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Domain-adaptive diagnosis of Lewy Body disease with transferability aware transformer
No full textLewy Body Disease (LBD) is a common yet understudied form of dementia that imposes a significant burden on public health. It shares clinical similarities with Alzheimer’s disease (AD), as both progress through stages of normal cognition, mild cognitive impairment, and dementia. A major obstacle in LBD diagnosis is data scarcity, which limits the effectiveness of deep learning. In contrast, AD datasets are more abundant, offering potential for knowledge transfer. However, LBD and AD data are typically collected from different sites using different machines and protocols, resulting in a distinct domain shift. To effectively leverage AD data while mitigating domain shift, we propose a Transferability Aware Transformer (TAT) that adapts knowledge from AD to enhance LBD diagnosis. Our method utilizes structural connectivity (SC) derived from structural MRI as training data. Built on the attention mechanism, TAT adaptively assigns greater weights to disease-transferable features while suppressing domain-specific ones, thereby reducing domain shift and improving diagnostic accuracy with limited LBD data. The experimental results demonstrate the effectiveness of TAT. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first study to explore domain adaptation from AD to LBD under conditions of data scarcity and domain shift, providing a promising framework for domain-adaptive diagnosis of rare diseases
Miles with smiles: the role of e-cargo bikes in facilitating new personal and family-oriented travel and relevant beyond-utility motivations
No full textE-cargo bikes (ECBs) can play a crucial role in the transition to sustainable transport. Existing research primarily focuses on ECBs in sharing schemes and urban delivery, with limited attention to domestic use. Most studies emphasize mode substitution, often overlooking motivations unique to ECBs and beyond-utility travel motivations. Critically, little is known about ECBs’ role in generating new travel demand. This study explores how ECBs generate new trips, focusing on individual and household motivations that extend beyond purely utilitarian purposes. Trials were conducted with 49 households across three cities: Leeds, Oxford, and Brighton. A mixed-methods approach was employed, emphasizing qualitative data from interviews and supplemented with quantitative insights from travel diaries.
Findings indicate that ECBs enhanced accessibility, leading to increased travel distance and frequency, and enabling travelers to ‘do more.’ Their capacity to transport children and bulky items unlocked induced and latent demand, facilitating trips that otherwise would not have occurred. Beyond utility, ECBs fostered new solo and family travel shaped by a range of intrinsic motivations. They promoted well-being, offered therapeutic outdoor experiences, disrupted daily routines, and supported personal growth, freedom, and autonomy. Caregivers particularly valued ECBs for the control, spontaneity, and flexibility they provided in managing complex household schedules. Parents’ and children’s enjoyment, curiosity, and sense of adventure encouraged additional travel, transforming routine journeys into playful and memorable family experiences. New ECB travel enhanced family bonding, strengthened intra-household cohesion, and increased children’s willingness to participate in activities that might otherwise have been resisted. Households used ECBs to cultivate sustainable travel identities, model pro-environmental behaviors, and instill active mobility norms in children.
The paper reframes induced demand and advances research on travel behavior and motivations. It provides valuable insights for policymakers, researchers, and societies, positioning ECBs as a distinct mode in the transition to sustainable mobility
Techno-economic and environmental optimization of structured-packing absorbers for amine-based post-combustion CO2 capture
No full textPost combustion carbon capture and storage (CCS) using amine solvents is a mature and retrofittable technology where CO2 absorber design remains a critical determinant of cost, energy demand, and environmental footprint. Conventional studies typically size absorbers within proprietary simulators or apply simplified surrogates that limit transparency while excluding case specific design and material related impacts. This work develops a physics based, multi-objective optimization framework for structured-packing amine-based CCS absorbers in natural gas combined cycle (NGCC) plants that balances equilibrium driven mass transfer, hydraulics, techno-economic assessment, and cradle-to-gate embodied global warming potential (GWP) considerations. Several commercially available structured packings are evaluated and vendor relevant absorber geometries, which are height, diameter, packing type, and volume are directly linked to costs, reboiler duty, capture efficiency, and embodied emissions. Baseline optimization for a 250 MWe NGCC plant identifies knee-point optimum absorber designs achieving 95–97% capture at 40–52 million USD, 3.2–4.6 MJ/kmolsolvent reboiler duty, and 1300–1900 t CO2e embodied GWP. Sensitivity analyses show that plant scaling fundamentally alters packing selection, preferring high surface area packings (Montz BSH-400) for 100 MWe NGCC case. Meanwhile, at 750 MWe, hydraulically open packings (Montz B1–250) dominate optimum solutions to limit flooding and column parallelization. Steel emissions intensity further alters optimization outcomes with recycled steel reducing embodied emissions by up to 70%. Overall, the study establishes CCS absorber design as a scale-sensitive, multi-objective problem, and shows that design choices have significant implications for material use, embodied emissions, and overall system sustainability. The findings highlight the need to integrate environmental performance alongside cost and capture efficiency in CCS decision-making for large-scale and sustainable deployment
‘Never check in anything you could not bear to lose’:An autoethnographic study of baggage loss
No full textAirline baggage loss affects many travellers every year and its implications for travellers are rarely studied, despite the potential for such loss to damage travel experiences. The paper examines the effects of baggage loss on airline travellers, exploring this using liminality theory and loss frameworks and suggests practical implications of how to tackle and support this by airlines. Using a retrospective collaborative autoethnographic approach (RCA) we redress this gap in travel and tourism knowledge. Our first contribution is to uncover the impacts (behavioural/psychological) of baggage loss using liminality theory and Delorme’s (2004) and Berry’s (2014) ‘loss’ frameworks. Secondly, the findings reveal a multifaceted process of response to loss, and how this affects future travel and trust. We suggest how companies should respond, through human interaction and systems to support travellers through the period of loss. Baggage loss, though a significant problem is under researched, and we seek to fill this gap and encourage research in this area
Rapid review:Three ways local government could improve inequality, public health and wellbeing outcomes in supported housing in England
No full textHealthcare professionals, conflict prevention, and peacebuilding: towards peace through health?
