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Skrivnost lobanje številka 14: Zvonka Zupanič Slavec: Družinska povezanost grofov Celjskih: Identifikacijska in epigenetska raziskava njihovih lobanj
No full textŠolska kronika: Zbornik za zgodovino šolstva in vzgoje - XXXV: Šolska kronika 2002, št. 1 in 2
No full textSveta zakonska zveza kot žrtev karierizma in melanholije: Dušan Kos: O melanholiji, karierizmu, nasilju in žrtvah: Tržaška afera Gallenberg 1740
No full text»Novovaška dogodba na Štajerskem«: Ilustracije Gustava Jaroslava Schulza v Pavlihi
No full textThe Czech illustrator and caricaturist Jaroslav Schulz (1846–1903) drew a series of caricatures and illustrations for seven editions of the satirical paper Pavliha published in 1870 by Fran Levstik (1831-1887). These illustrations graced the inside and the back page of the paper. Levstik chose Schulz\u27s work to illustrate the poem “Novovaška dogodba” (“A Nova vas Event”) which discusses the attack carried out by pro-German supporters against the Slovenian parliamentary candidate, dr. Janko Sernec (1834- 1909) – a lawyer from Maribor, and the notary public dr. Franc Radej (1830-1903). The attack, during which three people were wounded, took place in June of 1870 during an election assembly held in a private house in Nova vas by Slovenska Bistrica. In his poem, Levstik drew on the report on the incident published in the Slovenski gospodar, Slovenski narod and Novice papers. Reports of the violent incident also appeared in the German papers (such as the Marburger Zeitung). The trial of the 16 workers in the employ of the factory owner Sternberger from Zgornja Bistrica took place from January 3 to 5, 1872 at the Regional Court of Celje. The Slovenski narod published a part of the court stenographer\u27s notes on the proceedings, which were prepared by Ivan Tanšek at the request of the lawyer and entrepreneur dr. Fran Rapoc (1842-1888). The accused received prison sentences ranging from 14 days to 3 months.Češki ilustrator in karikaturist Jaroslav Schulz (1846– 1903) je za sedem številk satiričnega lista Pavliha, ki ga je 1870 izdajal Fran Levstik (1831–1887), narisal karikature in satirične ilustracije, ki so bile objavljene na notranjih straneh in na zadnji strani. Levstik je s Schulzevo ilustracijo opremil pesem »Novovaška dogodba«, ki se nanaša na nemškutarski napad na slovenska kandidata za poslanca mariborskega odvetnika dr. Janka Serneca (1834–1909) in notarja dr. Franca Radeja (1830– 1903). Napad se je zgodil junija 1870 med volilnim shodom v zasebni hiši v Novi vasi pri Slovenski Bistrici. Ranjeni so bili trije Slovenci. Levstik se je pri pesmi oprl na poročilo, ki so ga objavili Slovenski gospodar, Slovenski narod in Novice. O izgredu so pisali tudi nemški časniki (npr. Marburger Zeitung). Sodna obravnava proti 16 delavcem tovarnarja Sternbergerja iz Zgornje Bistrice je potekala od 3. do 5. januarja 1872 na okrožnem sodišču v Celju. Slovenski narod je objavil del stenografskega zapisa sodne obravnave, ki ga je na željo pravnika in gospodarstvenika dr. Frana Rapoca (1842–1888) pripravil Ivan Tanšek. Obtoženci so prejeli zaporne kazni od 14 dni do 3 mesecev
»Osvobojeni« so gradili: Dokumenti in pričevanja o povojnih delovnih taboriščih v Sloveniji
No full text»Enajsta šola na Vrhniki « – ustanova častitljive starosti, a slabe ga slovesa: Po sledeh stare kranjske zbadljivke, ki ji je Cankar rešil ime in Vrhniki opral čast
