focus on polling individuals for their opinions/attitudes
towards political and social issues at specific time intervals. Specifically, polling was conducted at
the beginning and end of the Fall semester of 1996 for all students. Ideally, we would like to be
able to focus on one group of students ( incoming freshmen) and monitor their "progress"
throughout their four years of coilege. Unfortunately, time considerations of the author resrrict this
Gustavus Student Repository
possibility to one year of research. Nonetheless, I believe we can gather some reasonably
conclusive evidence for education's effect on liberal attitudes.
The polling is most important for incoming freshmen, who are new to a college
environment and so will be the least "tainted" by college experiences, both in and outside of class,
which may have an effect on liberal attitudes. It is, of course, worthy to note in the final evaluation
of the statistics what possible biases may have occurred. Polling at the end of the semester will
hopefully reveal how the course affected each individual's attitudes towards social and political
issues.
In order to properly determine the effect of education on liberal attitudes, it is necessary to
poll individuals whose ethnic, religious, and socio-economic (as well as gender and party
identification) backgrounds are in proportion to that of the corporate student body. That is, to the
degree that it is possible, I would poll a sample of students who proportionally represent the overall
Gustavus population. The sample is biased, of course, by three main factors: Primarily, only
courses that would seem to be pertinent objects of study for assessing attitudes related to liberal
issues will be studied. Second, it is unreasonable to expect that the people who take these classes
will proportionally represent Gustavus. Third, this problem is compounded by the fact that the
student population that makes up Gustavus is not representative of America in general. The
number of affluent, Caucasian individuals is vastly overrepresented. In conducting my research, I
recognize some relevant factors that may alter/influence/bias statistical results:
1. Religion
2. Ethnicity
3. Gender
4. Socio-economic status.
5. Party Identification
I propose that these factors be both noted in the final interpretation of the results, and accounted
for as much as possible in the tabulation of those results.
To this end, it is important that sampling questions measure, to a great degree, the
influence these factors may have on an individual's attitudes. I state here a number of general
questions that the pre-test survey includes that would hopefully reveal the impact of certain factors
on individual attitudes:
1. Religion (All major religions would offered as possible choices)
2. Ethnicity (Races represented as they appear on college entrance forms and similar documents)
3. Gender
4. Socio-economic status (represented in broad, loosely defined categories, such as: "upper class,
high income level")
5. Party Identification (Republican, Democrat, Independent)
6. Year
The pre-test is not limited to these questions. Each survey also includes questions that are
not considered "factors" in and of themselves, but rather subsets of those factors. Surveys will be
unique as they ask questions that are pertinent to the course of study measured. For example, in
polling individuals about to take a women's studies course, I asked general questions related to
women's issues such as: Do you favor or oppose abortion? Do you favor or oppose feminism?
These questions help establish where an individual stands on certain issues before the course
begins. Questions on the post-test, of course, attempt to assess the influence of the class on those
same issues.
Many of the surveys have overlapping questions. For example, questions concerning
welfare were asked of both the women's studies class and of the US government class (and others,
as well). Often individuals were asked to identify their political position on a five point
liberal/conservative scale.
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It is important to note similarities and dissimilarities between the surveys with regards to
courses measured. The questions that are the same for each survey are those that assess the five
main factors previously stated. Additional questions are course related.
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1measured, we can,see how specific opinions/attitudes-were alferedunderspecific conditions. In -
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Bibliography .......... ,-
!. Blacl<;'Beverly, M. "Student's Attitude's'Towards Women: Do Social Work Programs Make a
Dlfference?" Affilia winter 1994: 417-437.
2. Kuriloff, Peter J. and Lottes, Ilsa L. "The Impact of a College Experience on Political and
Social Attitudes". Sex Roles Spring-Summer 1995: 31-54.
3. Link, Bruce G. and Moore, Robert E. and Phelan, Jo and Stueve, Ann. "Education, Social
Liberalism, and Economic Conservatism: Attitudes Towards Homeless People." American
Sociological Review February 1995: 126-140.