No full textHealth workers are not only victims of armed conflict (although, all-too-often they are), but also have the potential to play important roles in preventing conflict, mitigating its effects, and building peace. Covering both theory and practice, the chapter examines the potential for health professionals to be agents for peace. Their ability to do so has been seen as deriving from a number of factors, including their ability to provide expert opinion on the damaging public health consequences of armed violence; the status of health as a ‘superordinate goal’ around which common ground can be found; and norms of medical neutrality which, in some circumstances at least, enable health professionals to play mediating roles.
The chapter begins by examining the development of thinking over recent decades about how to prevent conflict and restore peace where violence has broken out. It then goes on to examine the specific roles that have been identified for (and in some cases
fulfilled by) healthcare professionals in this before looking ahead to consider the ways in which these ideas of ‘Peace through Health’ are challenged by social and political trends, in particular the undermining of medical neutrality and a more general rise in distrust of medical and other scientific professionals. The chapter concludes by pointing to some of the responses that have been suggested for these challenges, including making Peace through
Health-relevant skills a core part of medical education, promoting best practice and successful initiatives, and working within professional associations to oppose war
QoS-aware placement of interdependent services in energy-harvesting-enabled multi-access edge computing
No full textThe advent of 5G drives the growth of multi-access edge computing (MEC), a revolutionary paradigm that utilises edge resources to enable low-latency mobile access and support complex service execution. Deploying services across geographically distributed edge nodes challenges providers to optimise performance metrics like end-to-end latency and resource efficiency, impacting user experience, operational cost, and environmental footprint. The energy harvesting (EH) technology provides clean and renewable energy at the edge, promoting the MEC system to minimise the impacts on the environment. However, the integration of EH can introduce energy limits and uncertainty to the powered devices. In the context of service scheduling with data flow dependencies, we propose two offline and heuristic-based service placement algorithms that balance minimising latency and maximising resource efficiency with fast execution. The two algorithms, evaluated in a simulated environment using state-of-the-art workload benchmarks, achieve significant energy consumption improvements while maintaining comparable latency. Based on the designed algorithms, we take a step further by developing an online dynamic resource scheduling and service offloading approach for MEC systems with EH capabilities. Simulation results demonstrate that the proposed strategy effectively utilise the harvested energy while granting a low user-experienced latency and low operational cost
Exploring the Catalytic Conversion of Pyrolytic Wax Residue: Kinetics and Co-Pyrolysis
No full textThis study explores the valorization of pyrolysis waxy residue (PWR), a semi-solid byproduct remaining after the distillation of lighter fractions from paper and plastic waste derived pyrolysis oil, with the aim of optimizing hydrocarbon production. Three strategies were assessed: (1) co-pyrolysis of PWR with sawdust (SD) at varying ratios, (2) catalytic pyrolysis using molecular sieves (MS) and ZSM-5 catalysts, and (3) catalytic co-pyrolysis combining PWR, SD, and catalysts. Thermal decomposition analysis of the PWR revealed maximum volatile release, with complete conversion achieved at 550 °C. Kinetic parameters were estimated using Coats Redfern method and the activation energy was found in the range of 31.3 – 38.9 mol‾¹ (avg: 35.3 mol‾¹). Non catalytic fixed-bed co-pyrolysis at the optimum temperature of 550 ˚C showed a 3:1 PWR-to-SD ratio maximizing the hydrocarbon content (79.0 %) but resulted in low oil yields of (∼13 %,). In contrast, catalytic pyrolysis of PWR with MS resulted in a significantly higher hydrocarbon yield with negligible phenolic compounds, while ZSM-5 enhanced the gas production to 32.5 % but slightly reduced hydrocarbon yield to 65.9 %. Catalytic co-pyrolysis using MS provided higher oil yields of ∼40 % with hydrocarbon content at 71.0 %. Despite the challenge of converting long-chain hydrocarbons into oily sludge, the findings highlight the potential for complete conversion and maximized liquid yields through catalysts and co-pyrolysis with biomass mixtures
Nuclear Proliferation in the Post Cold War Era
No full textHow can the world control its nuclear weapons? This is a very important question that needs to be addressed by the United States and other countries that are armed with these weapons that are capable of destroying humanity as we know it.
Countries build arms for use in conflict. A country that arms itself signals to others its potentially aggressive designs. If others feel that the weapons are directed toward them, they often feel compelled to arm themselves. This is one of the themes I will concentrate on: Why do so many countries now possess nuclear weapons? Currently there are five countries that have acknowledged they contain nuclear arms in their arsenal, and even more have the capabilities to develop nuclear weapons.