No full textThe article was the result of the discovery of an archival document that mentions the caustic gibe saying Vrhnika’s Eleventh School as early as 1744. Subsequent research showed the phrase to be very old, and that it entered Slovene lexicography in the 19th century and soon underwent a complete modification in its meaning. Slovenia’s greatest writer, Ivan Cankar (1876-1918), himself from Vrhnika, in a literary work in 1914 deprived the scathing remark of its mocking tone, which was directed at the pride and ignorance of the people of Vrhnika. In his usage, the phrase referred to the “acquisition of life experience by children outside school and family«, which became its standard meaning in Slovene phraseology, while its original mocking tone slipped into oblivion. The original meaning of the phrase Eleventh School is connected with the past names of grades in regular school, the eleventh grade being the “highest”, even though nonexistent. The reason for the oral tradition’s associating it specifically with Vrhnika could be twofold: either because of a stereotype about the conceited people of Vrhnika, or because of some actual but forgotten comical event. The only known analogy of Vrhnika’s Eleventh School is the so-called “High School” in the country town of Gablitz near Vienna.Nastanek prispevka je spodbudilo avtorjevo odkritje rekla z zbadljivo ostjo enajsta šola na Vrhniki, zapisanega v arhivskem viru že zgodnjega leta 1744. Zasledovanje njegovega pojavljanja je pokazalo, da gre za zelo star frazem, ki je konec 19. stoletja prešel v slovensko leksikografijo, kmalu zatem pa doživel popolno pomensko preobrazbo. Največji slovenski pisatelj Ivan Cankar (1876–1918), rojen Vrhničan, je namreč zbadljivki, ki meri na prevzetnost in nevednost Vrhničanov, v literarnem delu iz leta 1914 odvzel porogljivost. Frazemu je pripisal pomen »pridobivanje življenjskih izkušenj pri otrocih zunaj šole in družine«, ki se je do danes uveljavil in ustalil v slovenski frazeologiji, njegov prvotni posmehljivi pomen pa je utonil v pozabo. Prvotni pomen frazema enajsta šola je povezan s poimenovanjem letnikov nekdanjega rednega šolanja, pri čemer je enajsta stopnja »najvišja«, vendar neobstoječa. Razlog, da jo je ljudski glas povezal prav z Vrhniko, je lahko dvojen: bodisi zaradi stereotipa o domišljavih Vrhničanih bodisi zaradi kake konkretne, toda pozabljene smešne prigode. Vrhniška enajsta šola ima edino znano analogijo v t. i. »visoki šoli« v podeželskem kraju Gablitz pri Dunaju
Alkohol v parlamentu
No full textDuring every year\u27s budget debate in the National Assembly, alcohol was one of the main topics to stir passions. The discussions regarding the high level of taxes on beer, wine and spirits was usually heated, since it was always difficult to bring into line the interests of the state, the producers and the numerous consumers. But alcohol was present in the national assembly in a number of other ways as well. The Austrian Parliament – among many other things – housed an excellent restaurant that offered the MPs above-average service at moderate prices. A number of excellent coffee shops and public houses were also located in the immediate vicinity of the parliament. If we are to believe the MP from Maribor, Gustav Kokoschinegg, the parliamentary restaurant was always busy, while the big plenary room usually remained empty. The honoured representatives of the nation’s favourite past time was playing cards and drinking. By the time of the evening sessions, the MPs were already a bit tipsy and were thus not afraid to tackle topics about which they did not have a clue. Drunkards, however, came not only from the ranks of German MPs; it was also the rosy red cheeks of the most successful Cisleithanian Prime Minister, Count Taaffe, that testified convincingly that the man was a true lover of good wine. It was not for no reason that German MPs were designated the “intoxicated pre-Teutons” by their political opponents. Quite a few lovers of alcoholic stupefaction also came from the ranks of Slovene MPs, who apparently spent more time in local public