It has often been said that-there is a correlation between an individual's liberal ( or nonliOer•
ai"}·ttitndes-'tharcan-be-·directly-·or -·1ndiiect1-y-·-attributed--to-·the-ir-level~0fformal.education. .... The------
annotated bibliography contains selected works pertinent to this inquiry. Research on related topics
has been conducted by other political scientists, allowing insight into both the processes and the
results of their studies. These studies evaluate the theme of the inquiry, i.e., what effect education
hs on liberal attitudes, if not the actual hypothesis that I propose. because the themes are related,
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it is perhaps possible to correlate similar research and findings with my own study, and from there
to draw general conclusions.
1. Students Attitudes Towards Women: Do Social Work Programs Make a Difference?
The main purpose of this study was to evaluate the effectiveness of Social Work courses in
a college curriculum for developing and fostering liberal attitudes in students majoring in this field.
Courses would be altered or maintained relative to a "positive" (in this case, demonstration of
increased liberal attitudes) outcome. Of particular interest to the researchers was student's liberal
or non-liberal attitudes towards women. Although degrees of other liberal values were also
evaluated by the study, adjustment of curriculum courses was based mainly on the results of
responses to feminist issues.
Hypothesis:
1. Students participating in greater numbers of socialization (Social Work) courses will
have more liberal attitudes towards women than those who participate in less.
2. Women will be more sympathetic to other women than men will be.
3. Social Work majors will hold more liberal attitudes concerning women than student's
with other majors will.
To conduct their research, the authors used a simple pre-test/post-test design for students
enrolled in three courses: Introduction to Social Work, Human Behavior and the Social
Environment, and a field internship seminar. To evaluate student's attitudes towards women, they
constructed and "Attitudes Towards Women" scale that strongly resembles a Likert-type scale.
The scale makes statements about the rights and roles of women in such areas as vocational,
educational and intellectual activities, dating behavior and etiquette, and sex behavior and marital
relationships. Students participating in the survey were given four responses, ranging from strongly
disagree (0/conservative) to strongly agree (3/pro-feminist).
Results of the study: As predicted, students scored higher on the post-test ( i.e., displayed
evidence of greater liberal attitudes ) than on the pre-test for all three classes. Females scored
higher than men and Social Work majors scored the highest. Evaluation of these findings resulted
in these conclusions:
1. Most attitudinal changes occur with beginning courses. Subsequent studies show that
students participating in advanced level courses do not increase their degree of liberal
attitudes as much ( or if at all ) as students participating in introductory courses.
2. Students take the most liberal positions on issues related to equality of education and
careers. The most conservative stance was taken on issues related to dating behavior or
femininity.
2. The Impact of College Experience on Political and Social Attitudes.
This study evaluates the impact of college courses on certain aspects of student's liberal
attitudes.
Hypothesis: Students as seniors will score higher on measures of liberalism, social
conscience, tolerance of homosexuals and feminist attitudes, and lower on male dominant
attitudes than they did as first year students.
1. Members of Greek organizations will be less liberal than non-Greeks on these issues.
They will score higher on measures of ethnocentrism, authoritarianism, and prejudice.
2. Women will score lower on measures of male dominant attitudes and sexism and higher
on measures of social conscience and acceptance of homosexuals than men.
3. Jewish students will be more tolerant than Catholics, who in turn will be more tolerant
than Protestants for women's rights, civil rights, and acceptance of homosexuals.
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status of fraternities/sororities in Ivy League schools as opposed to other universities. For them,
Greek life was a display of interests and intellectual pursuits/academic achievements. Highly
intelligent and motivated students comprised the majority of these organizations. Students in these
organizations, therefore, tended to be more well rounded, highly educated people. Results may have
varied at other schools. Nonetheless, evidence of change in liberal attitudes was observed,
indicating that there is at least a degree of correlation between education and liberalism. 1-
3. Education, Social Liberalism, and Economic Conservatism: Attitudes Towatds Homeless
People.