I believe the weapons of war contribute to its frequency. If a country does not believe it is well equipped for battle, she will be reluctant to enter into armed conflict. Conversely, countries that have confidence in their arsenal, will be self-assured when engaging in war. World War II ended with he two atomic bombs dropped on Japan. The effects of war have had an obvious impact on nuclear proliferation. Although the majority of this paper will concentrate on contemporary nuclear proliferation, I will briefly analyze World War II and the Cold War, giving some insight to nuclear arms in its infancy and maturing stages.Jon Koenigs
Fall 1996
Professor Chris Gilbert
Gustavus Adolphus College
Nuclear Proliferation
In the
Post Cold War Era
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Introduction
How can the world control its nuclear weapons? This is a very
important question that needs to be addressed by the United States and other
countries that are armed with these weapons that are capable of destroying
humanity as we know it.
Countries build arms for use in conflict. A country that arms itself
signals to others its potentially aggressive designs. If others feel that the
weapons are directed toward them, they often feel compelled to arm
themselves. This is one of the themes I will concentrate on: Why do so many
countries now possess nuclear weapons? Currently there are five countries
that have acknowledged they contain nuclear arms in their arsenal, and even
more have the capabilities to develop nuclear weapons.
I believe the weapons of war contribute to its frequency. If a country
does not believe it is well equipped for battle, she will be reluctant to enter
into armed conflict. Conversely, countries that have confidence in their
arsenal, will be self-assured when engaging in war. World War II ended with
he two atomic bombs dropped on Japan. The effects of war have had an
obvious impact on nuclear proliferation. Although the majority of this paper
will concentrate on contemporary nuclear proliferation, I will briefly analyze
World War II and the Cold War, giving some insight to nuclear arms in its
infancy and maturing stages.
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The threat of a nuclear war has shifted from the two superpowers
engaging in an escalation of arms into a more regional problem where
smaller, less powerful nations pose the biggest threat. With the disintegration
of the Soviet Union, the question of what will happen to her nuclear weapons
is a very pressing one. Currently the former Soviet Union is in a state of
disarray and the potential sale of nuclear arms is of grave concern to the
United States and other democracies. There are three major areas of
concern when addressing nuclear proliferation: Northeast Asia, the Middle
East, and South Asia. Many countries in these regions are very capable of
acquiring nuclear weapons in a short period of time and as I will show, the
efforts to contain the spread of nuclear weapons by the United States and the
UN have not been strong enough.
In each of these regions, significant proliferation problems will test the
wills of countries near their borders, along with the United States. There
have been many attempts to curb the spread of nuclear weapons, and each
have been met with different levels of success. I will focus mostly on the
current treaty, the NPT, (Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons). Furthermore, the role of the IAEA, (International Atomic Energy
Agency,) will be mentioned numerous times throughout the paper.
I will conclude with a general overview of what some of the main
problems and pose some possible solutions to what could be done to stop the
spread of nuclear weapons.
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II. World War II and the Cold War - the first two arm races
1On December 7, 1941, Japanese torpedo planes attacked the U.S.
Pacific Fleet at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, without warning. The United
States declared war on Japan the following day. Four days after
the attack on Pearl Harbor, Germany declared war on the United
States. Now that America was at war with both Germany and
Japan, more attention was paid to German nuclear research, and
work began in earnest on the Manhattan Project.
The day that Germany declared war on the United States the first
successful attempt to create an atomic weapon was underway. Although the
Germans were far from creating a nuclear weapon, the thought of Adolf
Hitler possessing such a weapon struck fear into the hearts of the Allied
forces. The atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki forever
changed the balance of power, militarily throughout the world. This
• destruction also ushered in a new period we have come to know as the Cold
War.
As Japan and Europe lay in ruins a new and different struggle began
between the United States and the U.S.S.R. One of the main reasons
countries build up their nuclear arsenals is out of fear.
2
"Fear of the bomb
has always been less powerful than fear of the adversary's bomb ... The
weapons each side has sought have been those its government found
necessary in light of what other had done or might do." This is why the
United States developed their weaponry and the U.S.S.R. followed suit in
reaction to these developments. With the United States holding the sole
1 Bee, Ronald J. "Nuclear Proliferation: The Post-Cold War Challenge." Headline Series. 303 (1995): 11
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nuclear weapons in the world the U.S.S.R. began atomic testing in 1949, and
four years later they exploded their first hydrogen bomb. Thus the stage was
set for the arms race to begin.
One of the first efforts to stop nuclear proliferation took place before
the first atomic bomb was even dropped:
30n June 11, 1945, a committee of Manhattan Project scientists led
by James Franck sent a secret report to U.S. Secretary of War
Henry L. Stimson that argued against dropping atomic bombs on
Japan. The Franck report also proposed revealing the U.S.
atomic bomb project to the world in general, and the Soviets
in particular, to quell fears that might lead to a postwar nuclear
arms race.
The scientist could not have been more right. A deep mistrust surfaced
between the two superpowers and it had existed until the falling of the Berlin
wall. Along with their nuclear arsenals the two superpowers held drastically
different political ideals which compounded the fear of nuclear war. This fear
also struck into the hearts of Great Britain, France, and China.
Today, we find many more countries attempting to acquire nuclear
weapons. There are six main countries that I will focus on in the next pages:
Iraq, Iran, Israel, India, Pakistan, and North Korea. All of these countries
pose a nuclear threat for unique reasons, but they all share one common
bond, the feeling of fear motivates all of these countries into shaping a nuclear
weapons program.
In describing the efforts to stop nuclear proliferation two terms will be
mentioned throughout this paper, the NPT and the IAEA. To be clear on the
2 Bee, Ronald J. pg. 3.
3 Bee, Ronald J. pg. 12.
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roles these two organizations were intended to carry a brief definition of both
will be helpful.
