Przegląd Strategiczny
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The Change of Russian Political Regime from the “White Revolution” To Presidential Elect ion (2012–2018)
Full text linkHow did Russian political regime change after the “White Revolution”? The article makes a methodological, theoretical, and empirical contribution to the field of studies on the dynamics of non-democratic regimes, and especially the nature of the alterations within Putin’s Russia. The research field is the Russian political system determined by its three aspects: structure of political institutions, political awareness of public issues, and political mobilization between the “White Revolution” and the beginning of Putin’s fourth term. The paper solves the research problems by employing the qualitative analysis of sources and drawing on the critical analysis of the recent news. The analysis benefits from the use of Roman Bäcker’s analytical device, a theoretical framework made of the three continua whose extreme points are the indicators of authoritarianism and totalitarianism respectively. The research tool is to identify the essential features of Putin’s political regime. According to this model, bureaucracy or siloviki, emotional mentality, and social apathy are typical of authoritarianism. In turn, state-party apparatus, totalitarian gnosis, and controlled mass mobilization are the symptoms of totalitarianism. This article researches how the Russian political regime evolved from the “White Revolution” to the beginning of Putin’s fourth term. It tests the hypothesis that the system most likely evolved from a soft to hard military authoritarianism. The regime might have moved towards a hybrid regime made of the elements of authoritarianism and totalitarianism. It formulates the conclusion the Russian political regime is a hard military authoritarianism. After the fall of the “White Revolution”, most notably after the annexation of Crimea, few totalitarian elements were visible, mostly in the sphere of social awareness in the form of totalitarian political gnosis. In addition, the indicators of totalitarianism started to disappear from September 2014, especially the elements of totalitarian gnosis in the political discourse
Europe Within the World of Regionalisms
Full text linkThe surge of diversified forms of regionalism and regional integration within the past few decades has stimulated the reappraisal of the conceptual tools traditionally designed to bench-mark and monitor region-building processes across the world. More recently, the Brexit negotiations have become a reminder that the EU remains an unfolding experience. This article argues that the study of African regionalisms constitutes a timely invitation to revisit the experience of the EU and its contribution to the world of regionalisms. After a brief survey of the classic definition of the region, we will discuss the ongoing relevance of European integration and the implications of the analytical distinction between regionalism, regionalisation and regional integration, before drawing from the study of Africa five threads which set the basis for a comparative study of regions and regionalisms beyond the classic emphasis on the EU or the world of regions
The Struggle Against Global Terrorism as an Expression of a Clash Between Civilisat ions
Full text linkThe struggle against global terrorism is taking place, and it is between civilizations. It is a war against radical international terror, which is attempting to change the world order and is sowing fear among both citizens and governments. Huntington maintains that people can re define their identity and consequently the boundaries and compositions of civilizations change. The phenomenon of the ‘Islamic State’ illustrates this. There is a cultural difference between civilizations that support Islamic terror, which tramples individual rights, and Western civilizations that are dedicated to pluralism and democracy. The Western world for already seven decades has been under attack by international terrorism, and the peak is the phenomenon of the ‘Islamic State’, which began in the Middle East and now is attacking Europe, and not just Europe. A difficult global war is being waged, and it is necessary to find an effective response to the threat. This response will include a multi-system strategy that addresses ideology, media, financing, and operational activity, including the handling of European residents who joined the ranks of the Islamic State and acquired operational experience, returned to Europe, and constitute an infrastructure of terrorism and terrorist attacks. The integration of forces and resources, significant operational activity, and legislative changes that curtail individual liberties, in cooperation with the moderate Muslim population, will enable the West and Europe to defeat the terrorist entities that trample in all ways the fundamental values of humanity and human life
THE STRATEGIC DIMENSION OF THE ERISTIC DIALECTIC IN THE CONTEXT OF THE GENERAL THEORY OF CONFRONTATIONAL ACTS AND SITUATIONS
Full text linkThis paper attempts to describe the strategic dimension of the eristic dialectic, which is frequently defined as the art of the dispute. This goal is embedded in reflections on the general theory of confrontational acts and situations. The text stresses the fact that strategic thinking about the art of discussion is not given sufficiently deep consideration. Another observation pertains to the fact that the essence of the strategic design of discussions lies in the analysis of long-term results, which can be attained in the course of the exchange of arguments. At the same time, this analysis must not be limited exclusively to identifying the objectives of the discussion or the means of attaining them. Argumentative strategy also includes reflection on the side effects, both positive and negative, which may be the product of a specific communication practice
The Role of Non-Profit Organizations in Ensuring Social Security on a Local Scale
