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Augmentation of immunothrombosis as a key mechanism underlying JAK inhibition associated hypercoagulability in rheumatoid arthritis
No full textObjectives
Venous thromboembolism (VTE), following Janus kinase inhibitors treatment (JAKi), is poorly understood in rheumatoid arthritis (RA). We investigated whether JAKi augmented immune cell-driven clotting or immunothrombosis in RA.
Methods
Peripheral blood leukocytes (PBLs) isolated from patients with RA and healthy controls were treated with various JAKi classes, before stimulation with Toll-like receptor (TLR)-4 (lipopolysaccharide [LPS]) or TLR3 (polyinosinic-polycytidylic acid—poly (I:C)) agonists. Conditioned supernatants were used in plasma turbidity assays to evaluate clot formation and lysis dynamics, while bulk RNA sequencing, enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay, and bead-based immunoassays were used to explore immunothrombosis mechanisms.
Results
Turbidity analyses showed that conditioned media from PBLs treated with LPS and tofacitinib significantly accelerated clot formation when compared to LPS alone, and this effect was tissue factor pathway dependent and accompanied by elevations in immunothrombotic cytokines, including tumour necrosis factor α, interleukin (IL)-1β, and IL-6. PBLs from patients with active RA exhibited significantly greater immunothrombotic potential compared to those with low disease activity, despite comparable baseline cytokine levels. RNA sequencing analysis revealed significant pathway enrichment in tofacitinib/LPS-treated PBLs, including activation of Nuclear Factor (NF)-κB pathways, increased tissue factor expression, and reduced levels of anticoagulant factors such as protein S. Pharmacological inhibition assays with 5 JAK therapies suggested that JAK1/tyrosine kinase 2-dependent effect underscored increased thrombosis but selective JAK3 inhibition did not reproduce the prothrombotic effects. Finally, patients with RA with JAK-associated pulmonary embolism showed interstitial changes compatible with immunothrombosis in 4/6 (67%).
Conclusions
Immunothrombosis offers a novel explanation for JAKi-associated VTE in RA
XRintTest: An automated framework for user interaction testing in extended reality applications
No full textExtended Reality (XR) technologies offer immersive user experiences across diverse application domains, presenting unique testing challenges due to their spatial interaction paradigms. While existing works test XR applications through scene navigation and interaction triggering, they fail to synthesise realistic spatial input via specialised XR devices, such as 6 degrees of freedom controller gestures, that are essential for modern XR user experiences. To address this gap, we present XRintTest, an automated testing framework for Unity-based XR applications. XRintTest starts by constructing an XR User Interaction Graph that models interaction targets and required events. Leveraging this graph, it then automatically explores the XR scene under test and generates user interactions. We evaluated XRintTest on XRBench3D, a novel benchmark comprising seven XR scenes containing 367 distinct 3D user interactions. XRintTest shows great effectiveness, achieving 97% coverage of trigger and grab interactions across all scenes, 9x more effective and 5x more efficient than random exploration, while detecting runtime exceptions and functional defects. We open-sourced our tool and dataset at https://github.com/ruizhengu/XRintTest and https://github.com/ruizhengu/XRBench3D, respectively. A video demo is available on YouTube at https://youtu.be/K0Q6waE47Us
Time orientation in languages and agency costs
No full textDespite growing interest in the institutional and cultural determinants of corporate governance, limited attention has been paid to how language structure, particularly Future Time Reference (FTR), shapes agency dynamics. This study addresses this gap by integrating agency theory with the principle of linguistic relativity to examine how FTR—a grammatical feature that affects how languages express the future—impacts agency costs across firms and countries. Building on the premise that language influences temporal cognition, we argue that weak-FTR environments reduce the salience of future outcomes, thereby increasing temporal ambiguity in managerial decision-making and elevating agency costs. Using a panel of 20,225 firm-year observations across 17 countries from 2008 to 2020, we find that firms operating in weak-FTR language contexts experience significantly higher agency costs. However, this effect is not deterministic: it is mitigated by two key governance mechanisms. First, managerial risk perception moderates the relationship by reducing ambiguity-driven discretion among risk-averse executives. Second, institutional ownership functions as an external control mechanism, attenuating the adverse cognitive effects of weak-FTR through enhanced monitoring and accountability. By establishing language as a structural yet overlooked antecedent of agency costs, this study contributes to a deeper understanding of cross-national governance variation. It expands agency theory beyond economic incentives to include cognitive-linguistic framing, offering practical implications for multinational firms and policymakers designing governance systems in linguistically diverse contexts
Flash Profile method, is it suitable for complex multi-layered products? Application to strawberry-filled biscuits: a “SWEET project”
No full textComposite foods are consumed daily, but understanding their sensory properties is a major challenge. This study aims to evaluate the efficiency of Flash Profile (FP) method to characterize strawberry-filled biscuits properties, in a context of sugar reduction. Investigations were carried out on fillings (with/without added sugar, with/without strawberry aroma), then biscuits (with sugar or maltitol or sorbitol, with/without vanilla aroma) and finally on the complex fruit-filled biscuits, corresponding to a progressive matrix complexification strategy.
FP allowed a discrimination of the products for the 3 matrices according to their formulation and flavouring. Fruit fillings and biscuits were described with both flavour and texture attributes, whereas fruit-filled biscuits were mainly described with texture attributes. This texture predominance could result from complex changes of texture perceived during chewing. Panellists may also have focused on the first perceived characteristics or on the product's most distinguishing features to ease the task.
FP was efficient to discriminate samples in each set of samples according to formulation. The characteristics allowing differentiation between samples varied depending on the matrix. Flavour attributes were mainly used for fluid matrices while texture was dominant for solid matrices. In our study, all panellists evaluated the 3 sets of products in the same order which could have influence their evaluation of complex products during the last session. Further investigations about the evaluation of complex solid products with FP may determine if texture is always dominant, even with a lower number of products
Impact of COVID-19 on primary care consultation mode in England:An interrupted time series analysis
No full textBackground: The COVID-19 pandemic significantly disrupted healthcare delivery worldwide, and general practice in England was no exception. The adoption of remote consultations in primary care increased sharply during the pandemic. However, there is no evidence that the adoption of remote consultation will continue in the long term. Objective: Long-term effects on primary care face-to-face and telephone consultations in England of the change towards remote consultation during COVID-19 pandemic. Method: We use Interrupted Time Series analysis to understand the long-term effects on primary care face-to-face and telephone consultations in England at both national and regional levels. Results: There was a shift in consultation patterns during and after the pandemic. Face-to-face consultations experienced a significant and immediate decline following the introduction of restrictions. However, they gradually increased and returned to pre-pandemic levels after restrictions were lifted, indicating that most healthcare needs still require in-person contact. Telephone consultations rose sharply during the pandemic. Although their use declined after restrictions eased in July 2021, they remained above pre-pandemic levels. Conclusion: The COVID-19 pandemic profoundly changed how general practice consultations are delivered in England, prompting a rapid shift to remote consultation methods. While telephone consultations surged when face-to-face contact was restricted, this increase was not sustained in the long term. Although remote consultations remained above pre-pandemic levels, they did not fully replace in-person visits. This suggests a dual use of resources rather than a substitution. Policy efforts should focus on balancing and supporting both remote and face-to-face consultation models
High-performance curved sections in 3D printed continuous carbon fibre reinforced thermoplastic composites using aligned fibre deposition
No full textThis paper presents high-performance curved sections in 3D printed continuous carbon fibre reinforced thermoplastic composites using an aligned fibre deposition (AFD) method on a 6-axis robotic arm. 3D printed curved composite beams using both AFD and conventional methods are mechanically tested under four-point bending and scanned by X-ray computed microtomography (μCT) to characterise the fibre distribution and develop image-based finite element models. Compared to conventional printing method using a commercial nozzle, the proposed AFD method significantly improves the fibre alignment and reduces void content in the printed composites, and the curved beam strength is calculated as 204.2 N and 224.5 N for the cases of 7 mm and 15 mm radius of curvature, achieving an improvement of 34.0% and 45.3%, respectively. The modelling produces excellently matched stiffness with the experimental measurement, providing useful insights into the stress and strain distributions. The combination of experimental data and modelling results shows that the alignment of fibres in the curved composite beams plays a key role in improving mechanical performance and determining the final failure mode
Missile Defense: False Security
No full textIn light of recent developments in the missile defense controversy, it is necessary to explore the conditions and environment that brought about the call for an "umbrella" against a missile attack(s). Specifically, this paper will seek to analyze the conditions under which missile defense was called for, take into context the role of nuclear weapons development in the Cold War environment, uncover any similarities between the Cold War and post-Cold War periods, and what it says for missile defense. The purpose of this paper is not to question the technical feasibility of missile defense nor is it concerned with the costs associated with it. Instead, this paper will focus on describing the historical context of missile defense and the problems it presents using theoretical foundations. In addition, I hope to predict the ramifications of a missile shield on global scale, with particular attention to the states that have the most to gain and lose. Afterwards, I will prescribe what missile defense seeking nations should pursue in order to achieve the realpolitik goal of security.GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS COLLEGE
MISSILE DEFENSE: FALSE SECURITY
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO
THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES
IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF
BACHELOR OF ARTS
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
BY
DAVID C. HONG
SAINT PETER, MINNESOTA
MAY2001
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Contents
Introduction 1
Part
I - You Want What? A Missile Defense? 5
II-The ABC's of the ABM Treaty 8
III - Missile Defense: False Security 11
IV - Evidence 16
V - Where Do We Go From Here? The Long Road Ahead 20
Bibliography 22
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Introduction
In the first sentence to his first chapter in National Defense, James Fallows states
that to think of American defense is to simultaneously think about the timeless
characteristics of war.1 What are the characteristics of war? How do we define war? Do
we base it upon number the number of casualties or the mobilization of a nation to defend
itself against another? Is war basically not a struggle between offensive and defensive
forces? This has been a central debate throughout history as scholars and experts have
attempted to capture the characteristics of war. This debate has reopened once again as
the United States seeks to develop a missile defense system with the coordination of
allies, and then some.