4NPT - The Nonproliferation Treaty. Established in 1968, it is an
agreement among the nonnuclear signatories not to acquire nuclear weapons,
and among the nuclear signatories not to give nuclear weapons or nuclear
weapon technology to countries that do not yet have them.
IAEA- The International Atomic Energy Association - In 1957 the
U.N. established this association which is responsible for sending personnel to
nuclear reactors to NPT signatories to make sure that they were being used
for nonmilitary purposes only.
4 Berkowitz, Bruce D. Calculated Risks. New York. Simon and Schuester. 1987. pgs. 172-173.
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I. Iraq
5Over the course of the spring and summer of 1991, the inspectors
found a multi-billion dollar, Manhattan style project atomic bomb
program in Iraq·, aimed at establishing the knowledge and
infrastructure to build several nuclear bombs a year. For over
a decade, Iraq had devoted massive economic and technical
resources to its ultimate goal of enriching uranium to weaponsgrade
and fashioning it into nuclear weapons.
There had long been speculation of Iraq's desire to attain nuclear
weapons, but this speculation was not revealed until scientists were allowed to
inspect Iraq's warehouses after the closing of the Gulf War. Under the
direction of President Saddam Hussein, Iraq came dangerously close to
acquiring nuclear weapons. Iraq was moved to seek out nuclear weapons for
three main reasons: fear of Israel's' nuclear arms, their ongoing quest for
regional hegemony, and fear of another conflict with Iran. Israel has long
been thought to possess the capabilities to acquire nuclear status, she has even
stated that it will only use nuclear weapons as a "last resort." The history of
the Middle East has been anything but peaceful so it is not surprising to see
Iraq seeking nuclear power in hopes of acquiring control.
Another underlying aspect is the personality of Iraq's military leader,
Saddam Hussein. Hussein is a very hostile and ambitious leader and as
president of Iraq, he has control of it's military forces. These are some of the
main reasons why Iraq felt compelled to arm itself, but with such a high level
'Arms Control Today. July/August 1992. pg. 3.
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of monitoring surrounding Iraq, one has to question how they were able to
do it.
The main reason Iraq was able to develop the technology needed for
nuclear arms under the close eye United States and the United Nations was
the method it used. For a complete understanding of why Iraq was allowed
to develop weapons undetected, a brief description of its method is needed. I
can best accomplish this by quoting David Albright from the magazine Anns
Control Today:
6The biggest surprise about the Iraqi nuclear program remains its
calutrons. The United States developed this technology during
World War II to enrich the uranium for the bomb that
destroyed Hiroshima, but had long since abandoned it in favor
of more cost-effective enrichment approaches. Iraqi
development of these huge, inefficient machines went undetected
by the world's intelligence agencies for years. By the mid-
1980' s, the research and development program was in full swing.
The program consisted essentially of duplicating the U.S. calutron
program, which had been declassified years ago. Had the Gulf War
not occurred, these calutrons might have eluded detection for more
many years.
The last two sentences from the above quote are definitely the most
important. I believe it is embarrassing for the United States and the IAEA to
find that if it had not been for the Gulf War, Iraq would have probably
acquired nuclear weapons by the present day. It is unknown as to how close
the Iraqi military was to acquiring nuclear weapons. Estimates range from 4
bombs within 1991 to one bomb by 1994. These revelations have alerted the
6 Arms Control Today. July/August 1992. pg. 5
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United States and more specifically the IAEA, to reevaluate it's methods of
maintaining a firm hold on nuclear proliferation.
Following its defeat in the Gulf War, Iraq was far from cooperative in
upholding the terms of the cease-fire agreement. The United Nations had
imposed a February 28 deadline for Iraq to destroy all of its key missile
production equipment, but by mid-March Iraq had yet to touch any of its
weapons. Iraq did not comply until March 25 when the IAEA ordered the
destruction of equipment, which the IAEA believed, 7"was designed for
special processes needed for nuclear weapons development and
manufacturing." This was the first step in the destruction of virtually all of
the Iraqi technology needed to produce nuclear weapons.
The final stages of the mission were completed on June 1, 1992.
Furthermore, on September 3, the top IAEA inspector Maurizio Ziffero said
that, 8"allied bombings during the war and subsequent IAEA inspections and
destruction activities ended Iraq's quest for nuclear weapons. Iraq's nuclear
weapon program is now at zero."
I believe this was probably true for the short term, but the IAEA needs
to think of a long term solution instead of concentrating on the quick fix.
Their accomplishments are indeed commendable, but more emphasis needs to
be placed on ensuring that another event like this doesn't happen.
One of the main frustration that lay in the wake of the period following
the disarmament of Iraq was the question of where it was able to find the
7 Arms Control Today. April 1992. pg. 18.
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ingredients needed to create an advanced weapon system. The obvious
assumption is that Iraq merely copied the United States. But Iraq lacked the
infrastructure, technology, or scientists to develop nuclear arms so she was
forced to tum to outside sources. 9"Using oil revenues, Iraq bought
equipment and materials that it could not make or purchase through
legitimate means from an extensive international network." Furthermore,
"The Iraqi atomic-bomb project involved thousands of skilled technicians,
many of whom were trained in the West." Although most of the important
aspects of the Iraqi nuclear plan have been uncovered, much is still unknown
about who they were able to pay for materials and development.