Full text linkThe democratic transformation in Poland, the beginning of which dates back to the 1980s, brought political and economic freedom that additionally inspired the activity of civil movements taking the form of non-governmental organizations. Since the early 1990s, Polish society has become clearly divided, which was illustrated by the emergence of three distinct areas of public activity. The Law of March 8, 1990 on Territorial Self-Government began the rapid development of local governments, which were given the task of handling local public matters. The Law on Business Operations, which was in force at the time, ensured freedom of operations and the principle of quality of all participants of business life. Other laws, the Law on Foundations of April 6, 1984 and the Law on Associations of April 7, 1989 restored the possibility of civil self-organization, working for one’s own circle and fulfilling social needs. Throughout the whole period of political transformation, and in particular in the decade after Poland’s accession to the European Union, NGOs have become one of the most active actors of public life, and a capable partner to local and regional authorities in designing policies. One significant element of politics involves ensuring the security of citizens. Social security is of particular importance. NGOs initiate a number of projects aiming to fulfill the basic needs of residents, thereby ensuring their personal development and confidence. Cooperation with territorial self-government isof exceptional importance here
Polish Strategic Analyses – Review of 2017 Publications
Full text linkThe text is a review of selected articles from leading Polish academic journals dealing with thetopic of international security. It aims to present the most important topics of current debatetaking place in Polish strategic studies
Brics and New Multilateral Development Banks: Towards Recalibration of Global Economic Governance
Full text linkThis article addresses selected issues enmeshed into global economic governance debate. It focuss on a role of international institutions in transforming world order, in particular the rise of emerging powers increasingly categorised or acronymised as BRICS, their resources, power and vested interests. The main narrative brings close the phenomenon of the new reshuffling in multilateral development banking (MDB). The New Development Bank (NDB), and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) as ‘products’ of the third wave of MDB emergence, fit well into the process coined as ‘the recalibration of the world economy.’ It is expressed by shift of the centre of global economic gravity towards non-western actors and can be explained by arguments derived from game theory. They elucidate exit – voice nexus, where the cost of exit for both organisation leaders (Western donors) and members (EMDCs, BRICS) is fragmented multilateralism and where thecost of voice is decreasing capacity to influence principles and procedures of multilateral development lending. The article in the first section starts with overview of three waves of multilateral development banking, where the most recent of them is partially explained using game theory argument. Second section starts from accentuating common characteristics of NDB and AIIB and then examines the differences between NDB and AIIB – entities which emerged during the third wave. The final section provides summaries and conclusions
“To the Brink – and Back”: German Delegation at the 2018 Munich Security Conference, Munich 16–18 February, 2018
Full text linkIran’s Engagement in Syrian Conflic t. Causes and Consequences
Full text linkSince the 2011, Iran is deeply engaged in Syrian war in order to support and keep President Bashar al-Assad in power. Firstly, Iran started with political and diplomatic support and later turned into military and economic assistance. At the moment, it is believed that Syria is financially sustained by Iran. The main reason that Iran has determined for wide-scale engagement was the existential need for maintaining and then expanding its own regional power influences in the Middle East. If Syrian regime collapsed, Iran would be dealt with a big dilemma and it would loss Syria as a key military and political ally. Thus, Iran would have cut off his transit route to supply weapons to Lebanon for Hezbollah, as these transports still go across Syrian territory. It would surely diminish the Iranian position in the Middle East. Preventing such a case, Iran has been determined to engage in the Syrian conflict to a great extent, which, as a consequence, is charged with heavy costs. Although there is no exact data of Iran’s expenses for the Syrian War, it is supposed that this is in the range of 6 billion USD to 35 billion USD. At the moment, it can be said that engagement in Syrian war was beneficial for Iran, mainly in political sphere, yet the full consequences of this involvement will only be known in many months
Greenland – from Autonomy to (In)Dependence
Full text linkThe purpose of this paper is to analyze the process of development of Greenland’s autonomy, especially vis-à-vis the Act on Greenland Self-Government of 2009, which ensures that decisions on the future status of the island will be made by the people of Greenland. Compared to other entities, Greenland is the only Arctic territory which can feasibly gain independence. This study also discusses the relations between Denmark and Greenland in terms of post-colonial relations between the former metropolis/colonizer and the island, outlining also the discourse on independence in Greenland. The hypothesis posed in the paper is that the proceeds from mineral extraction will not enable Greenland to become economically independent and abandon Danish subsidies, and that the process of gaining sovereignty might result in Greenland becoming dependent on external powers which will have a considerable impact on social relations on the island. This means that the matter under negotiation is not so much whether or not Greenland has the right to declare independence, but rather if it should take this step