The notion to deploy a missile defense system dates back to the end of World War
IL Then United States began to question the need for such a system before WWII was
brought to an end. Over the past fifty years, especially over the past two decades, the
world watched from the sidelines as the United States has seemingly unilaterally pushed
for a missile shield despite intense opposition from other nation-states. Arguments for the
necessity of a missile defense system center on the collapse of the Soviet Union, the
emerging threats from "rogue" nation-states to "strategic competitors," and the Persian
Gulf War. Advocates of a missile defense shield contend that these examples all serve to
remind us that we are not secure from the dangers of the world.
In light of recent developments in the missile defense controversy, it is necessary
to explore the conditions and environment that brought about the call for an "umbrella"
against a missile attack(s). Specifically, this paper will seek to analyze the conditions
under which missile defense was called for, take into context the role of nuclear weapons
1
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development in the Cold War environment, uncover any similarities between the Cold
War and post-Cold War periods, and what it says for missile defense. The purpose of this
paper is not to question the technical feasibility of missile defense nor is it concerned
with the costs associated with it. Instead, this paper will focus on describing the historical
context of missile defense and the problems it presents using theoretical foundations. In
addition, I hope to predict the ramifications of a missile shield on global scale, with
particular attention to the states that have the most to gain and lose. Afterwards, I will
prescribe what missile defense seeking nations should pursue in order to achieve the
realpolitik goal of security.
I will argue that the United States decision to deploy a missile defense system,
with or without the support and cooperation of our allies, will be a reversion to the Cold
War era that was characterized, not so much by the tensions between two superpowers,
but, by an arms race. Although the bipolar structure that distinguished the Cold War
collapsed over a decade ago, a new arms race will occur as a result of the security
dilemma. In addition, we will see an increase in international threats as nations seek other
modes to harm us.
My conclusion is based on historical evidence that shows that a U.S. defensive
advantage will force other nation-states to fear that their offensive weaponry will be
obsolete in the face of a missile defense system. In an era when realism is the dominant
paradigm, nation-states are, first and foremost, concerned with their security. Nationstates
that seek to retain some vestige of offensive penetration will embark on military
research programs designed to counter, and perhaps overcome, a missile defense shield.
1 James Fallows, National Defense (New York: Random House, 1981), 3.
2
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This paper will be comprised of four parts. The first section will briefly chronicle
the historical development of missile defense in the Cold War and post-Cold War
climate; I will also look at the conditions under which a nuclear arms race began. This
will serve to provide the reader with the necessary background information to understand
and differentiate the environments under which a defensive system is called for.
In Part Two I will discuss the crucial role played by the 1972 Antiballistic Missile
Treaty. The ABM Treaty was considered a "cornerstone" of United States-Soviet
relations in the Cold War era. However, with the collapse of the Soviet Union, there has
been widespread debate over the validity and relevance of this treaty. Is the 1972 ABM
Treaty a "relic" of the Cold War as anti-ABM advocates have intensely debated?
Part Three will examine missile defense relations with two major powers-Russia
and China. An analysis of factors that have convinced these nations to accept or oppose a
missile defense umbrella will allow the reader to better understand its potential
repercussions. Specifically, though missile defense proponents claim to incorporate allies
in missile defense development, it is likely that countries such as Russia and China will
nonetheless seek to embark on an offensive strategy to develop a counter-offensive to
missile development. This presumption is based on the idea of "action-reaction" and the
belief that it is as useful today as it was during the Cold War era.
I will also present the case for missile defense proponents who contend that such a
system will ensure the safety and protection of United States citizens and allies and
troops on and off the battlefield.
My argument will take into account theories and ideas developed by Stephen Van
Evera, Charles L. Glaser, and John J. Mearsheirner. Van Evera, in "Offense, Defense, and
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the Causes of War", argues that war is more likely to occur when nations have an offense
advantage, real or perceived. Also, Glaser, in "Realists as Optimists: Cooperation as SelfHelp",
contends that cooperation between nation-states is a key factor to preventing the
outbreak of war. However, evidence suggests that cooperation, even under the best of
intentions, will increase the likelihood of war and spur an increase in offense-defensive
military technological development. Mearsheimer contends that peace on the European
continent post-WWII was a result of the bipolarity of the world and the number of
nuclear weapons being developed.
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Part I- You Want What? A Missile Defense?
The notion of a missile defense system was first undertaken during the closing
years of World War II. American efforts to create a defensive system against missile can
be traced back to 1944, when Germany began launching its V-2 rockets against cities in
France and Great Britain.1 However, real efforts began during President Eisenhower's
tenure in office. Much of the current debates surrounding missile defense development
are the same voiced fifty years ago. Y anarella highlights four views reasoning the
deployment of an anti-ballistic missile (ABM) system.2 One view saw the ABM as a
means to protect America's strategic defensive forces. Another interpretation of the ABM
was to be seen as a symbol epitomizing the struggle between the U.S. and the Soviet
Union over their nuclear arms race. Thirdly, the ABM was seen as a possible alternative
avenue to arms control and disagreements. However, as Y anarella states, the initial
missile defense issue spawned during the 1950s at a time when America was genuinely
concerned about its safety, A missile shield was seen as a genuine defense against the
offensive might of the Soviet Union and China.3 Additionally, events such as the Soviet
Union's advent of long-range inter-continental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) forced the
United States to re-evaluate their air-defense program after WWII.4
When the U.S. developed the atomic bomb, an arms race began with the Soviet
Union that was to last right up until its demise in 1989. The advent of nuclear technology
forced both nations to embark on a series of offense-defense military programs in the
1 Yanarella presents a detailed account of early missile development between the years 1955-1972.
Particular attention is paid to the role of individuals who were influential in shaping policy and setting the
stage for future debate. For more, see Ernest J. Y anarella, The Missile Defense Controversy (Lexington:
University Press of Kentucky, 1977), 6.
2 Ibid., 8.
3 Ibid.
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hopes of gaining an advantage. As both nations increased their nuclear stockpile,
policymakers started pressing for the development of a missile defense system to counter
a possible nuclear attack from the Soviet Union.
Staunch advocates of a United States missile defense sought, and succeeded,
albeit momentarily, to deploy an ABM known as Safeguard the years following the end
ofWWII.5 These changes also represented the technological advancements that the
United States government hoped would also bring about stability and security. In 1983,
President Ronald Reagan announced the pursuit of a "Star Wars" defense system that
envisioned annihilating ICBMs through space-based lasers and other high-tech
weaponry.6 Though Reagan's Self-Defense Initiative (SDI) program proved to be too
costly and technically unfeasible given current research and development designs, out of
its demise arose once again the debate to build a newer and improved MD system.
Although President Reagan's SDI program was brought to a halt, it never was the
"nail-in-the-coffin" for missile defense. Although much of Reagan's SDI was scrapped,
missile defense research continued, and with increase fervor. With the Soviet threat no
longer a factor, the rise of smaller states amplified fears of the possibility that nuclear
technology might fall into the hands of an irrational state or group intent on harming the
United States.
7
In addition, Iraq's use of "Scud" missiles in the 1991 Persian Gulf War
and the proliferation of ballistic missile technologies all added concern about the risks to
4 Matthew Bunn, Foundation for the Future: The ABM Treaty and National Security (Washington, DC:
Arms Control Association, 1990), 12.
5 Safeguards technological predecessors, in order of development, were known as Nike-Zeus, Nike-X, and
Sentinel. However, President Nixon, wary of the ominous tone that "Sentinel" conveyed to the American
public, changed the name to "Safeguard" believing the public would be more accepting. Safeguard
eventually proved to be too costly to maintain and was shutdown after nine months in operation. For more,
see Bunn, Foundation for the Future.
6 Ivo H. Daalder, The SDI Challenge to Europe (Cambridge: Ballinger Publishing Company, 1987).
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the United States.8 Moreover, China's missile test over Taiwan in 1996 and North
Korea's testing of a 3-stage missile led many in Congress to call for a missile shield
immediately afterwards. One of the crucial factors considered in affecting a missile
defense deployment was based on a report, and reaffirmed in subsequent years, by the
Intelligence Community.9 The report, later supported by the Rumsfeld Report, stated that
countries such as North Korea and Iran might have the capability to deliver long-range
missiles to parts of the United States-specifically, Alaska and Hawaii. Former Defense
Secretary William Cohen reported that "there is a threat, and that threat is growing, and ...
it will soon pose a danger. .. to Americans here at home."10
More recently, the United States has been seeking to establish enhanced
relationships with other nations that would oppose such a system-Russia, China, France,
and Great Britain. The United States government contends that the threat of a missile
launch, accidentally or not, from states such as North Korea or Iran remain as much of a
threat as they were five years ago. Moreover, the United States has recently argued that
the deployment of a missile defense system will not only protect us from an attack but
also our allies and troops abroad in peacetime and war.