I believe this to be a very critical element that needs to be addressed. If
Iraq was able to come so close to developing nuclear arms, why would they
hesitate to try again? As stated above, the United States and the IAEA need
to make some changes in it's monitoring system to ensure that a consistently
hostile Iraq does not come into contact with a nuclear arsenal.
8 Arms Control Today. September 1992. pg. 18.
9 Bee, Ronald J. pg. 41.
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n. Iran
10The date by which Iran will have nuclear weapons is no longer ten
years from now. If the Iranians maintain this intensive effort to get
everything they need, they could have all their components in two
years. Then it will be just a matter of technology and research. If
Iran is not interrupted in this program by some foreign power, it
will have the device in more or less five years.
This quote was taken during 1995 from a United States senior official.
Of all of the nations described in this paper Iran poses the least threat in
obtaining nuclear weapons. The main concern lies within its location in the
Middle East and the nuclear aspirations of its two rivals, Iraq and Israel.
Following its defeat of Iraq in 1988, the Iranian began to their attempts
to attain nuclear technology. This motivation was likely furthered by the
revelation of Iraq's nuclear weaponry following the Gulf War. Iran has taken
the preliminary steps necessary to attain nuclear weapons but they have yet
to arouse enough suspicion to warrant an IAEA investigation. n"So far the
Iranians have done little more than amass nuclear material and some
equipment. They have yet to build a nuclear reactor that can be used to
develop nuclear weapons."
Furthermore, Jeremy Pressman and associate in the Middle East
Project for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace echoed this
statement.
10 Hedges, Chris. The New York Times. January 5, 1995. pg. AIO. 11
Hedges, Chris. The New York Times. January 5, 1995. pg. AIO.
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12
Given the immense difficulties standing in Iran's way, such a lack
of finances, infrastructure, and research and development, as
well as international scrutiny, it would be years before Iran could
become a nuclear weapons state. The new time frame of five
years is based on rhetorical assertions, not on a substantive change
in Iran's nuclear efforts.
The threat of proliferation to Iran is low in relation to the other nations
studied, but based on the efforts of its neighbors and its hostile history, Iran
remains an area to be closely watched.
12 Pressman, Jerry. The New York Times. January 11, 1995. pg. AS.
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m. Israel
131n 1974 the United States C.I.A. reported, "We believe that Israel
has already pr9duced nuclear weapons." In 1986, The Sunday
Times of London published extensive interviews with Mordechai
V anunu, a technician who had worked in Israel for almost ten
years. V anunu reported that Israel had produced enough plutonium
to make "at least 100 and as many as 200" nuclear weapons of
varying destructive power.
Out of all the countries in the Middle East, Israel has the most
sophisticated nuclear weapons program. The Israeli government has
persistently been very secretive of its nuclear program so there is not much
concrete information regarding its finer details.
What is know is that Israel began its quest for nuclear weapons during
the late 1950's following the war of Suez in 1956. Israel was able to develop
the technology largely through the help of France.
14A certain community of interest existed between Israel and
France and brought the two countries together both militarily and
politically. France was facing a revolt in Algeria supported by the
United Arab Republic. Nasser was, in Israeli eyes, the archenemy
trying to mobilize the Arab world for a total war against the
Jewish state. The conception of a common enemy was
predominant in Israeli and French policies. The close collaboration
spilled over to scientific cooperation.
Israel does not admit to maintaining a nuclear arsenal, but it also states
that it would only use nuclear force as a last resort. This ambiguity has led
most to believe that Israel does indeed possess nuclear weapons.
13 Bee, Ronald J. pg. 45.
14 Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. Nuclear Proliferation Problems. Stockholm. The MIT
Press. 1974.
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Furthermore, Israel has not signed the NPT and is not likely to do so in the
near future which has raised concerns throughout the world because of the
volatility of the area.
Most recently, q confrontation between Israel and Egypt has erupted,
over the signing of a treaty centered on preventing the spread of nuclear
weapons. Israel has continuously refused to sign an extension of the NPT and
Egypt has threatened withhold its signature until Israel agrees to stipulations
in the treaty. One of the main issues at hand here is Egypt's role as 15"the
Arab world's leading voice on the issue, Egypt is expected to influence at
least ten other Arab countries to vote against the extension."
If Israel does not allow current and continuous inspections of its nuclear
capabilities, the rest of the Middle East will never stop their quest for a
nuclear arsenal. Until more is known about the Israeli nuclear threat, one can
be sure that countries like Egypt will keep a close eye on Israel.
15 Greenhouse, Steven. The New York Times. February 16, 1995. pg. Al2.
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IV. India
16lndia successfully launched its first medium-range ballistic missile
on May 22, enlightening U.S. concern over an incipient anus
race between India and Pakistan. CIA Director William H.
Webster told a Senate committee that his agency is 'particularly
concerned about the growing missile race' between the two
South Asian rivals and that India may be seeking to develop
thermonuclear weapons.
This quote was made in 1989 and the nuclear capabilities of both India
and Pakistan have improved. India's motivation for nuclear capabilities stems
from two main reasons. During the 1960's India was driven to seek nuclear
weapons because of the threat posed by China during the period. This threat
has now diminished somewhat and currently the determination is largely
driven over it's continued warfare with neighboring Pakistan.
In the 1980's Prime Minister India Gandhi enlarged India's capacity to
build nuclear weapons and refused to put key facilities under IAEA
safeguards. These facilities form the backbone of India's nuclear potential
include two main reactors:
17 called Madras I and II; a research reactor at the Bhabha Atomic
Research Center near Bombay; a refurbished plutonium-extraction
plant at the same site; and a plutonium-extraction plant at
Tarapur.