houses than in the parliament. MPs appearance in the debates often showed signs of some of that political self-confidence that – as Jaroslav Hasek puts it – gets aroused by alcohol. The MPs\u27 speeches too often resembled what Ivan Robida referred to as “drunk talk”. Alcohol, of course, was also an inevitable part of the obstruction excesses that were common in the national assembly from the end of the 19th century. It is thus no wonder that during the climax of the obstruction against the Badeni language ordinances in November of 1897 the parliament reminded the correspondent of Slovenski narod of the most godforsaken tavern.V vsakoletni proračunski razpravi v državnem zboru je bil alkohol ena izmed osrednjih tem, okoli katere so se vnemale strasti. Razprave o višini davka na pivo, vino in žganje so bile običajno »vroče«, saj je bilo navzkrižne interese države, proizvajalcev in številnih potrošnikov izjemno težko uskladiti. Toda alkohol je bil v državnem zboru prisoten tudi na mnoge druge načine. Avstrijski parlament je – poleg vsega drugega – premogel odlično restavracijo, ki je izvoljenim predstavnikom ljudstva po zmernih cenah nudila nadpovprečne usluge, cela vrsta odličnih kavarn in gostiln pa se je nahajala tudi v okolici parlamenta. Če lahko verjamemo mariborskemu poslancu Gustavu Kokoschineggu, je bila parlamentarna restavracija ves čas polna, medtem ko je velika plenarna dvorana običajno samevala. Ugledni zastopniki ljudstva so se najraje kratkočasili z igranjem kart, zraven pa so si pridno močili grlo. Na večernih sejah državnega zbora so se pod vplivom maliganov nadvse samozavestno lotevali tem, o katerih sicer niso imeli prav nobenega pojma. Pijancev pa ne srečamo samo med vsenemškimi poslanci, temveč so tudi rdeča lica najuspešnejšega cislajtanskega ministrskega predsednika grofa Taaffeja več kot zgovorno pričala, da je mož ljubitelj žlahtne kapljice. Vsenemških poslancev politični nasprotniki tudi niso brez razloga označevali za »alkoholizirane pratevtone«. Kar nekaj ljubiteljev alkoholne omame je bilo tudi med slovenskimi poslanci, ki so več časa kot v parlamentu presedeli v okoliških gostinskih lokalih. V nastopih mnogih poslancev je bilo velikokrat zaznati nekaj tiste politične samozavesti, ki jo – kot pravi Jaroslav Hašek – vzbuja alkohol. Poslanski govori so bili vse prevečkrat podobni tistemu, kar je Ivan Robida označil za »pijanski govor«. Seveda si brez alkohola ne moremo zamisliti niti obstrukcijskih ekscesov, ki so od konca 19. stoletja pogosto pretresali državni zbor. Nič čudnega, če je parlament na višku obstrukcije nemških strank zoper Badenijeve jezikovne naredbe novembra 1897 dopisnika Slovenskega naroda spominjal na zakotno kmečko beznico
»Špecerija, liker, malinov sok, žganje: en gros & en detail«: Trgovanje z alkoholom in tobakom pred 2. svetovno vojno
No full textHandicraft regulations from as early as 1859 included trade and trade in alcohol among the tax-exempt crafts, while selling spirits was a licensed craft. With the amended handicraft regulations of 1883, trade in alcohol likewise became a licensed craft. The handicraft law of 1931 also required a mandatory training certificate for trade crafts. Regulations regarding requirements for the alcohol trade were often modified in that period - be it with regard to closed or open bottles, wholesale or retail trade. The most common type of trade between the world wars was trade in mixed goods, both in the countryside and in town. Among other articles, such stores also sold the kind of alcoholic beverages that would also please today\u27s customers: wine, liqueur, brandy, cognac, rum, plum brandy, gin, grape skin brandy, wine lees spirit, maraschino, bilberry brandy, spirits and beer. Retail in alcoholic drinks also took place in kiosks, with