7 Domestically, the dissolution of the Soviet Union led many to question the purpose and the cost
justification of a space-based weapons system considering our Cold War "enemy" had collapsed.
8 Congressional Research Service Report, National Missile Defense: Issues for Congress, (Washington,
DC.: Library of Congress), 2.
9 The report, "Emerging Missile Threats to North American During the Next 15 Years," NIE 95-19,
initially stated the U.S. had a 10-15 year window where it would not be threatened by powers other than the
major nuclear states. For more, see CRS Report, National Missile Defense, 8.
10 Donald Rumsfeld, former Secretary of Defense under the senior Bush administration, was authorized by
Congress to review the ballistic missile defense Ibid.
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Part II - The ABC's of the ABM Treaty
The 1972 Antiballistic Missile Treaty is considered the heart of U.S.-Soviet
strategic relations in the Cold War era. The ABM Treaty, signed on May 26, 1972,
prohibited the United States and Soviet Union from deploying an ABM system for the
defense of the nation.1 With the demise of the Soviet Union, however, proponents of a
missile defense system called the ABM Treaty's legitimacy into question.2
Advocates of a missile defense system questioned whether some of the facilities
that had been a part of the Soviet ABM would remain legal even though they now
technically existed outside of national territory of the Soviet Union. 3 Current debate
advocating a missile defense system can be seen in policy statements corning out of the
Bush Administration. President Bush recently declared that the United States would
discard the ABM Treaty arguing that it is a "relic" of the Cold War. Additionally, the
idea of mutually assured destruction (MAD) needs to be replaced with a new
"framework" and "new concepts of deterrence."4 Missile defense supporters largely
argue that the ABM Treaty has prevented the United States from deploying an effective
system against the increasingly hostile threats that the United States continually faces.5
1
The Treaty allowed both nations to initially deploy limited ABM systems at two locations, one at the
nation's capital and another at a site containing ICBM silos. However, years later, the Treaty was amended
to limit each nation to deploy one ABM site at either the nation's capital or an ICBM site. For more on the
ABM Treaty, see Bunn, Foundation for the Future and CRS Report, Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty.
2 Specifically, questions arise as to whether Russia is the legitimate successor to the Treaty or not. Some
argue that the Treaty was signed with the Soviet Union and, due to its collapse, should thus abrogated
because the Soviet Union no longer exists. For more see, CRS Report, Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty.
3 Ibid.
4 Steven Mufson, "New Era Not Yet Here, Critics Say," Washington Post, [article on-line], 2 May 2001
available from http://www. washingtonpostcom/wp-dyn/articles/ A29460-2001May I .html; Internet;
accessed on 2 May 2001.
'In addition, missile defense backers largely argue that the Clinton administration's efforts at renewing the
ABM Treaty, rather than discarding it, have harmed U.S. security in the long run. For more, see Baker
Spring, "The ABM Treaty: Outdated and Dangerous," The Heritage Foundation, [article on-line] 20
August 1998, available from http://www.heritage.org/library/keyissues/missiledefense/abm.html; Internet;
accessed on 15 April 2001; html. Also, see Baker Spring, ''Beware of a U.S.-Russia Deal on Missile
8
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On the other hand, proponents of the ABM Treaty regard it as having prevented
the "upward spiraling" of the nuclear arms race between the two nations. A recurring
point that anti-ABM advocates argue is that the ABM Treaty was terminated under
international law with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. They argue that America
has never formally acknowledged Russia, or any of the other Soviet Republics, as the
legal successors and partners to the ABM Treaty signed with the U.S.6 However, two
examples highlight the role both nations played in determining who succeeded the Soviet
Union. First, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, President Yeltsin explicitly stated that
Russia assumed the treaty obligations of the former Soviet Union. Second, the Bush
Administration accepted the role played by Russia. United States Secretary of State
James Baker made it clear that the United States remained committed to the ABM Treaty
and that "we expect the states of the Commonwealth [including Russia] to abide by all
the international treaties and obligations that were entered into by the Soviet Union,
including the ABM Treaty."7 Moreover, if the ABM Treaty were terminated under
international law, as anti-ABM advocates would like to witness, then logic would follow
that every other treaty signed between the United States and the Soviet Union would also
be obsolete. 8
Defense," The Heritage Foundation, 6 April 2000, available from
http://www.heritage.org/library/backgrounder/bg1356.
Html; Internet; accessed on 20, 2001.
6 "They" refers to conservative think-tanks such as the Heritage Foundation. For more talking points on
why the ABM Treaty is obsolete, see David B. Rivkin, Jr. and Lee A. Casey, "Six Reasons Why Arms
Control Advocates Are Wrong : The ABM Treaty is Not in Force.
7 "Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty's Legal Status," Council for Livable World, [article on-line], 15 April 2001,
available from http://www.clw.org/ef/bmdlegal.htrnl; Internet; accessed on 15 April 2001.
8 For example, "Russia would no longer be prohibited from producing biological weapons under the
Biological Weapons Convention, from using chemical weapons under the Geneva Protocol of 1925 or from
violating the boundary agreements ending WWII." Ibid.
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The role of Russia and other states legal successors was further proved when, in
1997, the Clinton Administration signed several agreements relating the status of the
ABM Treaty after the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The Memorandum of
Understanding (MOU), as it came to be known, names Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and
Kazakhstan as the successors to he Soviet Union for the agreement.
Gustavus Student Repository
Part III - Missile Defense: False Security
The United States proposal to build a missile defense system has been under
criticism since its inception over 50 years ago. The international system was
characterized, and dominated, by two superpowers. Over the past 50 years the structure
of the international system has changed and so has the argument for deployment of a
missile defense system.
The arms race between the United States and the Soviet Union was a wake-up call
to world leaders that something needed to be done to control the number of nuclear
missiles that were being developed. Simultaneously, as both nations sought to cap the
number of offensive nuclear weapons, they also were hard at work developing defensive
capabilities to counter the offensive ones.
The 9-60-$120 billion dollars depending on the deployment phase and
the possible additions of spaced-based sensors through the year 2015. See CRS Report, National Missile
Defense, 12.
2 David E. Sanger and Steven Lee Myers, "In St
The Role of Affirmative Action in College Admission
No full textIn 1965, President Lyndon Johnson required federal contractors" to take affirmative action to ensure that applicants are employed, and that employees are treated during employment without regard to their race, creed, or national origin". Thus affirmative action has been established to achieve "absolute equality between Blacks and Whites" (Dye 244).
I define affirmative action as a law or policy that is intended to end discrimination that violates the rights of minorities. The aim of this policy is to reduce present discrimination, with the intent to increase the number of minorities in colleges. It is very important to keep in mind that the persistence of racial discrimination, manifested in both crude and subtle forms, hinders the capacity of African Americans to climb the ladder of economic opportunity; thus affirmative action programs will allow African Americans to climb the ladder.
The path taken by these policies became the most controversial debate in America and also a frenzy in the media. In this paper I will look at the role of affirmative action in college admission on the basis of race and its constitutional interpretation. Since affirmative action was established to help African Americans climb the economic ladder, it also created some serious constitutional questions, especially regarding the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Since this paper is about the role of affirmative action in college admission, let's look at the educational status of African Americans in the United Stated prior to affirmative action programs.The Role of Affirmative Action in College Admission
Viviane Foyou
Undergraduate Thesis
Gustavus Adolphus College
Advisor: Chris Gilbert
December 18, 2001
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Viviane Foyou
Political Science Thesis
Chapter 1: The Confusion over the Fourteenth Amendment
Those who have participated in a conversation about affirmative action recognize how
emotionally charged such discussion can become.
According to Thomas R. Dye it seems that the civil rights leaders recognized that
fighting for "opportunities" that eventually overturned the legal basis of segregation and the
removal of barriers on voting rights were not enough. The only way to ensure that these
"opportunities" would be implemented was to have policies that would eventually eliminate
obstacles in economic and educational advancement (Dye 243).
In 1965, President Lyndon Johnson required federal contractors" to take affirmative
action to ensure that applicants are employed, and that employees are treated during employment
without regard to their race, creed, or national 01igin". Thus affirmative action has been
established to achieve "absolute equality between Blacks and Whites" (Dye 244).
I define affirmative action as a law or policy that is intended to end discrimination that
violates the rights of minorities. The aim of this policy is to reduce present discrimination, with
the intent to increase the number of mino1ities in colleges. It is very important to keep in mind
that the persistence of racial discrimination, manifested in both crude and subtle forms, hinders
the capacity of African Americans to climb the ladder of economic opportunity; thus affirmative
action programs will allow African Americans to climb the ladder.
The path taken by these policies became the most controversial debate in America and
also a frenzy in the media. In this paper I will look at the role of affirmative action in college
admission on the basic of race and its constitutional interpretation. Since affirmative action was
Gustavus Student Repository
established to help African Americans climb the econormc ladder, it also created some serious
constitutional questions, especially regarding the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment.
The Fom1eenth Amendment passed by Congress and ratified in 1868 stated:
All person born and naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, is a
citizen of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce
any law, which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of Citizens of the United States; nor
shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of Jaw; nor
deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
Since this paper is about the role of affirmative action in college admission, let's look at the
educational status of African Americans in the United Stated prior to affirmative action
programs.