While India has not deployed nuclear weapons, it has consistently
expanded its capacity to build them. Furthermore, on August 21, 1996, India
vetoed a U.N. sponsored pact to forbid testing of nuclear anus. This has been
16 Arms Control Today. October 1989. pg. 22.
17 Bee, Ronald J. pg. 46.
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very detrimental to the progress toward containing the threat of nuclear
weapons. On September 9, India's representative, Prakash Shah defended
India's right to a nuclear option:
18Countries around us continue their weapons programs either
openly or in a clandestine manner. In such an environment
we cannot permit our option to be constrained or eroded in
any manner as long as nuclear weapons states remain unwilling
to accept the obligations to eliminate their nuclear arsenals.
India's main reason for currently enhancing it's nuclear capabilities is
because of its hostile relation with Pakistan. These two countries have been
living a
The True Meaning of the Separation of Church and State
No full textThere is a pressing issue in the United States involving a powerful element of society known as religion. It is well known that a major motivation of the immigrants to the New World was religious freedom. Surprisingly, in the early days of the American Colonies there was a great deal of emphasis on government officials maintaining certain religious standards. As time went on, the effort toward phasing religion out of the government progressed. After the drafting of the Constitution the founders recognized the necessity of a piece of legislation that would ensure religious freedom in this country. Eventually the First Amendment was implemented which included the establishment and free exercise clauses. Together these provisions protected the American people from an established religion, and granted them the freedom to worship as they pleased without government interference. The Constitution is open to interpretation. There is a great deal that can be read into the Constitution and its amendments. The interpretation of the establishment clause is quite prevalent in today's political environment. This clause, combined with several other provisions in the Constitution, opens up a world of endless debate as to what is socially and politically appropriate when it comes to religion. Such debate opens up questions as to the true or intended meaning of the separation of church and state.
This research project delves into that question, examining the true meaning of the establishment clause, as well as whether or not there can truly be separation of church and state. Throughout this research I have found there is growing hostility toward religion in the United States. It is apparent that any trace of religion in public life is not acceptable for a substantial lot of American citizens. Efforts including those of eliminating the phrase "In God We Trust'' from U.S. currency, and school boards forcing a teacher to remove a Bible from his personal library in his classroom, leave little tolerance for any expression of any religious beliefs outside of church walls. When taken to the extreme, some interpret the separation of church and state to mean there should be no allocations for the interaction of governmental and religious affairs. In studying the Supreme Court, I have discovered that the ability for the government to avoid religious concerns of the people is impossible. Additionally, I have come to the realization that peoples' religious convictions cannot be suppressed in any facet of society, including government. Religious biases are too powerful to be disregarded in the affairs of the state.Washington Semester Program
The American University
Research Project
THE TRUE l\1EANING OF
THE SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE
Submitted by
Alan Doud
(Gustavus Adolphus College)
In Fulfillment of the Requirements for
Course Number 53 .412: Washington Semester Research Project
Fall 1996
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PRECIS
There is a pressing issue in the United States involving a powerful element of society
known as religion. It is well known that a major motivation of the immigrants to the New World
was religious freedom. Surprisingly, in the early days of the American Colonies there was a great
deal of emphasis on government officials maintaining certain religious standards. As time went
on, the effort toward phasing religion out of the government progressed. After the drafting of the
Constitution the founders recognized the necessity of a piece of legislation that would ensure
religious freedom in this country. Eventually the First Amendment was implemented which
included the establishment and free exercise clauses. Together these provisions protected the
American people from an established religion, and granted them the freedom to worship as they
pleased without government interference. The Constitution is open to interpretation. There is a
great deal that can be read into the Constitution and its amendments. The interpretation of the
establishment clause is quite prevalent in today's political environment. This clause, combined
with several other provisions in the Constitution, opens up a world of endless debate as to what is
socially and politically appropriate when it comes to religion. Such debate opens up questions as
to the true or intended meaning of the separation of church and state.
This research project delves into that question, examining the true meaning of the
establishment clause, as well as whether or not there can truly be separation of church and state.
Throughout this research I have found there is growing hostility toward religion in the United
States. It is apparent that any trace of religion in public life is not acceptable for a substantial lot
of American citizens. Efforts including those of eliminating the phrase "In God We Trust'' from
U.S. currency, and school boards forcing a teacher to remove a Bible from his personal library in
his classroom, leave little tolerance for any expression of any religious beliefs outside of church
walls. When taken to the extreme, some interpret the separation of church and state to mean
there should be no allocations for the interaction of governmental and religious affairs. In
studying the Supreme Court, I have discovered that the ability for the government to avoid
religious concerns of the people is impossible. Additionally, I have come to the realization that
peoples' religious convictions cannot be suppressed in any facet of society, including government.
Religious biases are too powerful to be disregarded in the affairs of the state.
I have concluded that there is a great deal of misunderstanding in this country concerning
the true meaning of the separation of church and state. This stems a great deal from the lack of
understanding of our founding fathers, which is a topic I address to some extent. There is a fear
of religion in this nation which is somewhat unwarranted. The danger religion poses is in the form
of established religion, when people are persecuted for their beliefs if they do not coincide with a
majority. It does not exist in the expression of faith in the public sphere. The concern of the
founders was a legitimate one. Unfortunately, their legitimate concerns have been obfuscated and
transformed into a myth. Thus, more and more the American public is viewing religion as a
potential monster rather than a valued and cherished element of society. Hence, we have the
debate over what is really meant by the separation of church and state.