costermongers and in commission sale shops. The extent of trade in wine, most of which was a combination of wholesale and retail or wholesale alone, amounted to about 6%. On top of the taxes, traders in alcoholic drinks had to pay an excise duty in the newly-founded Yugoslavia; the alcoholic drinks taxed under this state and provincial levy included spirits, wine, liqueur, rum and beer. The Austro-Hungarian state had a monopoly on the sale of tobacco and tobacco products; consequently, the lease of kiosks and tobacco quotas was carefully regulated. The state retained a monopoly over production and sale of tobacco in Yugoslavia; tobacco at this time represented an important export product. Interestingly, the economic crisis was also reflected in the consumption of tobacco products: the crisis led to a drastic fall in the consumption of luxurious and medium quality cigarettes, while the consumption of lower quality cigarettes increased considerably; the total consumption of cigarettes increased considerably with the economic crisis.Že obrtni red iz leta 1859 je trgovanje, tudi z alkoholom, uvrstil med proste (svobodne) obrti, točenje žganih pijač pa med koncesionirane. Z dopolnitvijo obrtnega reda leta 1883 pa so za trgovanje z alkoholom predvideli koncesije, obrtni zakon iz leta 1931 pa je za trgovinske obrti zahteval še dokazilo o izobrazbi (usposobljenosti). Sicer pa so v tem obdobju kar pogosto spreminjali predpise o zahtevanih pogojih za trgovanje z alkoholnimi pijačami; šlo je bodisi za zaprte ali odprte steklenice, bodisi za trgovino na veliko ali malo. Med svetovnima vojnama je bila v Sloveniji, tako na podeželju kot tudi v mestih, najbolj zastopana trgovina z mešanim blagom. V tovrstnih trgovinah so se – poleg ostalih artiklov seveda – prodajale tudi alkoholne pijače, ki bi zadovoljile tudi marsikaterega današnjega potrošnika: vina, liker, brandy, konjak, rum, slivovka, brinjevec, tropinovec, droženka, višnjevec, borovničevec, žganje, pivo. Alkoholne pijače so na drobno prodajali tudi v kioskih, branjarijah in komisijskih trgovinah. Obseg vinske trgovine, v veliki meri je bila to trgovina na debelo in drobno ali pa le na debelo, je znašal okrog 6 %. Poleg taks, ki so jih plačevali trgovci z alkoholnimi pijačami, je le-te v novonastali jugoslovanski državi doletelo še plačevanje trošarin; od alkoholnih pijač so bili s to državno in oblastno/banovinsko davščino obdavčeni žganje, vino, liker, rum in pivo. Prodaja tobaka in tobačnih izdelkov je bila v Avstro-Ogrski državni monopol, posledično pa je bila natančno predpisana oddaja tobačnih zalog in trafik v zakup. Monopol države je proizvodnja tobaka in trgovina s tobakom bila tudi v Jugoslaviji; tobak je v tem času predstavljal tudi pomemben izvozni artikel. Zanimivo je, da se je gospodarska kriza odražala tudi na porabi tobačnih izdelkov: s krizo je drastično upadla poraba luksuznih in srednje kvalitetnih cigaret, močno pa narasla potrošnja cigaret slabše kvalitete; skupna poraba cigaret pa se je z gospodarsko krizo opazno povečala
Gospodarska kriminaliteta: Temna stran kulturnega in tehnološkega razvoja človeštva
No full textThe article deals with the problem of economic crime in Slovenia during the transition from one socio-political system to another. The author explains and defines the notion of economic crime, statistically presents its development and touches upon the most resonant business scandals of this period in Slovenia. Transition triggered a number of processes that made possible many malversations and other forms of economic crime. The author pays special attention to the process of privatization of social ownership as the central problem in Slovene economic transition.Razprava obravnava problematiko gospodarske kriminalitete v Sloveniji v času tranzicije oziroma v času prehoda iz enega v drug družbeno-politični sistem. Avtor v razpravi opredeli in definira pojem gospodarske kriminalitete, statistično predstavi gibanja le te ter se dotakne najodmevnejših gospodarskih afer tega obdobja v Sloveniji. Tranzicija je sprožila številne procese, v okviru katerih so bile možne številne zlorabe ter oblike gospodarskega kriminala. Avtor v razpravi namenja posebno pozornost procesu lastninjenja oziroma privatizacije družbene lastnine kot osrednjemu problemu v slovenski gospodarski tranziciji
