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Public policy jako narzędzie interwencji państwa w rynek pracy na przykładzie Polski po 1989 roku
Get PDFThe article describes the public policy as a tool of state’s intervention in the policy of the labour market. The main example is Poland 25 years after the transformation of the political system. This article is an attempt to reflect on the phenomenon of public policy in free Poland. It’s the analysis of definitions, sectorial policies created to solve the sectoral problems and the process of intervention in the labour market policy in Poland over the last 25 years
Rola marketingu terytorialnego w kreowaniu wizerunku wybranych polskich miast
Get PDFIn the article „the role of Territorial Marketing in Creating the Image of the Selected Polish Cities” the promotion procedures taken by some Polish communities were described. At the beginning of the paper the specificity of the cities was noticed and the complex notion of territorial marketing was desribed. Territorial marketing is based on the specific tools which help to achieve the intended goals of marketing. This paper describes the examples of promotional campaigns of selected Polish metropolises – the largest cities but also smaller towns which have shown some characteristics
Postindustrialna tożsamość śląskiego miasta na przykładzie Siemianowic Śląskich
Get PDFThe article focuses on post-industrial identity of Silesian towns. The issue has been illustrated by the example of Siemianowice Śląskie. The author discusses the problem by showing the relations of the authorities with the industrial heritage of the town and by presenting the issue of Silesian character of the town, based on the result of sociological research. The paper creates an image of contemporary Silesian town which can be applied to other municipalities in Silesia
Role of think tanks in context of public policies in Poland: casus of energy policy
Get PDFThe Polish energy policy is one of the crucial elements of country’s ratio legis. As a public policy, it is a common ground for multiple groups of interest and their activities aimed at achieving what they perceive as a success. It may be maintaining the structure of the Polish energy industry, modernizing it in accordance of the EU’s directives, reducing the energy prices or achieving independence from supplies brought in from one country, to achieve security through diversification. Think tanks in Poland are active participants in the conflict of interests presented by M. Considine: they act for achieving the change in the Polish energy policy and they aim at influencing the government and other political bodies to obtain legal regulations which reflect the think tank’s set of values. Their presence in the game of interest reflects the theoretical approach of Josef Braml, and shows the possibilities and limitations of subjects from the “third sector” in their interaction with administrative bodies. The major handicap of expert institutions is limited by the possibility of imposing political change through the systemic (legal) means. On the other hand, as it is indicated by example of Instytut Sobieskiego and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) party, they are capable of influencing the program through participation in the works of the “shadow cabinet” and persuading the party members to include the postulates of increased regulation and maintenance on hard coal as the primary energy source into political agenda, which increases substantial knowledge and preparation for debate on the MP’s side.The Polish energy policy is one of the crucial elements of country’s ratiolegis. As a public policy, it is a common ground for multiple groupsof interest and their activities aimed at achieving what they perceiveas a success. It may be maintaining the structure of the Polish energyindustry, modernizing it in accordance of the EU’s directives, reducingthe energy prices or achieving independence from supplies broughtin from one country, to achieve security through diversification. Thinktanks in Poland are active participants in the conflict of interests presentedby M. Considine: they act for achieving the change in the Polishenergy policy and they aim at influencing the government and otherpolitical bodies to obtain legal regulations which reflect the think tank’sset of values. Their presence in the game of interest reflects the theoreticalapproach of Josef Braml, and shows the possibilities and limitationsof subjects from the “third sector” in their interaction withadministrative bodies. The major handicap of expert institutions is limitedby the possibility of imposing political change through the systemic(legal) means. On the other hand, as it is indicated by exampleof Instytut Sobieskiego and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość)party, they are capable of influencing the program through participationin the works of the “shadow cabinet” and persuading the partymembers to include the postulates of increased regulation and maintenanceon hard coal as the primary energy source into political agenda,which increases substantial knowledge and preparation for debateon the MP’s side.The Polish energy policy is one of the crucial elements of country’s ratio legis. As a public policy, it is a common ground for multiple groups of interest and their activities aimed at achieving what they perceive as a success. It may be maintaining the structure of the Polish energy industry, modernizing it in accordance of the EU’s directives, reducing the energy prices or achieving independence from supplies brought in from one country, to achieve security through diversification. Think tanks in Poland are active participants in the conflict of interests presented by M. Considine: they act for achieving the change in the Polish energy policy and they aim at influencing the government and other political bodies to obtain legal regulations which reflect the think tank’s set of values. Their presence in the game of interest reflects the theoretical approach of Josef Braml, and shows the possibilities and limitations of subjects from the “third sector” in their interaction with administrative bodies. The major handicap of expert institutions is limited by the possibility of imposing political change through the systemic (legal) means. On the other hand, as it is indicated by example of Instytut Sobieskiego and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) party, they are capable of influencing the program through participation in the works of the “shadow cabinet” and persuading the party members to include the postulates of increased regulation and maintenance on hard coal as the primary energy source into political agenda, which increases substantial knowledge and preparation for debate on the MP’s side
Miasto atraktycjne – miastem konkurencyjnym
No full textThe purpose of this paper is to show that modern cities must be attractive to be competitive for investors, tourists and residents. The pivotal question is how they build their attraction and what factors are important for investors. The article characterizes the term cities and problems which will be a barrier to the development in the cities
Czy publiczność podpali teatr? Fenomen Indignados wobec kryzysu legitymizacji i modelu demokracji deliberatywnej
Get PDFThis article presents the history and the development of tthe Spanish “Indignant” movement in the long term, i.e. from the occupation of Puerta del Sol to this day. The paper discusses social functions carried out by collectives constituting the above-mentioned movement. The main focus is put on the analysis of civic groups’ influence on solving problems connected with the crisis of the Spanish state and on the political and legal system of this country. The condition of Spanish state institutions (being an the example of contemporary European democratic system) is considered from the perspective of the legitimization of its resolutions and citizens’ participation in making key decisions. The analysis aims at describing the place of the “Indignados” in Spanishpolitical life and forecasting the directions of the movement’s development. The model of eliberative democracy by Jürgen Habermas is used in the course of the work. The selection of information and the analysis of the Indignants’ actions are based on media reports and participant observations made by the author who during the last three years has participated in the actions of the movement in Sevilla, Alicante and Saragossa
Budżet obywatelski – chęć zwiększenia partycypacji społecznej w rozwoju miast czy narzędzie marketingu politycznego w rękach prezydentów i burmistrzów?
Get PDFThe participation budget is nowadays more and more popular due to a democratic deficit on the level of local administration. People all over the world and (as stated in this article) also in Poland want to become a part of decision making process. They need to be heard. Because of that many mayors decide to implement in their cities the participation budget. Some of them want to give the people a tool that allows them to take a part of responsibility for city development. Others try to improve their public image thanks to the popularity of the participation budget and use this in the future for their reelection run
Gminowładztwo czy miejskość? Meandry polskiej irredenty przed powstaniem styczniowym
Get PDFThe article discusses the role of the cities in reflections of polish revolutionaries in the 19th century (before the January Uprising). Though social struggles which were ongoing in the first decades of the 19th century in the cities in the Polish lands, the majority of radical democrats and socialists of this time addressed a political message to the peasants. The necessity of inclusion of townspeople in the uprising movement was noticed merely by A. Gurowski, J. Czyński and Fr. Piotr Ściegienny who turned out to be visionaries in this aspect