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Introduction.
Definitions
Methods
Purpose
Sources
Overview
Chapter I
The Founders.
Puritanism
The First Amendment
Individuals
Summary
Chapter II
The Supreme Court.
Table of Contents
Church of the Holy Trinity v. United States
Everson v. Board of Education
McCollum v. Board of Education
Zorach v. Clauson
Engel v. Vitale
Lemon v. Kurtzman
Summary
Chapter III
Contemporary Matters.
Christian Coalition
Congress
Equal Access Act
Summary
Conclusion.
Bibliography.
Endnotes.
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Introduction
It is evident that in everyday life a person's affiliation to a particular group has strong
implications on his beliefs and behavior. For example, a person's origin, place of residence,
enrollment at a particular school, political party identification, are all factors that influence
association to certain groups, as well as the extent to which an individual identifies with such
groups. Humankind finds security in theses groups because it knows that there is power in shared
convictions. No matter what the association is, such identification with these groups can carry a
great deal of weight with an individual's decisions. In the context of politics it is possible that
certain affiliations and beliefs play a role in one's perceptions of government.
An aspect of private life that is evident as having heavy implications on politics is that of
religious beliefs. Religion can be a strong foundation in peoples' lives and could possibly have a
great deal to do with someone's political ideology. In a broader context, one question to be
considered is to what extent religious beliefs affect the interpretation of Constitutional rights.
However, with all the issues that such a question encompasses, it is perhaps more appropriate for
the intent of this research to approach this topic in a more narrow scope. More specifically, the
research will concentrate on the principle of separation of church and state. The 1st Amendment
to the Constitution of the United States recognizes, in part, that "Congress shall make no law
respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof ... "(U.S.
Constitution, amend. 1, sec. 1). Also known as the establishment and free exercise clauses, this is
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the phrase that has forever separated the function of the church from the operation of
government, or so it was intended. Keeping in mind, however, that this freedom of religion is
granted through the Constitution, which is after all what this nation's system of government is
based on, it is questionable as to whether or not there can truly be a separation of church and
state.
Definitions
In Federalist 10 Madison notes that factions are prevalent in a system of democracy, and
includes religion as a factor in this dilemma:
A zeal for different opinions concerning religion, concerning
government, and many other points ... or to persons of other
descriptions whose fortunes have been interesting to the human
passions, have, in turn, divided mankind into parties, inflamed them
with mutual animosity, and rendered them much more disposed to
vex and oppress each other than to co-operate for their common
good.'
What Madison is pointing out is the separation created by differing opinions and beliefs, and the
danger inherent in a system of factions. Religion is a definite contributor to these phenomena.
Kenneth Wald describes religion in such a way which fits in quite well with this paper, as well as
defines the partition illustrated by Madison. He claims that religion is a "code subscribed to, in
varying degrees, by all religions in the nation."2 In pointing out that it is subscribed to "in
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varying degrees," this definition suggests that it would be difficult to adhere to a non-factional
system which also contains various sects of religion. This definition somewhat explains the role
religion can play in society. What is missing is a definition of what religion is in and of itself. This
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is a void filled quite well by Stephen Carter who states that religion is something that
"presupposes the existence of a sentience beyond the human and capable of acting outside the
observed principles and limits of natural science, and, further, a tradition that makes demands of
some kind on its adherents."3 These examples all illustrate the formation of factions; additionally,
factions play a pivotal role in government in the United States. Factions of a religious basis are
essentially no different from any others. As factions are prevalent in American politics, and
religions are various forms of factions, it must be conceded that religion and politics are inherently
intertwined.
There are those who view religion as a viable political and governmental concern, and
those who believe the opposite. This has turned the United States into a sparring ring in which
we continually wrestle with the definition of the 1st Amendment. The question has escalated
over the years, yet it remains, is there any possible atmosphere in which the church and the state
can fundamentally be separate? The terms church and state carry a certain connotation. For the
purposes of this thesis, when it is asked if there can be a separation of church and state, a less
literal interpretation is necessary. The issue at hand is whether or not it is possible to completely
separate government from religion. This would not be an issue were it not for the factions out
there who interpret the 1st Amendment to mean just that. Let's face it, in a world where a
Colorado school teacher is forced to remove a bible from his desk, despite the fact that he read it
only to himself and it was part of his private library, there is definite hostility toward religion. 4
Moreover, the efforts such as those to take away the phrase "In God We Trust" from our coins
and "under God" from the Pledge of Allegiance, 5 indicate that there is more to the 1st
Amendment, as far as some people are concerned, than just the establishment of a national church.
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Methods
In exploring religious issues it is important to understand the dynamics of the United
States as having historical roots that created a nation in which Christianity is the major religion.
When applicable, other religions will be taken into consideration in this research as well. Keeping
in mind that the ultimate focus of this research is to question whether there can truly be the
separation of church and state, factoring other religions is less of a priority since the issue
encompasses all people of all faiths. It is safe to assume that members of organized religions
would support absolute separation since it is what they feel grants them their freedom to practice
what they believe. There are people, however, who may view the separation of church and state
differently on the grounds that they desire religion to be a greater factor in politics than their
opponents. This research will not entirely examine how the separation of church and state clause
is perceived among different religious organizations in their attempts to defend their beliefs. What
the research will focus on more specifically is whether or not there can be true separation of
church and state in this nation, and in this system of government. Since it is the government
which grants people the freedom to worship as they please, it would seem inherently impossible to
separate the two.