After the Reconstruction Era, states that enforced segregation followed their
interpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment, which stated "Equal Protection of the Laws"
without mentioning race, thus allowing" Separate but Equal" in Plessy v. Ferguson to be
constitutional. Brown v, Board of Education ( 1954) later oveITuled this decision. The case Plessy
v. Ferguson remains relevant because of Justice Harlan's dissent where he stated," Our
Constitution is color-blind"; opponents of affirmative action have often cited this dissent when it
comes to the constitutionality of affirmative action programs. As a response to this ruling, the
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) fought for "a court
decision that segregation itself meant inequality within the meaning of the 14th Amendment --they
wanted a complete reversal of the Separate but Equal interpretation of the 14th Amendment
and a ruling that laws separating the races were unconstitutional" (Dye 234).
Despite some of the court rulings such as in Brown v. Board of Education ( 1954), where
the Supreme Court ruled that "Separate but equal" was unconstitutional, many schools in the
U.S. remained segregated. According to Dye,
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Those stated that chose to resist desegregation were quite successful in doing so from 1954-1964.
In late 1964. ten years after the Brown decision, only about two percent of the black school
children in the eleven Southern states were attending integrated schools (237).
It is critical to notice that in addition to the Court ruling requiring desegregation, states and
communities had to follow administrative orders from federal executive agencies that threatened
to cut their federal funds due to noncompliance with the Supreme Court ruling. This move by the
federal executive agencies woke up the leaders of the Civil Rights movement, thus allowing
them to realize that more policies were needed in order for African Americans to advance in
education. Policies such as busing were implemented to" achieve a racial balance in each public
school, so that each has roughly the same percentage of blacks and whites as are found in the
total population of the entire school district" (Dye 238). Busing was not positively received by
African Americans and whites; as a result some whites actually left schools and surrounding
areas, thus moving further in suburban areas.
By fighting for the end of segregation the Civil Rights Movement was actually fighting
for opportunities. But after seeing the struggle for results, the Civil Rights Movement shifted to
affirmative action programs designed to promote equality of opportunity, thus leading to equality
of rights. When carefully observed, affirmative action became a natural extension of the Civil
Rights Movement; this means that its principal aims and methods are derived from the vision
that motivated those who broughL an end to legal segregation in the 1960s.
As colleges started to implement affitmative action programs in their admission
process, controversy over its jurisdiction rose. We can see this in the controversial case Regents
of the University of California v. Allan Bakke (1978). In this case the Supreme Court" struck
down a special admissions program for minorities at a state medical school on the grounds that it
excluded a white applicant because of his race and violated his light under the equal protection
clause" (Dye 245). The Bakke case completely questioned the interpretation of the Equal
Protection Clause, and did not provide any solution to the problem. In the ruling the Supreme
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Court ruled that "specific quotas unavailable to whites violated the Equal Protection Clause and
that race and ethnic origin may be considered in reviewing applications to a state school without
violating the Equal Protection Clause for they must prove evidence of past discrimination"(Dye
246). This contradiction by the Supreme Court established confusions in college admissions and
left the line of argument open.
Looking at the meaning of the Constitution and the ruling in Bakke, it seems that the
acceptance of affirmative action programs as one remedy of past discrimination actually violates
what the Fou11eenth Amendment was suppose to prohibit. The Bakke case precipitated major
changes in education. When analyzing the ruling of the Supreme Court, it seems that colleges are
not expected to address the damage of larger historical discrimination, and that diversity will
probably require neutrality with regard to the favored group. When the Supreme Court distanced
itself from the problem it eventually left the advancement of diversity as a voluntary, and not as a
necessary, matter for colleges. If colleges ignore addressing the problem of historical
discrimination, the basis of affirmative action will shift away from race and gender to something
else.
The beginning of this shift can be seen in the case of Hopwood v. Texas (1996), where
the University of Texas designed a specific program to increase the number of Black and
Hispanic law students. The U.S. Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the use of race to
achieve a diverse student body was unconstitutional; at the same the court also ruled that the law
school's affirmative action program was not a compelling government interest under the
Fourteenth Amendment. This ruling by the com1 continues to narrow the development of
affirmative action programs. I think that the court forgot that if we had to abide by the
constitutional process, while eliminating the aim of affirmative action, students probably would
have not been accepted in the school. In a related case, Richmond v. Croson (1989) where a
set-aside program in Richmond, Virginia mandates that 30 percent of all the city construction
cono·acts must go to Blacks, Spanish and etc, the Court held that state and local government
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race-based affirmative action programs violate the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment (Terry Eastland, P2).
In order to be constitutional the program must be subject to strict scrutiny: the program must
show that it is pursuing a compelling government purpose, and the use of race must be narrowly
tailored. I think that this strict scrutiny is an awful blow to affirmative action, because in Bakke
Justice Powell's opinion suggested that the "state may use racial criteria only to remedy its own
discrimination, and not the discrimination of p1ivate parties" (Terry Eastland P2-3), By
requesting the state to amass evidence of disc1imination and to tailor its programs, the court
somehow ignores the main purpose of affirmative action and the lack of equal opportunities in
the United States.
After reviewing these cases it is obvious that the aim of affirmative action is shifting
from race to something else, and that the judicial system is divided when it comes to this topic.
In some cases, while acknowledging the terrible nature of discrimination, the court also hinders
the college's program for solving it. As to diversity, court rulings have narrowed the use of
affirmative action and have spent time on strict scrutiny. The Supreme Court has not issued an
opinion on affirmative action in regard to education since the Bakke case. However, Federal
Circuits and Disttict courts have established precedents such as Hopwood and Gross on, This
uncertainty and the legal challenges to affirmative action that exist in regard to education today
have created confusion and uncertainty in college admission processes.
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Chapter 2 An Undecided Judicial System
Looking at the rulings made by the courts, it is obvious that the courts are denying the
significance of race and its effects in education. The focus of the Supreme Court seems to be
geared to whether the institution has the right to pursue diversity, while ignoring the question of
whether minority students have the right to access the institution of their choice. In this chapter I
will look at cmTent cases involving the use of affilmative action in higher education in various
state universities such as the Universities of Michigan, Georgia, Texas, Washington, and
California.
A. University of Michigan
Recently the public and the media have scrutinized the University of Michigan-Ann
Arbor, for taking affirmative action to an extreme. Looking at the opinion of Justice Powell in
the Bakke case, it is clear that universities can use minority status as a plus in their admission
process. Affirmative action was designed to help mino1ities who were between acceptance and
rejection into higher education institutions. However, universities such as the University of
Michigan have used affirmative action as a measure to boost their minority numbers. The
measures taken by the university present some controversy that we will explore in the following
cases.
1. Gratz v. Regents of The University o(Michigan
In the fall of 1997, two lawsuits were filed by the Center for Individual Rights on the
behalf of white students who were denied admission to the University of Michigan
undergraduate and graduate law school programs. The Affirmative Action and Diversity Project
alleges that the University utilizes different standardized test score/grade-point average
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standards for white and minority students, but the university counters that race is only
one among a number of factors taken into account in its admission process ("Affirmative Action in
Colleges").
In December 2000, the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan issued an
opinion. Judge Duggan presided over the case and emphasized that diversity in higher education
was a compelling interest capable of surviving scrutiny. Judge Duggan in his opinion also
emphasized the fact that the use of race as a 'plus' factor was constitutional. Looking at the Bakke
case as a precedent (where Justice Powell ruled that the 'plus' factor was constitutional), Judge
Duggan was able to come to the following conclusion:
The University's interest requires a sufficiently diverse student body and -[ while] fixed racial
quotas and racial balancing are not necessary to achieving that goal, the consideration of
an applicant's race during the admission process necessarily is
("Affirmative Action in Colleges").
When carefully observed, Judge Duggan's opinion strengthens Justice Powell's opinion.
2.Grutter v. Regents of the University of Michigan
On March 2000, the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan issued an
opinion. where Judge Friedman concluded that" using race as one 'plus' factor among many was
unconstitutional and that law schools use of race as a way to assemble racially diverse student
population was not a compelling state interests (Ethan Rauen P2).
By reaching this decision, Judge Friedman completely disagreed with Justice Powell's
endorsement of diversity in higher education, thus implying that Bakke does not present a
compelling state interest. It seems that by phrasing the 'use of race as one factor among many'
Justice Friedman seems to turn 'race' into an unconstitutional quota system. Not only does Judge
Friedman's opinion contradict Judge Duggan's opinion, it also contradicts Justice Powell's
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opinion in the Bakke case. It is important to keep in mind that these cases were both filed in the
same court and involved Michigan's undergraduate and graduate admissions policies.
As stated in Chapter 1 , this is a pe1fect example of how divided U.S. district courts are in
regard to the use of affirmative action in the college admission process. According to the
Affirmative Action and Diversity Project, the " Grutter case has been appealed to the Sixth
Circuit Court of Appea l , and the appellate court has stayed the district court's injunction against
the law school using race as a factor in admission pending outcome of the appeal" ("Affirmative
Action in College").
B-University of Washington
A white female student sued the University of Washington in 1997 because she was
denied admission to the University Law School, and because less qualified minority applicants
were admitted. As indicated by the United States Commission on Civil Rights, in November
voters in Washington approved a state initiative to ban race -conscious affirmative action in the
public sector. After the vote, the Federal District Court held that the state initiative would make
the case moot, meaning debatab l e ("Commi ssion on Civil Rights").