Ljubljanske srajce: Kako je slovensko in nemško časopisje pred 130 leti videlo ravs in kavs med medvoškimi kmeti in ljubljanskimi »liedertaflerji«
No full textIn 1880, the Ljubljana choir party (Laibacher Liedertafel) organized an outing to the hill of Šmarna gora. The singers, the majority of whom were Ljubljana Germans, apparently behaved disrespectfully there; they hung out their sweaty shirts to dry on the bushes (the incident prompting offensive phrase “ljubljanska srajca” (literally, Ljubljana shirts) to develop later) and returned to the valley wearing only their coats. In addition, they had apparently smoked cigars in the church, played dancing songs on the organ and danced in front of the church. Upon their return, a minor clash broke out in Medvode in the evening between a farm boy and a group of six singers. The German newspapers, spearheaded by the Laibacher Zeitung and Laibacher Tagblatt, blamed Slovene politics for this attack and accused it of instigating the farmers against the German singers. The German newspapers also blamed the gendarmes for the Medvode incident for apparently having failed to intervene appropriately. Janez Jan, head of the Medvode gendarmes, was so upset by the accusations that he took his life three days after the incident. A several-month long spilling of ink and a “journalistic war” ensued between Slovenian and German papers about what had happened on Šmarna gora and in Medvode. In addition, the editor of Laibacher Zeitung, Leo Suppantschitsch, and the superintendent of the Laibacher Liedertafel, Eduard Wraweczke, filed lawsuits against Slovenec, Slovenski narod and Novice. In the end, an 18-year-old farm boy, Anton Košenina from Spodnja Senica, was found guilty of attacking the singers in Medvode and was sentenced to one year in prison for the crime.Leta 1880 je organiziralo Ljubljansko pevsko omizje (Laibacher Liedertafel) izlet na Šmarno goro. Tam naj bi se pevci, ki so bili po večini ljubljanski Nemci, neprimerno vedli, po grmovju obešali in sušili prepotene srajce (od tod kasneje žaljivka »ljubljanske srajce«) ter samo v ogrnjenih suknjičih hodili v gostilno. Dalje naj bi v cerkvi kadili cigare, igrali na orgle poskočnice in plesali pred cerkvijo. Pri povratku je prišlo zvečer v Medvodah do manjšega spopada med nekim kmečkim fantom in skupino šestih pevcev. Nemško časopisje, kjer sta prednjačila Laibacher Zeitung in Laibacher Tagblatt, je pripisalo ta napad slovenski politiki, ki naj bi naščuvala kmete nad nemške pevce. Nemško časopisje je krivdo za medvoške dogodke zvalilo tudi na orožnike, ki naj ne bi ustrezno posredovali. Janeza Jana, vodjo medvoških orožnikov, so te obtožbe tako prizadele, da si je tri dni po teh dogodkih vzel življenje. Sledilo je prelivanje črnila in večmesečna »novinarska vojna« med slovenskim in nemškim časopisjem o tem, kaj se je zgodilo na Šmarni gori in v Medvodah. Urednik Laibacher Zeitung Leo Suppantschitsch in predstojnik Laibacher Liedertafel Eduard Wraweczke sta proti Slovencu, Slovenskemu narodu in Novicam sprožila tudi tožbe. Navsezadnje je bil spoznan za krivega napada na pevce v Medvodah 18-letni kmečki fant Anton Košenina iz Spodnje Senice in zaradi hudodelstva obsojen na enoletno zaporno kazen