With the many different religions practiced in this country, the variety of beliefs and values
is rather substantial. In a nation where equal representation of the people is the basis of politics,
information regarding how people interpret their rights could be quite useful in legislative and
representative decisions. In researching this topic, a factor of some relevance concerns which
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religions should be considered. While the establishment clause is all-encompassing, the major
religion in the United States is Christianity. Naturally, many of the instances cited throughout the
paper will involve the Christian faith. Some quantitative data will be included that pertains to
population and religion. Samples will have to be found that have been taken from many different
populations throughout the United States since the research is concerned with American politics.
A sample that is representative of only a small community will not be sufficient. Abstracts
containing complete census reports will contain some of that necessary information.
Purpose
The founding fathers of this nation were highly religious men. Many of them were devout
in their beliefs. This country was established because of the desire on the part of our founders to
establish a land where citizens could worship freely. The ideas behind the Constitution and
especially the Bill of Rights, the attitudes of the drafters of the Constitution, and the relevant
issues of the time will shed a great deal of light on this topic. An overview of Supreme Court
cases concerning religious conflicts in the United States throughout history will also be clear
evidence that the separation of religion from government is not possible. The views of members
of Congress and the factors affecting legislation will be brought to the surface as well. The paper
will most definitely move in the direction of more contemporary thought, and will include modern
day opinions and occurrences in the world of religion and politics.
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Sources
Research on this topic will rely on resources on several levels, including periodicals and
books that discuss religions and religious organizations, their functions, and their political
behavior. References that discuss the history of religion itself as well as the interaction of religion
and politics in the United States will be valuable sources of background information. Such books
as The Religious Factor by Lenski, Religion and Politics in the United States by Kenneth Waid,
and Religion in American Politics by Charles Dunn are the types of works that will be helpful in
this project. Other, more modern works such as Culture of Disbelief by Stephen Carter will serve
the same function, though with a more modern approach. Also consulted will be more original
sources which will mainly consist of first hand interviews with members of various religious and
sometimes nomeligious institutions. These data will provide evidence of the presence of a strong
relationship between religion and politics. The idea that religion and government in the United
States are inherently intertwined is certainly an issue that has been considered in the past.
Drawing from the studies that have been conducted and the literature that has been written
concerning this relationship, we can establish what sort of implications the separation of church
and state has on contemporary political activity. With religious organizations riding the bubble
between activism and actually having a stock in the political arena, it is crucial that the separation
clause be seriously contemplated. It is conceivable that certain organizations are going to use this
clause within the 1st Amendment to their advantage in attempting to have a voice. Thus it is vital
that this issue be contemplated in order to have some idea as to with how it should be dealt when
a person or persons involves the government in religious issues.
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Overview
The notion that politics and religion cannot be separated is aimed not at individual public
officials or even branches of government. It includes many public officials and many branches of
government, local, state and federal. The following example, while focusing on one person, is a
clear illustration of how the discernment of religion and government is nearly impossible. In the
heat of the conflict concerning John F. Kennedy and his affiliation with the Catholic Church, 100
Protestant, Catholic and Jewish leaders issued a statement pertaining to religious affiliations and
the stake it has in government. The statement read,
No citizen in public office dare be false either to his conscience or
to his oath of office. Both his conscience and his oath impose
responsibilities sacred under the law of God. If he cannot reconcile
the responsibilities entailed by his oath with his conscience, then he
must resign, lest he fail his nation and his God. 6
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Religious convictions play an enormous role in how a person lives his life. The above statement
illustrates rather vividly where the conflict arises. It cannot be expected for a man to sacrifice his
religious ideals on behalf of his political career or not let religion affect his political behavior. This
issue is broadened to all facets of government. Can a nation founded on the basis of certain
liberties, religious freedom being one of the most prevalent, disregard faith in its functions? How
can a person be expected to make political decisions with complete disregard for his religious
stance? Is it possible for the Supreme Court to not be put in a position, with all of the power
invested in them to uphold the Constitution, to grant or deny religious freedoms to citizens of the
United States--citizens who have been told that the government can in no way infringe on their
"--" religious liberties? How is it possible that religious institutions who represent their people of
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faith, not step into governmental affairs when they feel that somewhere they have lost their stock
in the fabric of America? After all, it is the government that exists to protect their rights and listen
to their concerns. The reality is that none of this is possible. What the establishment clause was
successful in achieving was denying government the ability to establish a national religion. In a
broader sense, however, it was not successful in what some will assert it was attempting to
implement--a government free of religious matters. While many say that this indeed was its
purpose, there is evidence to the contrary, that the establishment clause was only to go so far as
to withhold the government from declaring an official denomination. All of this aside, it is an
unavoidable truth that religion and the state cannot coexist in such a pluralistic society and still be
separated. Ultimately what this paper will illustrate is not only that the founders had no intention
of religion and government being separated outside of an established national church, it will also
bring forth the undeniable truth that the church and the state cannot cohabitate with an absolute
barrier between one another.
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Chapter I
The Founders
Growing up in this country, hopefully with few exceptions, school children are taught
about the founders of the United States of America, their principles and their motives for creating
this great nation. It is common knowledge that a major consideration in establishing the New
World was to develop an environment in which people could worship as they pleased, not how
they were instructed to by their authorities. The establishment of a national religion in parts of
Europe, namely England, was viewed as religious persecution by those whose religious practices
differed from those of the established