However, the District Court held that the old admission claim should be decided based on
Bakke's principles. The case was later appealed to the Ninth Circuit, and on December 2000 the
Appeals Court released a ruling upholding the District Court's decision, while concluding that
the principles set out in the Bakke decision rule. By applying Bakke, it seems that the Ninth
Circuit allows universities' admissions program that consider race for other than remedial
purposes and educational diversity to be a compelling government interest, thus meeting the
demands of strict scrutiny of race-conscious measures.
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The plaintiff appealed the case and on May 2001, the Supreme Court denied the petition
for certiorari. Despite the ruling of the Ninth Circuit, the University of Washington will be
restricted by the state law from considering race in its admission process due to the vote of 1998.
C. University of Texas
In conjunction with the United States Commission on Civil Rights, the American
Association of University Professors suggests that LeSage V. University a/ Texas is one of the
first applications of the 1996 Hopwood decision. In October 1998, the Fifth Circuit invigorated a
lawsuit accusing the University of Texas at Austin of discrimination against a white applicant
named Francois LeSarge. In 1997 ,the case was heard by the Federal District Court, which ruled
that Francois LeSagc 's denial of admission had " nothing to do with the University's affirmative
action policies at the time and dismissed the case" (Theodore M. Shaw PA 72),
Unsatisfied by the ruling, the case was appealed and the Fifth Circuit revitalized the
lawsuit, ruling that " LeSage's application may have been affected by the use of racial
preferences" (Theodore M. Shaw PA 72). The Fifth Circuit decided to send the case back to the
lower court for reconsideration. The plaintiff decided to appeal to the Supreme Court, which in
return reversed and recommended the case for November 19 99. In its decision the Supreme
Court stated, "since LeSage would have been rejected under a race neutral admissions policy,
and since the challenged affirmative action policy was no longer in use, LeSage had no injury
deserving relief under 42 U.S.C. 1 993" (Th eodore M. Shaw PA 72). The Supreme Court left the
case in the hands of the District Court.
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D. University of Georgia
When looking at lawsuits filed against the University of Georgia, one will notice that
cases have been consolidated, separated and reconstructed many times, thus implying that the
U.S. judicial branch has not established a solid and common ruling in regard to affirmative
action policies in higher education. This confusion can be seen in the following case: Wooden,
Tracy, Bratcher, Harris, Jarvis, Davis and Greene v. University of Georgia.
According to the New York Times, plaintiffs in this case alleged both that the University of
Georgia's past and present admissions system was and continues to be racially discriminatory
because it used different admissions criteria for White and Black applicants; and that policies at
the state's historically Black public Universities prevented "meaningful desegregation" of the
state's higher education ('1 Taking Affirmative Action Apart").
In January 1999, the District Court dismissed the complaint of Greene because he lacked
the mandatory combination of grades, test scores, and other factors. Since the Supreme Court
made a statement in the case of LeSage v. Texas ( 1999), the Eleventh Circuit in 2000
recommended that the case of Wooden, Tracy, Greene, et al, be considered. Since this case has
multiple plaintiffs, it is important to note that Davis and Tracy in their lawsuits are challenging
the use of race in admissions at the University of Georgia. Mean while, Wooden, Jarvis, and
Bratcher in their lawsuits are challenging policies at the state's three historically black public
universities. The District Court reviewed the cases and on June 2000, ruled as follows:
University's now-abandoned dual system was not a valid diversity-based program under Bakke's
principles. The court characterized the University's goal of diversity as on shaky legal ground,
calling it an 'abstract concept' that changes depending on who is talking and in what context
(" Taking Affirmative Action Apart").
Despite this long process in the court system, another lawsuit was filed in August of
19 99, where a white female applicant (Johnson) alleged that her application was rejected
because of her gender and race. In September 1999, three white women filed a subsequent
lawsuit, alleging reverse discrimination on the basis of race and gender. Seeing the importance
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Sissies in a Man's Land: Queer Sexuality and Revolutionary Nationalism in Cuba
No full textThe goal of this paper will be to explore the connections between the nationalism of the Cuban Revolution and queer sexuality, focusing primarily on the early years of the revolution 1959-1980, when the political and public stance toward homosexuals was most oppressive. I want to explore why the paradox between the treatment of women and queers existed, and why sexuality was so important to the revolution. Specifically, in a nationalistic revolution as socially progressive and successful as it was in Cuba, the repression of queers can be understood as a method of achieving national unity and upholding traditional social and cultural norms that are the binding glue for a nation in upheaval. To explain this we must first understand the shape of Cuban nationalism, what historical forces nurtured it, and why it was necessary for Cuba to show its righteous unity and autonomy. We must also understand the role of sexuality in Cuban society and how it was a powerful locus for social control. In order to show the connections between revolutionary nationalism and sexuality, I will discuss traditional Cuban/Latin American sexuality and gender norms, masculine and feminine roles, as well as sexual practices and their social meanings. From this it is evident how the definition of homosexuality stands in such opposition to the traditional roles of men and women within the family. Then I will look at the history of the Cuban Revolution in its economic, political, and social aspects, and show how this nationalism manifested itself in formal and informal sexual politics of institutions as a nationalism that relied on traditional social organization and cultural conformity. Lastly, the effects of the Revolution on queers will be evaluated, and I will propose that queers were seen as subversive to the revolution because they stood outside and in opposition to the social and political family.Sissies in a Man's Land
Queer Sexuality and Revolutionary Nationalism in Cuba
Monica Fisk
Peace Studies and Political Science
Senior Thesis
May 27,2002
Dr. Jill Locke
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. lntroduction 2
II. Cuban Sexuality 4
History
Gender Roles
Sexuality
ill. The History of Cuban Nationalism 9
Political History
Economic History
Social History
The Revolution
IV. Sexual Politics of the Revolution 15
Women
Marriage
Homosexuality and the Revolution
The Revolutionary "New Man"
V. Queers and the Nationalist Project 28
Breaking the Nation's Boundaries
Subverting the Family
VI. Conclusion 35
Bibliography 42
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I. INTRODUCTION
Nationalism can have liberatory effects for the citizens of oppressed or colonized
states. The 1959 nationalistic revolution in Cuba served to open a new chapter in its
history, one that freed Cubans from neo-colonial economic domination by the United
States, brought positive social change through the redistribution of wealth and social
welfare policies, and put Cuba at the forefront of all Latin American states in terms of
living standards. The immense changes that were made depended on the total allegiance
of the people to their country and to the values of the Revolution, as well as their personal
sacrifices on behalf of national unity. Nationalistic unity, however, also has the tendency
to depend on the homogenization of the citizens in the self-definition of the nation, and
Cuban nationalism was no exception. The Cuban nation was compelled to draw
boundaries between itself and other nations as well as boundaries between those who
were acceptable citizens and those who were not. In doing so it utilized many loci for
social control and stability within the emerging nation.
Sexuality was utilized as a locus of control because it pervades even the personal
aspects of life, and thus could be used to mold people into good nationalists. Traditional
stereotypes and expectations of gender had always been a strong element of culture and
social conformity. Over the years of the revolution, social expectations about sexuality
went through large changes, some because the younger generation was becoming more
liberal, and some because the government addressed gender issues directly. The
nationalistic revolution in Cuba was connected with the sexuality of its citizens as it
outlined proper sexuality. It did this by upholding the nuclear heterosexual family as the
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prime model of citizenship, relying on its deep-rooted tradition to unify and continue to
reproduce the new nation.
In fact, the nation was seen as a larger family, a system that survived because of
the harmonious relations and natural order of each member within it. Smaller, nuclear
families were essential in the larger family as they carried out the organic reproduction of
their culture and nation. Reliance on the family produced paradoxical effects in public
policy regarding sexuality. The socialist values of the Revolution spawned more
progressive public attitudes and policies regarding the causes of women. But at the same
time homosexuality and other forms of alternative sexuality were more vigorously
repressed by the revolution then before. Sexuality outside of the family is nonprocreative,
its power is not being channeled into the ordered whole, but instead detracts
from society and the nation's internal integrity. Unified nationalism thus required the
elimination or cooptation of dissidents. Critics of Cuba's narrow nationalism were
rendered ineffective, and the rest of the population was homogenized by social pressure,
government mandate, and in some cases outright persecution. In this way nationalistic
success was tied up with control and discrimination.
The goal of this paper will be to explore the connections between the nationalism
of the Cuban Revolution and queer sexuality, focusing primarily on the early years of the
revolution 1959-1980, when the political and public stance toward homosexuals was
most oppressive. I want to explore why the paradox between the treatment of women
and queers existed, and why sexuality was so important to the revolution. Specifically, in
a nationalistic revolution as socially progressive and successful as it was in Cuba, the
repression of queers can be understood as a method of achieving national unity and
3
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upholding traditional social and cultural norms that are the binding glue for a nation in
upheaval. To explain this we must first understand the shape of Cuban nationalism, what
historical forces nurtured it, and why it was necessary for Cuba to show its righteous
unity and autonomy. We must also understand the role of sexuality in Cuban society and
how it was a powerful locus for social control. In order to show the connections between
revolutionary nationalism and sexuality, I will discuss traditional Cuban/Latin American
sexuality and gender norms, masculine and feminine roles, as well as sexual practices and
their social meanings. From this it is evident how the definition of homosexuality stands
in such opposition to the traditional roles of men and women within the family. Then I
will look at the history of the Cuban Revolution in its economic, political, and social
aspects, and show how this nationalism manifested itself in formal and informal sexual
politics of institutions as a nationalism that relied on traditional social organization and
cultural conformity. Lastly, the effects of the Revolution on queers will be evaluated,
and I will propose that queers were seen as subversive to the revolution because they
stood outside and in opposition to the social and political family.