Studies link liberal attitudes with education. Three traditional models have been used to
explain the association:
I. Liberal attitudes result from cognitive and personal development education expands a
person's frame of reference and changes what and how a person thinks).
2. Liberal attitudes result from direct socialization (learn social attitudes and values in
school).
3. Liberal attitudes result from ideological refinement (Liberalism among well educated
citizens is confined to the principle of individual rights. Individualists support social issues
that serve their interests).
The authors of the study wish to consider the effectiveness of the three models for
explaining the correlation between education and liberalism. They feel that the definitions are too
natrow in scope, and that an important factor in determining an individual's liberalism is
economically related, They therefore have designed a study linking both social
considerations/parameters with economic ones. Their study revolves around the issue of attitudes
towards homeless people, which has both social and economic implications.
Hypothesis: The mechanism by which education influences attitudes can be clarified by
considering economic attitudes as well as social ones.
Each of the models implies how education should influence social and economic attitudes:
1. Developmental: People with more education should be more supportive of civil liberties
and more tolerant in their perceptions and emotions towards the homeless. "Increased
awareness" should increase empathy for less advantaged groups. This model predicts
egalitarian views and willingness to offer economic aid to the disadvantaged.
2. Socialization: The educational system is the vehicle Through which the "official"
and/or "ideal" culture is transmitted to citizens. For the United States, this includes
individualism, free market enterprise, toleration of diversity, and equal opportunity. With
this in mind, the model predicts that education should increase positive feelings and
perceptions of the homeless (evidence of tolerance) and decrease belief in institutional
causes as well as the desire to give economic aid.
3. Ideological Refinement: Higher education should result in support for principles related
to civil liberties and equal opportunity, but not for rights of subordinate groups to
economic aid (greater share than they deserve).
Probability samples of households were used to conduct the research. The samples were
basically proportionate to the population as a whole with regatds to ethnicity, gender, age, marital
status, educational level, and income. Some discrepancies occurred: Underrepresentation of
Hisranics, overrepresentation of women. the age group 25-54, high school graduates, and married
couples.
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The survey contained questions measuring tolerance, support for civil liberties of the
homeless, and the economic dimension.
I. Economic attitudes include support for economic aid and beliefs about the extent to
which structural factors contribute to homelessness.
2. Social attitudes include perceptions of and feelings towards homeless and support for
their civil liberties.
The three scales correspond to the attitude dimensions underlying the predictions for the
three models considering the effects of education.
Results of Study: Education resulted in tolerance, but not support for civil liberties or for
economic aid. Higher income bracket individuals had less tolerance for the homeless overall.
Graduate education, young age, being a female, or being black contributed greatly to support for
economic aid.
The authors conclude that the Socialization model best fits their results and is therefore the
model that should be considered the standard for measuring education.
I feel the study is limited in scope. There are other models that could be postulated, and
other variables to be considered within the testing parameters of those models. The authors' study
contributes to our understanding of the effects of education on liberal attitudes. But I feel it is a bit
premature to assume that they have taken all variables into account and that the Socialization
model is the definitive explanation. I would use a model that incorporates elements of the three to
better explain the results of the test.
Each of these studies shows one or more aspects of education's effect on liberal attitudes.
In order to contribute to the topic, it is necessary for me to include new elements and perhaps
exclude others that have been previously studied. My results, like those of the researchers who used
Ivy League schools as their test subjects, are limited in scope because of the kind of institution I
have studied. The surveys seek to address issues that have not been raised by any of these studies,
since there seems to be reasonably conclusive correlative evidence suppotting each of their
hypothesis.
Surveys were conducted for Feminist Philosophy, US Government, Women In America,
Social Foundations of Education, Individual and Community, and Ethics of Business and
Economics. Of these six, only the surveys for Ethics of Business co