II. CUBAN SEXUALITY
History:
So what is the role of sexuality in Cuban society, and what aspects made it a
powerful tool to be used for social control? Sexuality is inseparably integrated in the
society because it is the basic organization of biological and familial life. We must first
note that Cuban sexuality today emerged from the nation's history as a colony of Spain as
well as African slavery. With Spanish colonialism came the influence of the Catholic
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Church. Sensual extravagance was important in Catholicism, which is shown by its use
of sensory overload in the architectural grandeur, vibrant colors, scents and music in its
churches. This sensuality became an important part of the culture. At the same time,
sexuality and bodies were carefully regulated in keeping with religious values. The
teachings of the Catholic Church and the traditions of Spanish society worked together to
encourage the containment of female sexuality as negative and the free expression of
male sexuality as a positive and necessary trait.1 One common way of evaluating this is
through the model of machismo and marianismo. Radcliffe and Westwood write,
Notions of machismo/marianismo revolve around the idea that family
social relations in a Catholic society- informed by notions of honour and
shame- form gender relations based on openly heterosexual and aggressive
male behavior, and on meek and self-abnegating female behavior and
chaste female bodies.2
Women were supposed to be the exemplars of spirituality, chastity, and be the moral
force to keep their men in check. Their love was to be purely spiritual rather than
physical, and they were supposed to rid themselves of sensual pleasure, even within their
marriage. This chastity was idealized in men, who would protect the virtue of their wives
and daughters. In addition to the influences of Spanish Catholicism, African culture was
folded into the mix with the arrival of slaves. In general, Afro-Cuban religions
recognized both male and female sexuality as being powerful and good, and thus gave
women more of an equal sexual status with men than did Catholicism.3
1 Lois Smith and Alfred Padula, Sex and Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996) 169.
2 Sarah Radcliffe and Sallie Westwood, Remaking the Nation: Place, Identity and politics in Latin America
(London: Routledge, 1996) 141.
3 Smith and Padula 170.
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Gender Roles:
From this historical influence, Latin American societies including Cuba retained
machismo and marianismo in their traditional gender roles for males and females.
Femininity was synonymous with passivity, subservience, nurturing matemalism, and
submission to male leadership within the family. Women's place in society was at home
in the family, raising children. They were also expected to respond to their husband's
physical, emotional, and domestic needs. Cultural sexual standards dictated that women
were to satisfy their husbands, and whether or not he satisfied her, she would be faithful.
Even today, it is less acceptable for a woman to have an affair than for her husband. In
the capacities of wife and mother, women were the binding glue of the family and the
teachers of cultural values and stories, and thus were essential for the survival of Latin
culture.
Masculinity was based on men's place in the family as the material providers,
whether they supported their family through physical labor or other employment. Their
masculinity was also shown in their role as the decision-makers. Traditionally their word
was law, and their decisions went unquestioned. They were expected to respect and care
for their wife to the extent that their family was preserved. But at the same time, sexual
prowess and virility were also important for their masculinity, and they had to fit the
standard of machismo for social acceptance.
Sexuality:
Cuban society assumes males to have an unquenchable sexual appetite. Even
from the ages of six or seven, sexuality is recognized and encouraged in boys, who are
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free to explore it.4 It is common and considered natural for boys to experiment sexually
with other boys, girls, and even animals, although this is more prevalent in the rural
rather than the urban areas. The sexual behavior of young boys, whether directed at other
boys or girls, is not considered to be indicative of their sexual orientation. Homosexual
behavior in youth does not mean that a male is homosexual, that he will not grow up to
be married and have children. It is just an outlet for their strong sexuality and one stage
in the process of maturation.
The division between the active and passive is the key defining aspect of Cuban
sexuality. The active role is one of power and domination and is taken on by males.5
Women then, take the passive role as they submit to men's advances and desires. In each
sexual act there is an active and a passive partner, depending on the role they play.
Octavio Paz commented on these same delineations in his explanation of the meaning of
the verb chingar (to fuck) for Mexicans. "The chingon is the macho, the male: he rips
open the chingada, the female who is pure passivity, defenseless against the exterior
world. "6 While women by these definitions can only be passive, men have the potential
to be both active and passive. Active, penetrating men are masculine, while a man taking
on the passive, receiving role is automatically associated with femininity. The actions one
performs place then in the category of masculine or feminine.
The norm for a man is the desire to penetrate, to be the activo, his partner or
subject is irrelevant. The expression of his machismo, and his social acceptance as a man
depends on this sexual expression. Because of the active/passive dichotomy men who
4 Ibid.
5 Ibid.
6 Rob Buffington, "Los Jotos: Contested Visions of Homosexuality in Modern Mexico," Sex and Sexuality
in Latin America, ed. Daniel Balderson and Donna Guy (New York: New York University Press, 1997)
126.
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play the active role in sex with other men are not considered homosexual or queer, their
actions are only a normal expression of their sexual appetite. There is no social division
between men who have strictly heterosexual relations and those who also have active
relations with men in Cuban society. Reinaldo Arenas, a queer Cuban writer, writes in
his memoir Before Night Falls, "Such divisions did not exist in Cuba, the interesting
aspect of homosexuality there was that you did not have to be a homosexual to have a
relationship with a man; a man could have intercourse with another man as an ordinary
act. "7 These relationships with men ordinarily occurred alongside other heterosexual
relations, even marriage relationships.
The Cuban category of "homosexual", or queer, is defined as men who take on
the receiving or passive role in sexual relations. By associating himself with feminine
submission, he is not a "real man" anymore. When they take on the feminine passive
role, queers forfeit their machismo and the social power that follows it. In a society that
relies on gender divisions within the family, queers have no place because they are not
real men or women. Homosexual men are labeled a sissy (maricon). As one Cuban
recounts, "Nothing is worse than to show signs of effeminacy ... I remember an obsessive
awareness of my wrists; to let them hang limp was to be maricon [sissylike]."8 For
Cubans there is an obvious difference between the man and the maricon, in terms of
machismo and brute strength. Arenas reveals this when he refers to penetrating men as
the "real macho men", and to queers who received as "she". "It was not the norm for one
queer to go to bed with another queer; "she" would look for a man to fuck "her" who
7
Reinaldo Arenas, Before Night Falls_ (New York: Penguin Books, 1994) 108.
8 Smith and Padula 170.
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would feel as much pleasure as the homosexual being fucked"(My italics)
9
. The
exclusion of queers from the role of men left them outside of societal norms, which made
them an easy target for a hypersensitive nation trying to create a unified family.
While lesbianism had similar social consequences, their formal persecution was
less for a few reasons. First of all, because women already occupied the lower rung in
the social hierarchy, because they had little power in the traditional structure, and because
they were less visible in the public arena, lesbians were less noticeable. Secondly, the
sexual double standard said that women have less sexual desire, and desire they do have
was assumed to be directed toward their husband. Women who submitted to each other
did not contradict social expectations in the same way as non-machismo men. Lastly,
because women were thought of as childlike, lesbianism was seen as an innocent
perversion, not a permanent condition.10 And so lesbianism was incidental and not as
scandalous as male homosexuality. The Revolution seemed to not be as harsh on
lesbians not because lesbianism was acceptable, but because the revolutionary ideology
was male-oriented. Its focus on the male citizen and masculine values made their
opposition to homosexuality stronger, while lesbians were left, like usual, to hide in their
houses.
III. THE HISTORY OF CUBAN NATIONALISM
Political History:
Citizen sexuality in the institution of the family became important for the Cuban
Revolution because Cuba had an intense need to define itself as a unique and autonomous
9 Arenas 108.
10 Smith and Padula 170.
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nation. This nationalism of the Cuban revolution had its roots in the collective
experience of its citizens as it moved through the political, economic, and social history
of the country. All three aspects worked together to create the revolutionary
consciousness of Cubans. The concept of Cuba as a nation made up of people with a
shared identity, geographical location, place in the international realm, and common
interests had been developing slowly, becoming more pronounced in the hundred years
leading up to the Cuban revolution of 1959.
The relevant political aspects of Cuba's identity as a nation began with Spain's
colonization of Cuba in 1511 and continuing control into the early 1800s. Cubans felt
Spanish colonialism as repressive and controlling, especially when their economic
success had created the desire for freedom to regulate and promote themselves in the
global realm. 11 The rebellions and social unrest of the late 1860s to the 1890s showed that
Cubans were ready to rid themselves of the control of Spain. The Autonomists looked to
the United States, its major trading partner and neighbor for support against Spain.
In 1898, President McKinely went to war, the Spanish-American War, with the
ostensible purpose of ending Spain's control over the island of Cuba. In reality, this
involvement gave the U.S. the prime opportunity to gain political control itself. Cuba's
liberation turned into indebtedness to the states, which was sealed by the Platt
Amendment of 1901. The U.S. forced Cuba to add this amendment to their constitution
that gave the U.S. political rights to intervene in Cuban politics. More than that, Cuba
could make no treaties with other countries without the consent of the U.S., and could
u Sebastian Balfour, Castro (London: Longman Group Limited, 1995) 10.
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have debts to no other countries besides the U.S. To a country that had been struggling to
rid themselves of their former colonizers, this new control was infuriating.
12
The 1920s-30s set in place patterns of political conflict, economic unrest,
government repression and elite control that became the defining aspects of the nation.
The Platt Amendment was abrogated in 1934, but as this control was removed, there was
another political problem to deal with. All sections of the government were becoming
increasingly corrupt, as leaders were personalistic and allowed a system of patronage and
outright looting of government funds by officials, coming to peak with the presidency of
Fulgencio Batista. Throughout this political history, the common people had no real
political power or efficacy; instead, there was a sense that any efforts would be futile.
Cuban identity thus became more focused on its collective struggle for a voice and
became disassociated from the formal state apparatus. This fueled the rebellions and
eventual success of the revolution led by Fidel Castro, starting in 1953 and finally
coming to power Jan I, 1959.
Economic History:
Since colonialism, Cuba's economy has been heavily reliant on sugar as an export
crop. Technological inventions increased the output potential, leading to population and
living standard growth. Cuba's main export crop, sugar, was the means by which Cuba
prospered, but it was also the cause of its suffering due to dependence. The United
States, even when Cuba was controlled by Spain, was the primary importer of Cuban
sugar, and imported over sixty percent of the crop. In exchange, the United States
exported many commodities to Cuba. As the primary crop, sugar was responsible for
many problems. Because the owners of the factories, the bourgeoisie, if not foreigners
12 Louis Perez Jr., Cuba (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988) 57.
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themselves, were controlled by North American capital, there was little control over
sugar.
From the early 1900s, Cubans looked to their government to assert control over
tbe economic sphere. Therefore, their allegiance to the government corresponded with its
control, measured by economic prosperity, or lack of control, as depravity showed.
Economic instability was in large part responsible for political instability and the loss of
patriotism. While Cuba relied on the trickle-down effect of sugar development to bring
prosperity to all its citizens, at the ground level the people were not enjoying the effects.
Along witb this, political power became important as a means to economic security and
opportunity, as state employment was obtained through patronage.13 Rising economic
unrest was caused by the general under
Forecast: Stability - Assessing Contemporary Applicability of The Democratic Peace Theory
No full textThere are essentially three general areas of inquiry with respect to the Democratic Peace Theory addressed within this body of work. They illustrate the main components of theoretical application and potential ramifications of democratic peace.
The work outlines the crucial elements of democratic peace and operationally defines the theory for the purpose of assessing its usefulness as a conflict deterrent. The main piece is associated with ascertaining the comparative effectiveness of theory with respect to historical and current theoretical application. The remaining sections are prescription based, focusing on areas of potential political, economic and social concerns respective of actual democratic peace related initiatives and theory applicability. The major common theme of research focuses on the relative effectiveness of democratic peace in theory as well as in practice. The crucial elements within democratic peace theory will be addressed in studies on democratic relationships and the power of interconnected economic structures.
This piece in general is aimed at evaluating the effectiveness of democratic peace as defined. The work should attempt to examine the main argument of Democratic Peace Theory. That is, do democracies go to war with one another? The traditionally held belief is resoundingly "no". However, the globalization of world markets and the proliferation of the rogue state have changed the paradigm of sovereign relationships. Consistent with Capitalist ideals, this shifting paradigm reflects a growing need to reassess the state of global affairs. Specifically, the hallmark foundation of democratic peace theory related to policy making based primarily on the tenets of democratic peace.Forecast: Stability
Assessing Contemporary Applicability of The Democratic Peace Theory
Carl Nelson
5/27/02
Dr. Chris Gilbert
Gustavus Student Repository
CONTENTS
TABLES AND FIGURES ....................................................................... .ii
PREFACE .......................................................................................... .iii
Part I
Introduction .......................................................................................... I
□ Cold War Ideology
□ Sustainability
Part II
Defining Theory Guidelines ..................................................................... .4
□ Theory Characteristics
□ Crucial Elements in Theory Construction
□ Understanding with Models
□ Covering Law Model
Part III
Defining A War .................................................................................... 10
Part IV
Defining The Democracy ......................................................................... 13
□ Western Based Value Ideals
Part V
Traditions of Democratic Peace .................................................................. 16
□ Classical Realism
□ Neo-Realism
□ Idealism
□ Breaking Down The Realist P.O.V
Part VI
Relation of Traditions to Democratic Peace ................................................... 24
□ Nigeria: A Case Study
□ Operationally Defined Preconditions for Democratic States
□ Economic Liberalism
Part VII
I. Absolute Gains
2. Relative Gains
Why Democracies Will Never go to War ...................................................... 30
□ Security -vs- Conflict: The Global Ramifications of Multipolarity
□ Building Parllel Democracies
Part VIII
Conclusion .......................................................................................... 37
Appendix A
World Democratic Population 1900-2000 ..................................................... 39
References ........................................................................................... .40
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Tables and Figures
Percentage of Democratically Elected Governments &
Percentageof World Democratic Population ................................................ 2
Regime Conflict Analysis 1900-1980 ........................................................ ?
Global Percentage of Democracies ........................................................... 14
Battle Related Deaths by Regime ............................................................ 30
Inner State Conflict by Regime Type ......................................................... 36
II
Gustavus Student Repository
Preface
There are essentially three general areas of inquiry with respect to the Democratic Peace Theory
addressed within this body of work. They illustrate the main components of theoretical application and
potential ramifications of democratic peace.
The work outlines the crucial elements of democratic peace and operationally defines the theory
for the purpose of assessing its usefulness as a conflict deterrent. The main piece is associated with
ascertaining the comparative effectiveness of theory with respect to historical and current theoretical
application. The remaining sections are prescription based, focusing on areas of potential political,
economic and social concerns respective of actual democratic peace related initiatives and theory
applicability. The major common theme of research focuses on the relative effectiveness of democratic
peace in theory as well as in practice. The crucial elements within democratic peace theory will be
addressed in studies on democratic relationships and the power of interconnected economic structures.
This piece in general is aimed at evaluating the effectiveness of democratic peace as defined. The
work should attempt to examine the main argument of Democratic Peace Theory. That is, do democracies
go to war with one another? The traditionally held belief is resoundingly "no". However, the globalization
of world markets and the proliferation of the rogue state have changed the paradigm of sovereign
relationships. Consistent with Capitalist ideals, this shifting paradigm reflects a growing need to reassess
the state of global affairs. Specifically, the hallmark foundation of democratic peace theory related to policy
making based primarily on the tenets of democratic peace.
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Partl:Introdnction
Cold War ideology was based around the idea that the
structure of international relations arose as a result of
the conflict between the US and the former USSR. The Cold
War was the basis for a clear distinction between nations
and sides, effectively demarcating the globe into varying
degrees of compartmentalized threats. The implicit rule
governing both sides was that the danger of crossing such
boundaries implied global ramifications. The nuclear threat
as such was a zero sum game where consequence awareness was
an effective deterrent for everyone involved. In the
1980's, before the Cold war had ended, the idea of
democratic peace arose as a large topic of discussion. In
general, the theory asserts that the spread of democracy
will create world peace. That peace is a result of the
main hypothesis behind democratic peace: that democracies
do not go to war with other democracies.
During this time the United States was principally
interested in promoting the spread of democracy and
containing the communist influence of the USSR. Now that
the Cold War is over there are no longer two dominant world
powers. It has become important to reexamine the
international system of checks and balances that stabilized
the nuclear threat throughout the Cold War. Because the US
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is the lone superpower, the system of international
relations is significantly different. The Western ideal of
democracy has spread, giving rise to hundreds of democratic
governments.
% of Democratically Elected Governments & % of World
Democratic Population
so...,...---------,
% of National :J..1------+>
Governments 20..1-1---
O-l--•L:::
1900 1950 2000
Years
□ % Countries
■ %Population
Source: Freedom House. Democracy's Century A Survey of Global Political Change in the 2d" Century
http://www.freedomhouse.org/reports/century.htm
As a result, the integrity of the democratic peace
should be questioned. Although democratic peace has been
empirically true in the past, will it remain valid with an
increasing number of poor and unstable states claiming to
be democracies?
Answering the question of the sustainability of the
theory is not an easy task. At first glance it may appear
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that domestic divisions, unstable economies, and weak
governments, along with theories about the behavior of
states, will undermine the theory and democracies will
inevitably fight one another. In order to prove the
sustainability of the democratic peace we must determine
what makes a theory sustainable in general. Once we have
established sustainability guidelines we must determine
whether or not democratic peace theory is a suitable
example. With these guidelines we can further illustrate
the properties of widely accepted theories of international
relations such as realism, positivism and liberalism to
help support the future authority of the democratic peace.
In addition, we can provide evidence that the qualities
associated with democracy and the strengthening of
interdependence in general help to bolster the democratic
peace and the increasing populations of democratic
citizens.
Some may argue that there has not been a decline of
conflict in the world, and quite possibly the opposite,
since the advent of the democratic peace. However, the
theory does not account for any form of violence other than
between democracies, and there is no evidence of that type
of situation.
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-
-
Emerging Democratic Trends 1900-1950
140
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
1900 1950 2000
Years
--Democracy Resricted Democracy --Traditional Monarchy
- -Absolute Monarchy --Authoritarian Regime --Totalitarian Regime
--Colonial Dependancy --Protectorate
Source: Freedom House. Democracy's Century A Survey of Global Political Change in the 2/Jh Century
http://www.freedomhouse.org/reports/centmy.htm
Part II. Det"ming Theory Guidelines
The first step in the discussion of the democratic
peace is to determine whether or not it is a viable theory.
Therefore, we need to establish the guidelines a good1theory
must achieve. A good theory must possess specific
significant characteristics:
1. The primary actors in the international system,
based on real and reliable observations, must be
1
Good is intended to describe a theory for which no counter example can be reliably produced.
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identified. All pertinent theories must connect the
observed actions and compare or contrast them with the
actions we believe to be true.
2. The theory must describe, organize, categorize, and
explain these actions in a predictable manner. The ability
to explain the links between what is known to be true and
what is perceived as truth is the essential goal of good
theory because it allows us to make predictions based on
the theory itself. These predictions are based on the
causal claims within the structure of the theory. Claims
which relate actions and outcomes.
3. Theories must have a clear definition of the
subject matter, causal generalizations or laws, and bridges
between the laws and observations. These are the crucial
elements in building a viable theory.
The Crucial Elements in Theory Construction
1. Actor Identification -->
2. Theory Formulation:
!)Describe
2)Organize
3 )Categori ze
4)Explain
3. Making Predictions/Laws
-->
-->
-->
-->
-->
Observable Actions vs. Presupposed Actions
Actions Observed
+
Establishing Causal Relationships
=
Causal relationships relating clear definitions which bridge laws and observations.
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Having established the basic elements of a good theory
we can further examine additional guidelines provided by
Kenneth Waltz. Waltz, one of the most influential post
WWII international relations theorists, explains that
theories can be divided into two categories. He claims
that all theories either 1. allow for a solution to war, or
2. allow for no solution to war. Waltz labels the former
view as optimistic and latter view pessimistic.
In his typology, Waltz also provided three levels of
analysis in which theories are separated. The groups, made
up of the primary actors, are labeled as images. The first
image consists of theories that indicate the individual as
the primary actor. Second image theories focus on states as
the primary actor. The third image describes theories in
which the system is the primary actor. Applicable theories,
according to Walz, will be consistent with one of these
levels of analysis.
Understanding with Models
The evidence surrounding peaceful relationships
between democracies allows for some speculation as to the
true nature of democratic peace, more specifically that it
is truly a theory and not something else.
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Ill .,
·s,
.,
'It
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
' >, i'i' 0
0 0
0 0
EE
Q) Q)
oO
Regime Conflicts Analysis, 1900-1980
C: C:
- -
-IllIll ·c:=
0 Ill
.c:- o-
::, I<(
!-Number Of Regimes -+-Dyadic Dead I
't:I
..
3000000
2500000
2000000 !
1500000 0
1000000 E
::,
500000 vi
0
Source: Rummel, R.J. POWER KILLS: Democracy as a method of Nonviolence. New Brunswick, N.J.; Transaction
Publishers, 1997.
In his discussion, Structural Realism after the Cold
War, Kenneth Waltz advocates that the democratic peace is
more likely a thesis rather than a theory. He suggests,
"But, if it is true that democracies rest reliably at peace
among themselves, we have not a theory but a purported fact
begging for an explanation, as facts do. "2 Democracies as
we know them exist peacefully with one another. As a
result of this fact, the positivist means of testing
2 Kenneth Waltz, Structural Realism after the Cold War; 1.
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theories and hypotheses can be applied to explain why the
democratic peace will be sustained in the future.
The positivists' Covering Law Model (CLM) of
Explanation and argument offers a connected set of premises
and conclusions. It can be used to illustrate how the
democratic peace is a deductively valid argument.
According to this model, if the premises are true then the
conclusion is true. The first premise in the case of
democratic peace is empirical evidence and fact, as Waltz
suggests, that democracies do not fight each other. This
would be followed by the second premise that country A has
an established democracy. If these two premises are true,
it can be concluded in the (CLM) that country A will not go
to war with another democratic country.
Covering Law Model
So ...
1. Democracies do not fight other democracies
2. Country A has an established democracy
If Premise I = True
And
If Premise 2 = True
Then
Country A will NOT fight another democracy
Pl = {Peace among Democracies}
+
P2 = { Country A = Democracy}
C{Pl + P2} = {Country A= Peace with Democracies}
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The Covering Law Model of Explanation is important to
this discussion because different questions about the
integrity of the democratic peace will always have the same
explanation. As a result of the consistent ability to
explain, the Covering Law Model allows us to make
predictions. This model is similar, in many ways, to the
deductive-nomological model of explanation (D-N model).
However, Alexander Wendt, who considers himself a
positivist, rejects the D-N model as part of the positivist
doctrine. He asserts, "Among philosophers of science the
claim that explanation and prediction are equivalent was
the first element of the D-N model to fall. "'
In addition, Wendt has no comment on the positivist
view of the fact-value distinctions. This dichotomy
suggests that propositions can be neatly divided into two
groups: statements of fact or statements of value. Value
questions cannot be answered objectively, only
subjectively. Positivists believe that only objective
things are knowledgeable, and statements of fact can have
objective answers. Therefore, positivists focus on
questions and propositions of fact in order to acquire
knowledge. 4
4 Fred Chernoff, Scientific Realism and Wendt 's Meta-Theory of I.R; 3.
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Knowledge is an important aspect of positivist views.
And their quest for knowledge is helpful in supporting the
democratic peace theory. Positivists endorse the criterion
of meaningfulness. If a proposition satisfies the
criterion, then it is knowable, and if it does not satisfy
them, then it is not knowable. The conditions of
meaningfulness are based on verifiability. In order for a
theory to be meaningful, it must be verified. If it is
conceivable to verify it, then the theory is meaningful and
therefore understandable. However, if it is not possible
to verify the statement, then it is not meaningful and
should be disregarded.
Part Ill: Defining a War
In order to support the claim that democracies do not
go to war with each other, there must be evidence that it
has been true. Before discussing the future effectiveness
of the hypothesis, it is important to clarify what does and
does not constitute as a war. In many cases, defining what
is a war can be difficult and controversial. Bruce Russett
provides a clear and widely accepted definition of a war:
"War here means large-scale institutionally organized
lethal violence, and to define 'large-scale' we shall use
the threshold commonly used in the social scientific
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literature on war: one thousand battle fatalities. "5 By
establishing the exact definition of war we are able to
further specify how the democratic peace theory applies to
the contemporary theoretical view. Russett is careful to
allow for several violent actions, which could be confused
as war, to be excluded from this category. According to
Russett, this will eliminate events that are accidental or
intended to be only localized or limited military actions.'
In addition to eliminating the questionable acts of
violence, this definition also does not take into account
civilian deaths. This is not to say that civilian lives
are less important than military. Rather, it is often
difficult to measure the number of civilian deaths,
especially those that were a direct result of the military
actions. Although during interstate conflicts civilian
deaths can be a result of the fighting more often than not
those deaths can be attributed to other causes like
starvation or disease, and are indirectly related to the
violence.
Finally, the most important aspect of this definition
is the use of the term "interstate" war. In order for a
conflict to fall under this definition, it must be, "war
between sovereign 'states' internationally recognized as
5 Bruce Russett, Grasping The Democratic Peace; 12.
6
Russett; 12.
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such by other states. This includes major powers whose
recognition of a government typically confers de facto
statehood. "7 This characterization is especially significant
because it excludes colonial conflicts, and conflicts
between cultures or civilizations. It is extremely
difficult to define a civilization, and therefore, even
harder to categorizes violence between them as wars.
Moreover, the "interstate" definition eliminates any
internal or civil wars from being considered in this
discussion because democracies are almost as likely to
suffer a civil war as any non-democratic state. ' However,
the argument remains that democracies will not engage in a
war, by this accepted definition, with another democratic
state.
The definition of war provided by Russett is one that
takes the international arena as its main focus.
Therefore, it does not allow for a unit-level analysis, in
which civil wars or ethnic conflicts across boarders would
be categorized. This view is supported by Spencer Weart's
remarks in his discussion of why democracies will not fight
each other. Weart asserts, "One satisfactory definition of
war is violence organized by political units against one
7
Russett; 13.
8
Russett; 13.
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another across their boundaries. "
9
This is extremely
significant because, statistically speaking, the amount of
violence and conflicts in the world has increased since the
end of the Cold War. Which could lead some people to argue
that at the unit-level democracies are no more peaceful
than non-democracies. Although it may be true that
democracies fight as many wars as non-democracies, the
theory supports peace between democratic states and the
elimination of war when all states are democratic.
Part IV: Defining the Democracy
Opponents of democratic peace argue that the theory
constitutes an unreliable hypothesis. The increasing number
of weak and unstable governments claiming to be democratic
clearly dilute an already multi-polar global structure. It
is important to outline and define the parameters within
which democratic peace theory is applicable. In order to
prove the theory argument, it is imperative to create a
clear definition of what a true democratic government is.
This strategy represents quite a challenge to western
biased views of democracy because of the concrete set of
assumptions of the how a true democracy should work. There
exists gaps between the true definition of a democracy and
what is practiced in existing governmental structures.
9 Spencer R. Weart, Never at War; Why Democracies Will Not Fight Each Other, 13.
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Global Percentage of Democracies 1900-1950
100%
90%
80%
"' 70%
60%
0
0
Years
El Democracy ■ Resricted Democracy lillTraditional Monarchy Jill Absolute Monarchy
111Authoritarian Regime ■Totalitarian Regime ■Colonial Dependancy Iii Protectorate
Source: Freedom House. Denwcracy's Century A Survey of Global Political Change in the 2rJh Century.
http:llwww.freedomhouse.org!reports/century.htm
The most widely shared understanding of a democratic
government is that it is based on equality. Again, Russ